The European Financial Position, EBA, said it has become the latest casualty of a digital assault, which Microsoft said a week ago was organized by Chinese government operatives.
The EBA said that it accepts no information was extricated from the assault on its Microsoft Trade Workers, and that it has now gotten its email foundation.
A week ago, Microsoft’s Danger Insight Center (MSTIC) reported the penetrate and claimed that Chinese digital covert agents misused a security defect in the framework to access the Trade’s suite workers, a mailing stage broadly utilized by organizations.
Microsoft ascribed the assault to a China-based “new government-supported danger entertainer” called Hafnium, which has allegedly focused on guard organizations, political research organizations, NGOs, research focuses, colleges, and law offices, as indicated by the organization.
The tech monster dispatched security refreshes and encouraged clients to introduce the patches right away. Microsoft has not expressed the size of the assault, however a source revealed to Bloomberg that in any event 60,000 casualties have been influenced worldwide.
A portion of the casualties incorporate little or medium-sized organizations, nearby government, medical services suppliers, monetary establishments, and power suppliers, the security stage Huntress detailed.
White House Press Secretary, Jen Psaki, said that U.S. specialists are worried about the quantity of casualties and are as of now working “to comprehend the extent of the assault.”
“This is a huge weakness that could have sweeping effects. As a matter of first importance, this is a functioning danger. Furthermore, as the Public safety Consultant tweeted the previous evening, everybody running these workers — government, private area, the scholarly world — necessities to act currently to fix them,” Psaki said in a question and answer session.
President Joe Biden’s public safety counsel Jake Sullivan asked Microsoft Trade clients before to introduce the organization’s crisis fix.
“We are intently following Microsoft’s crisis fix for beforehand obscure weaknesses in Return Worker programming and reports of possible trade offs of U.S. think tanks and safeguard modern base elements,” Sullivan composed on Twitter.
Sheng Shicai’s letter made a depressing impression on our comrades. Only a provocateur or an hopeless “leftist” having no idea about Marxism could have written it. What could have happened that Sheng, having such an adviser as you, could have written us (me, Molotov, and Voroshilov) such a letter?
We are sending Sheng a suitable letter, but Cde. Svanidze will pass you a copy of our reply.
You should explain to Sheng the meaning of our reply and take steps so that the instructions given in our reply are followed.
I warn that if our instructions are not taken into consideration we will be forced to deny aid to Sheng.
The charter of the Union is not bad, but paragraph five about “equal rights” for women is not suitable for Xinjiang conditions and should be discarded.
27 July 1934
[a handwritten version of the above follows]
Governor Shicai Sheng expresses his firm belief in Communism, his desire to overthrow the Nanjing Government and construct a Communist state in its place, and the need to establish a Communist Party branch in Xinjiang. Emphasizing his long study of Marxist theory, he requests that Stalin, Molotov, and Voroshilov allow him to join the Communist Party.
SHENG, SHICAI, 1897-1970
Molotov, Vyacheslav M.
Stalin, Joseph, 1879-1953
China–Politics and government–1912-1949
Xinjiang Uygur Zizhiqu (China)–History
Sheng, Shicai, 1897-1970
Voroshilov, Kliment Efremovich, 1881-1969
China (Republic)–Foreign relations–Soviet Union
Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region
Translation from Chinese
LETTER OF GOVERNOR SHENG SHICAI TO CDES. STALIN, MOLOTOV, AND VOROSHILOV
1. In August 1932 I sent letters to the Comintern and Mr. Stalin in which I briefly laid out my world view.
2. In this [letter] I consider it my duty to express deep gratitude for the great assistance you have given in calming Xinjiang and killing the bandit, Ma Zhongying.
3. In spite of the fact that I still am not a member of the Communist Party I have engaged in the study of Marxism and my faith in the triumph of Communism was a consequence of the study of historical materialism, “Das Kapital”, “The Communist Manifesto”, and “Critique of the Gotha Program”, which gives me the ability not to put myself in the ranks of blind imitators or collaborators.
