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9 Biden Family members in racketeering and money laundering conspiracy – Comer

BREAKING: House Oversight Chair Comer says he will outline on Wednesday a massive racketeering and money laundering conspiracy involving at least nine Biden family members who deposited millions in Chinese and other foreign funds throu maze of shell companies, cut-outs and pass-throughs.

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Exposed:Who’s in the Suisse Secrets Leak?PART7

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Qaboos bin Said Al Said

Political

Oman

CHF 177,344,328

The former Sultan of Oman and the region’s longest serving leader at the time of his death in 2020. Qaboos bin Said is credited with modernizing Oman, but under his rule, press freedom and human rights in the country took a hit.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how Credit Suisse served regional elite on the eve of the Arab Spring.

Read more: Exposed:Who’s in the Suisse Secrets Leak?PART7

Qosim Rohbar

Political

Takijistan

CHF 8,883,230

A career official allied with President Emomali Rahmon who served as governor of the Sughd Region and minister of agriculture, giving him control over one of the country’s main source of foreign currency: cotton. According to a 2008 U.S. diplomatic cable, Rohbar (formerly Qosimov) was “widely reputed to be a mafia kingpin.”

From 1998 onwards — covering most of his government career — it has been forbidden under Tajik law for civil servants to have foreign bank accounts.

Read more on OCCRP’s investigation into Rohbar’s Credit Suisse account.

Rano Ramatova

Political

Uzbekistan

CHF 954,009

View the profile 

The wife of Uzbekistan’s first deputy prime minister, Achilbay Ramatov, who previously held the additional roles of head of the state railways company and transportation minister.

The power of attorney on the account was held by her daughter and by the co-founder of Orient Group, a major conglomerate that did business with the state railways while her husband was in charge. Ramatova closed her Credit Suisse account after discovering that her offshore company was being investigated for money laundering.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into Ramatova’s Credit Suisse account.

Roberto Enrique Rincón Fernández

Criminal

Venezuela

CHF 68,466,564

View the profile 

Texas-based businessman whose companies were reportedly among the most important contractors of Venezuela’s state oil firm PDVSA. He and his business partner, Abraham José Shiera Bastidas, later admitted to bribing officials in order to win rigged bids for PDVSA projects.

After his 2015 arrest, four of his Credit Suisse accounts remained open. He shared some of the accounts with his son José, who was arrested three years later in Spain in 2018 on charges that he laundered part of his father’s illicit fortune through the country, according to media sources.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how Venezuelan elites hid stolen oil money in Credit Suisse.

Rodoljub Radulović

Criminal

Serbia

CHF 3,393,470

View the profile 

Balkan drug lord who reportedly served for years as a high-ranking member of the cocaine smuggling cartel led by Darko Šarić. Before that, Radulović — also known as “Misha Banana” — lived in the U.S., but left for Serbia after racking up a string of fraud judgments.

Radulović is now on the run. Serbian prosecutors who tried to trace his assets told reporters that they only knew about one of his two accounts at Credit Suisse revealed by Suisse Secrets data.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into his Credit Suisse accounts.

Ronald Li Fook-shiu

Criminal

Hong Kong

CHF 58,557,880

View the profile 

Dubbed Hong Kong’s “godfather of the stock market,” Li came from one of the city’s most powerful families and served as chairman of the Stock Exchange of Hong Kong in the 1980s. But he soon fell from grace after getting mired in a bribery scandal that landed him in prison.

Roy Azim

Criminal

Kyrgyzstan

CHF 10,708,636

View the profile 

Businessman with connections to the criminal underworld in Russia and Central Asia, including one of Kyrgyzstan’s most notorious crime bosses. Azim (aka Roy Saidazimov, aka Orozakhun Saidazimov) spent nearly seven years in a Soviet prison for multiple crimes, but his conviction was later overturned.

Azim later relocated to the United States, where he was charged with visa fraud for not mentioning his former conviction. Just before the move, he opened an account with Credit Suisse’s investment banking division, which earned him over $567,000 in profits in its first three years.

Rza and Seymur Talibov

Political

Azerbaijan

CHF 8,598,207

View the profile 

The two sons of the authoritarian leader of Nakhchivan, an isolated Azerbaijani exclave bordering Iran, Armenia, and Turkey. Their father, Vasif Talibov, has ruled the territory with an iron fist since the mid-90s, using his near-absolute power to silence critics and independent media.

The elder Talibov brother, Rza, has worked as a government official since at least 2015. His younger brother Seymur sits in the local legislative assembly, which the Norwegian Helsinki Committee has described as a rubber-stamp parliament that “meets only occasionally to accept laws already promulgated by Talibov.”

The brothers received over $20 million in questionable transfers to their accounts at Credit Suisse and other banks. Read OCCRP’s investigation about the Talibov family and their Credit Suisse accounts.