A. The main importance of historical materialism is in the scientific explanation and interpretation of social development, in the evidence for the need to reorganize society, and in pointing out the ways for this reorganization.
B. On the basis of scientific methods and firmly established laws [like] “the law of the fall of profit” “Das Kapital” shows the inevitable demise of the hated capitalistic system at a certain stage of its development and the inevitability of the rise of Communism. Then he reveals a picture of the exploitation of the workers by the capitalists and the perniciousness (harm, malignance) of the surplus value they have created, and which factors are the causes of the appearance of the socialist revolution.
|Screenshot of texasarmytrail.com1 September 2020DHS Fusion Center China Problems1. Over 100 DHS Fusion Center sites were involved in the recent #BlueLeaks database breach. All of the sites were ultimately hosted on a computer server in a Data Foundry data center in Houston. Data Foundry, also called GigaNews, is a central Texas based operator of several data centers.2. Despite its small size, Data Foundry appears to be one of the larger distributors of child pornography in the world via the Usenet groups it hosts. This claim was already made before in some detail back in 2014 by a former engineer, as well as in 2018 by the OAG of New Mexico.3. Data Foundry at one time served as one of the world’s largest bulk intel metadata collection points for the NSA program “BOUNDLESS INFORMANT” and was given the codename WAXTITAN. This was revealed as part of the Snowden leaks in 2013.4. Data Foundry has an unusual history with mainland China. The Yokubaitis family, which runs the company (along with other related firms) have frequently attended Peking University. This school is probably the 2nd most prestigious in all of China (behind Tsinghua), and has developed most of the breakthroughs for China’s nuclear weapons program over the last three decades. During SXSW 2015 it was mentioned that their 2nd largest customer base is in China. This is unusual as no effective marketing seems to take place there, raising the question of how these customers are acquired. The sysadmin who first made claims against Data Foundry in 2014 alleged that their facilities would follow requests made from the datacenter in Hong Kong they colocate with, Powerline HK. Such requests could only come from the government of China, which raises serious questions regarding the independence and what could and could not be accessed.5. We find the story of Nick Caputo highly credible as all of the technical information can be verified, even years later. Other messages throughout the years on UseNet, Reddit, and elsewhere seem to corroborate the general story / character of the firm as well. Additionally the unregistered FBI office address he provides in his original message (12515 Research Blvd) actually turns up dozens of times in the #BlueLeaks files for FBI agents. We are unsure if these are police impersonators or simply a unit that is operating out of scope and without authority (more likely the latter). We have reached out to law enforcement officials in Australia and Britain in the meanwhile out of an abundance of email@example.com|
Before Xinjiang, there was Tibet. Repressive policies tested there between 2012 and 2016 were then applied to the Uighurs and other ethnic minorities in northwestern China: entire cities covered in surveillance cameras, ubiquitous neighborhood police stations, residents made to report on another other.
Now that process also works the other way around. Xinjiang’s coercive labor program — which includes mandatory training for farmers and herders in centralized vocational facilities and their reassignment to state-assigned jobs, some far away — is being applied to Tibet. (Not the internment camps, though.)
Call this a feedback loop of forcible assimilation. It certainly is evidence of the scale of Beijing’s ruthless campaign to suppress cultural and ethnic differences — and not just in Tibet and Xinjiang.
I analyzed more than 100 policy papers and documents from the Tibetan authorities and state-media reports for a study published with the Jamestown Foundation this week. Photos show Tibetans training, wearing fatigues. Official documents outline how Beijing is rolling out for them a militarized labor program much like the one in place in Xinjiang: Tibetan nomads and farmers are being rounded up for military-style classes and taught work discipline, “gratitude” for the Chinese Communist Party and Chinese-language skills.
More than half a million workers have been trained under this policy during the first seven months of the year, according to official documents.
Reuters has confirmed these findings, uncovering more relevant documents. (The Chinese government has denied the charges, including that it is enlisting forced labor in Tibet.)
Tibet has long posed a particular challenge for the Chinese authorities. The region is very far from Beijing and strategically important because of its long border with India. Its people’s culture is distinct, and the devotion of many Tibetans to the Dalai Lama, who simultaneously embodies religious and political power — with a government in exile in India — is a double threat in the eyes of the Chinese Communist Party.
The people of what the Chinese government refers to as the Tibet Autonomous Region — about 3.5 million, mostly nomads and farmers scattered throughout the vast Himalayan plateau — have resisted its encroachment for decades. Notably, riots broke out in the capital, Lhasa, in 2008, just weeks before the Olympic Games in Beijing, following years of tightening restrictions on cultural and religious freedoms.
There reportedly have been more than 150 cases of self-immolation carried out in protest since 2011. (Chinese troops patrolling Tibet carry fire extinguishers as part of their riot-control equipment.)
This is but one of the many ways in which Beijing has been doubling down on imposing state controls over Tibetan traditional ways of life.
Tibet, like Xinjiang, nominally is an autonomous region, yet in 2019, its government mandated that all Tibetan nomads and farmers be subjected to what some government directives call “military-style” training for vocational skills and then be assigned low-skilled jobs, for example in manufacturing or the services sector.
Some of the reports I have reviewed, including one by Tibet’s Ethnic Affairs Commission, claim that Tibetans’ religion cultivates “backward thinking.” The city of Chamdo claims to have “carried out the transfer of surplus labor force in agricultural and pastoral areas” in order to overcome Tibetans’ purportedly “poor organizational skills.”
According to a major policy paper by the Tibetan regional government, “The 2019-2020 Farmer and Pastoralist Training and Labor Transfer Action Plan,” the military drill-style skills training, coupled with what the government calls “thought education,” will supposedly compel Tibetans to voluntarily participate in the poverty alleviation efforts prescribed by the state.
As of this year, Tibet’s labor plan has explicitly included the transfer of Tibetan workers to other parts of China, with target quotas for each Tibetan region. Local officials who fail to meet those quotas are subject to punishment.
The main action plan also states that Tibetans are to be “encouraged” to hand over their land and herds to large-scale, state-run cooperatives and become shareholders in them. One state-media account from late July about progress with poverty alleviation describes the program as an effort to get Tibetans to “put down the whip, walk out of the pasture and enter the market.”
Becoming wage laborers forces Tibetans to give up herding and farming, and cuts them off from ancient traditions and sacred landscapes. And that’s just the point.
Many of the program’s main features, and objectives, bear a striking similarity with the plan in place in Xinjiang.
So do other measures designed to marginalize Tibetan culture.
For example, Beijing has drastically accelerated in recent years its efforts to minimize the teaching of the Tibetan language, including outside Tibet.
In late 2015, Tashi Wangchuk, a Tibetan from the remote nomadic region of Yulshul in Qinghai Province, tried to sue his local government over the curtailment of Tibetan language education. In 2018, he was sentenced to five years in prison for “inciting separatism.”
I reviewed official recruitment notices for teaching jobs in Yulshul and noticed that the number of advertisements for posts for Tibetan and subjects to be taught in Tibetan declined by 90 percent between 2014 and 2019.
Between 2010 and 2018, other Tibetan regions in Qinghai had recruited as many teachers for subjects taught in Tibetan as for subjects taught in Chinese. But in 2019 and this year so far, those regions advertised more than three times as many teaching positions for classes taught in Chinese than for classes in Tibetan. Similar shifts have happened in other Tibetan areas of China, like Ngawa Prefecture in Sichuan Province.
Tibetan Buddhism is also under attack. In the spring of 2019, the mayor of Lhasa claimed that the year before “the number of days major religious activities were held and the number of people attending them both reduced to below 10 per cent.” Last fall, Beijing started forbidding former government officials from practicing circumambulations at sacred sites.
The authorities of the Chamdo region of Tibet, after announcing in 2017 plans to set up video surveillance systems in main Buddhist temples, have spent 275 million yuan (more than $40 million) on a cloud computing system that enables, among other things, what they call “intelligent temple management” — a euphemism for comprehensive digital surveillance and control.