Sa’ad Khair

Intelligence

Jordan

CHF 28,341,811

View the profile 

A former head of the Jordanian intelligence service and a key U.S. ally in the War on Terror who participated in the CIA’s controversial extraordinary rendition program. Khair, who died in 2009, was also the inspiration for the fictional character Hani Salaam in Ridley Scott’s 2008 spy movie Body of Lies.

Khair was the beneficiary of one account that topped more than 28 million Swiss francs. When contacted by OCCRP, his brother and wife both denied knowledge of further accounts in their names, which held 13 and 6 million francs, respectively.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into the role that Credit Suisse played as the bank of spies.

Samir Rifai

Political

Jordan

CHF 4,321,839

View the profile 

Prime minister of Jordan for just over a year, until he resigned in February 2011 during the Arab Spring protests. He has held various ministerial and royal court positions, and currently chairs the Royal Committee to Modernize the Political System. Rifai has also been active in business, and was publicly accused of corruption by Arab Spring protesters.

His name appeared on multiple accounts, some held jointly with family members. Rifai said his assets were duly declared and that he could “totally, unequivocally, and utterly” rule out any suggestion of illicit sources. He said that during the Arab Spring “you would find it very difficult to find someone who worked in government who was not accused of corruption.”

He said the funds in one account with a maximum balance worth over 12 million Swiss francs were his wife’s.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how Credit Suisse served regional elite on the eve of the Arab Spring.

Saodat Narzieva

Political

Uzbekistan

CHF 1,855,124,728

View the profile 

An obstetrician and gynecologist with more than thirty years’ experience in the medical field. The money in these bank accounts, for which Narzieva is listed as a beneficial owner, is not explained by her business history.

Her brother is multi-billionaire Uzbek-born Russian oligarch Alisher Usmanov, whose companies span the telecommunications, mining, and media industries. Several U.S. senators urged the Trump administration to include Usmanov in its report on Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election, describing him as “one of Russia’s most politically influential oligarchs, with close ties to the Kremlin.”

The Castillo Bozo brothers

Investigated

Venezuela

CHF 124,394,950

View the profile 

Gabriel, Juan Jose, and Leopoldo Castillo Bozo owned Banvalor Casa de Bolsa, one of many financial brokerages engaged in Venezuela’s corrupt bond-based currency-exchange market during the 2000s. The brothers held multiple accounts at Credit Suisse.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into Credit Suisse’s role in Venezuela’s toxic bond market.

The Guta family

Investigated

Ukraine

CHF 222,878,343

View the profile 

The Gutas ran one of Ukraine’s largest grain producers, but orchestrated its collapse by funneling at least $100 million out of the company and into offshore firms they controlled. Ivan Guta and his wife, Klavdiya, founded Mriya Agro Holding Public Limited in 1992, and their two sons, Andriy and Mykola, joined later.

By 2012 Mriya was managing close to 300,000 hectares of agricultural land. Two years later, the company had run out of cash, leaving creditors sitting on claims exceeding 1 billion euros.

Between them, Ivan, Klavdiya, Andriy and Mykola Guta were listed as account holders of a total of 16 Credit Suisse accounts.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how one of these accounts played a role in the scheme.

The Kaloti family

Investigated

Jordan

CHF 1,843,275

View the profile 

The owners of Kaloti Jewelry Group, a Dubai-based conglomerate that is one of the world’s largest gold traders and refiners, as well as a key player in the dirty gold trade. According to U.S. authorities, Kaloti was buying precious metals from sellers suspected of laundering money for drug traffickers and criminal groups.

The Kamani family

Investigated

Kenya

CHF 5,157,935

View the profile 

Description

Businessman Deepak Kamani and his brother Rashmikant (Rashmi) are currently on trial for their role in the Anglo Leasing scandal, which rocked Kenya and blew a hole in its state budget. In 2015 the brothers were charged, alongside their late father Chamanlal and seven government officials, for conspiring to acquire bogus state contracts for services that were never delivered — but totalled at least $640 million.

Read more in OCCRP’s story on the Kamanis and their Credit Suisse account.

The Obiangs

Political

Equatorial Guinea

CHF 694,685

View the profile 

Over 42 years since the bloody coup that took him to power, President Teodoro Obiang holds the dubious honor of being the world’s longest-serving political leader. While 70 percent of Equatorial Guinea’s people remain trapped in extreme poverty, he and his family have been accused of squandering their country’s oil wealth on lavish mansions, private jets, and — most notoriously — Michael Jackson’s $275,000 crystal-studded glove.

While Obiang ruled with an iron fist, the Credit Suisse account was held by his wife and twin sons.

Timur Kulibayev

Political

Kazakhstan

CHF 843,945,389

View the profile 

Timur Kulibayev is one of the richest and most powerful businessmen in Kazakhstan. He’s also married to the daughter of the country’s former strongman leader Nursultan Nazarbaev, Dinara.