This strategy has old roots.
Back in 1989, the eminent Chinese anthropologist Fei Xiaotong wrote that through a long process of “mixing and melding,” the Han majority and other ethnic groups in China would eventually combine into a single entity: the Chinese nation-race. In Fei’s view, the Han would be at the center of this fusion, because they were the superior culture into which so-called backward minority groups would inevitably assimilate.
The Chinese government adopted Fei’s vision, and for a time tried to help it along with a large dose of top-down economic development.
In 2000, President Jiang Zemin launched the Great Western Development Campaign, bringing infrastructure — and numerous Han — to the western part of China. Local ethnic minorities would benefit from the new economic activity and employment opportunities so long as they were willing to assimilate culturally and linguistically.
Many resisted. Local expressions of ethnic identities flourished. Tibetans and members of other minority groups flocked to schools that taught their languages, and kept their distinct religions alive.
In a speech in the fall of 2019, President Xi Jinping reaffirmed Fei’s vision of ethnic fusion. But Beijing’s means to achieve it have changed.
Forget organic and voluntary assimilation facilitated by economic incentives; now, minorities, especially in Tibet and Xinjiang, are being forced to comply by way of intrusive micromanaging by the state — a police state — armed with sophisticated surveillance systems, detailed databases and intense forms of social control.
Today, poverty alleviation, a pet project of Mr. Xi’s, is a cover for reshaping not only people’s livelihoods, but their entire lifestyles — their languages, religions, cultures and families.
Every Tibetan has a detailed file showing their income, employment status — and the state-approved solution for their situation. Tibetans who are sent to labor in workshops, often far from their families and places of worship, are easier to control. The children they leave behind grow up in boarding schools.
The purpose of these policies is clear, as are the stakes, and targeted groups are trying to push back. The central government’s recent efforts to replace Mongolian with Chinese as the main teaching language in schools in Inner Mongolia has triggered major protests there.
In Fei’s vision, ethnic fusion would happen slowly, naturally. That has failed. In Mr. Xi’s vision, the assimilation of minority groups must be coerced by the state. That, too, will fail.
Adrian Zenz (@adrianzenz) is a senior fellow in China Studies at the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, in Washington, D.C.
Originally published in The New York Times.
The last time I saw my father was in 2013. We were on our way to Indiana University, where he was scheduled to begin a fellowship. He was arrested before boarding the plane and taken away. A mild-mannered, studious professor of economics, his life’s work was using his influence to promote peaceful coexistence between the Uyghur people—our people—and the Han ethnic majority that rules China. That went against the interest of the Chinese Communist government, and in 2014 they sentenced him to life in prison. The last time I spoke to him was the day before his arrest. I still don’t know if he is even alive—the last time I heard anything of his whereabouts was in 2017.
In many ways, I can identify with the title character in Disney’s Mulan films, based on the ancient Chinese legend. In the story, as China calls up the men from every family to defend against a foreign invasion, Mulan dresses as a boy and fights in the place of her father, who is too old to go himself. As a child growing up in Beijing, I loved the legend and the fun Disney cartoon version produced in 1998. Little did I know that I, like Mulan, would later be fighting for my own father—helping to carry on his work while he is unjustly imprisoned. I hope, like her, to achieve victory by one day gaining my father’s release.
Today, sadly, a new retelling of the Mulan story, once again by Disney, is profiting from the oppression of my people. This live-action version was filmed partly in the Uyghur region—officially known in China as “Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region”—where the Chinese Communist government is holding at least one million members of Turkic ethnic minorities in concentration camps as part of a coordinated genocidal campaign. My father, if he is alive, may be among them—nobody will allow us to visit him, or even tell us where he is.
Despite widespread international condemnation of China’s brutal tactics in Xinjiang, Disney still chose to go there to film this movie, delivering money and the prestige of an international “family” brand to those directly engaged in genocide. Adding insult to injury, in the closing credits, they even made sure to thank the local government “bureau of public security” (also known as state police) and “publicity department” (or propaganda). These are the very same government agencies in the Uyghur region that are imprisoning Uyghurs and other Turkic minorities, and then telling their families and the international press they are merely being held in “training centers.” The “public security” office is currently under sanctions by the U.S. government for human rights abuses.
Disney still chose to go there to film this movie, delivering money and the prestige of an international “family” brand to those directly engaged in genocide.
Our people are no strangers to persecution and exploitation. Starting in the 1950s, the Communist government started pushing Han Chinese to move to the Uyghur region in a purposeful move to solve their own overcrowding and speed up the “Sinicization” of the Uyghur population. Their tactics have only become more aggressive since.
What is more disheartening is the West’s complicity, and specifically the major multinational corporations that are enabling the cultural genocide of the Uyghurs. China routinely uses its political prisoners as a source of forced labor in factories, and Uyghur prisoners have reportedly been put to work making products for major brands like Nike, Apple, and Gap. Recently the Trump administration announced plans to ban certain agricultural products from China due to concerns about their use of forced labor.
Hollywood isn’t immune from the charms of Beijing either. The promise of access to the massive Chinese market is irresistible for a movie industry desperate for revenue in the COVID era when movie ticket sales are down. While many theaters in the United States remain shut down, Mulan will be opening in Chinese theaters.
It appears, sadly, that Disney is the latest in the long and disappointing line of Western people and companies taken advantage of by China. We can hope, at least, that the outcry against Disney on behalf of the Uyghurs and freedom-loving people everywhere will not only lead others to #BoycottMulan in the short term, but in the long term demand that Western companies cease cooperating with Chinese oppression.
At the same time, I have learned to be positive. Disney has a chance to respond constructively to this issue. They could at least acknowledge the controversy, and maybe even donate some of their profits from Mulan and its merchandise to Uyghur families and survivors of the cultural genocide. In the end, we may even thank them for raising awareness of this issue—because the more the world knows, the less the Chinese Communist government can get away with.
Originally published in Daily Beast.
- Over 100 DHS Fusion Center siteswere involved in the recent #BlueLeaks database breach. All of the sites were ultimately hosted on a computer server in a Data Foundry data center in Houston. Data Foundry, also called GigaNews, is a central Texas based operator of several data centers.
- Despite its small size, Data Foundry appears to be one of the larger distributors of child pornography in the world via the Usenet groups it hosts. This claim was already made before in some detail back in2014 by a former engineer, as well as in 2018 by theOAG of New Mexico.
- Data Foundry at one time served as one of the world’s largest bulk intel metadata collection points for the NSA program “BOUNDLESS INFORMANT” and was given the codename WAXTITAN. This was revealed as part of the Snowden leaks in 2013.
- Data Foundry has an unusual history with mainland China. The Yokubaitis family, which runs the company (along with other related firms) have frequently attendedPeking University. This school is probably the 2nd most prestigious in all of China (behind Tsinghua), and has developed most of the breakthroughs for China’s nuclear weapons program over the last three decades. During SXSW 2015 it was mentioned that their 2nd largest customer base is in China. This is unusual as no effective marketing seems to take place there, raising the question of how these customers are acquired. The sysadmin who first made claims against Data Foundry in 2014 alleged that their facilities would follow requests made from the datacenter in Hong Kong they colocate with, Powerline HK. Such requests could only come from the government of China, which raises serious questions regarding the independence and what could and could not be accessed.
- We find thestory of Nick Caputohighly credible as all of the technical information can be verified, even years later. Other messages throughout the years on UseNet, Reddit, and elsewhere seem to corroborate the general story / character of the firm as well. Additionally the unregistered FBI office address he provides in his original message (12515 Research Blvd) actually turns up dozens of times in the #BlueLeaks files for FBI agents. We are unsure if these are police impersonators or simply a unit that is operating out of scope and without authority (more likely the latter). We have reached out to law enforcement officials in Australia and Britain in the meanwhile out of an abundance of caution.
39°59’20.99″ N 116°17’17.02″ E (Beyond Ramp)