Kulibayev was a senior manager at state entities that controlled the country’s vast energy and mineral resources for more than a decade. In 2010, Swiss authorities investigated him for money laundering, but dropped the case after Kazakh financial police said there wasn’t sufficient evidence to prosecute.

Lawyers for the Kulibayevs engaged with reporters but did not provide a response for publication.

Umaru Ali Shinkafi

Intelligence

Nigeria

CHF 62,869,668

View the profile 

Former Nigerian spy chief, presidential and vice-presidential aspirant, and close associate of corrupt military dictator Sani Abacha. Shinkafi’s son-in-law, Atiku Bagudu, also served as a key money launderer for the Abacha family, according to U.S. prosecutors.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how Shinkafi’s highest-value account in the Suisse Secrets data was shared between powerful political figures from West and Central Africa and employees of a Swiss-based firm at the heart of a massive bribery scandal in Nigeria.

Vugar Abbasov

Political

Azerbaijan

CHF 7,955,738

View the profile 

President of Cahan Holding, a major conglomerate in the Autonomous Republic of Nakhchivan in Azerbaijan. For years rumors have swirled that the company is controlled by the family of Vasif Talibov, who has ruled the enclave with an iron fist for nearly three decades.

In 2008, Abassov founded a bank with several members of the Talibov family. The following year, he opened a Credit Suisse account that received transfers from shell companies which were used in major “laundromat” fraud schemes previously discovered by OCCRP.

Read OCCRP’s investigation about the Talibov family and their accounts.

Vuk Hamović

Investigated

Serbia

CHF 12,561,708

View the profile 

An electricity mogul who converted his experience at the helm of Yugoslavian state energy firms into a personal fortune after the country’s dissolution, trading energy and debt between the newly formed regional utilities through his business group, Energy Financing Team (EFT). Although Hamović was never charged with a crime, his business has drawn the attention of prosecutors and investigators in multiple countries.

Zahid Ali Akbar Khan

Political

Pakistan

CHF 15,535,345

View the profile 

Retired military general who reportedly once oversaw the development of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons program.

He was arrested in 2013 at the Bosnian border on an international arrest warrant in coordination with Interpol, in relation to charges of corruption in his home country for holding assets of unknown origin in 77 different bank accounts.

Read more from OCCRP about General Akbar and his Credit Suisse account.

SOURCE:OCCRP

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Exposed:Who’s in the Suisse Secrets Leak?PART6

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Minerals Marketing Corporation of Zimbabwe

Sanctioned

Zimbabwe

CHF 3,896,080

State-owned minerals exporter Minerals Marketing Corporation of Zimbabwe (MMCZ) funnelled cash directly to the dictatorial regime of Zimbabwean strongman Robert Mugabe.

In 2008, MMCZ was sanctioned by the U.S. for stealing money from the Zimbabwean people.

Read more: Exposed:Who’s in the Suisse Secrets Leak?PART6

Mohammad Makhlouf

Political

Syria

CHF 8,278,851

View the profile 

The patriarch of one of Syria’s most prominent families, who became known as “Mr. 10 percent” for his alleged corruption, Mohammad Makhlouf was the uncle of President Bashar Al-Assad. His sister’s marriage in 1957 to the future president Hafez Al-Assad paved the way for Makhlouf to build a business empire based on connections to the ruling family.

Makhlouf died in 2020 from COVID-19, but by then his son, Rami, had taken over the family businesses.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how Credit Suisse served regional elite on the eve of the Arab Spring.

Muller Conrad ‘Billy’ Rautenbach

Sanctioned

Zimbabwe

CHF 21,694,576

View the profile 

Description

Controversy follows mining and logistics businessman Billy Rautenbach wherever he goes. He fled fraud and bribery charges in South Africa, was deported from the Democratic Republic of Congo after mismanaging mining assets, and was sanctioned by the U.S. and EU for his role in the violent Zimbabwean election of 2008.

He has openly talked about his willingness to bribe his way to business success, and his offshore empire has been exposed by the Panama and Pandora Papers leaks.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into Rautenbach and his Credit Suisse account.

Nadezhda Tokayeva

Political

Kazakhstan

CHF 1,529,668

View the profile 

Description

Former wife of Kazakhstan’s current president, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. Very little has been known about Tokayeva, who is now divorced from him.

She is not publicly known to have any business interests, other than registering to rent out property in Moscow. Her husband was a public servant for his entire career, holding high-level positions like foreign minister and prime minister during the period she held her account. He also was not publicly known to own any businesses. Half a year before the account was closed, he became director-general of the United Nations’ Geneva office.

The couple’s son Timur Tokayev, who attended an elite boarding school in Geneva, had power of attorney over the account starting from the age of 14. As of January 2022, he had three apartments in the area.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into the Tokayevs’ Credit Suisse account.

Natalia Kurmanalieva

Political

Kyrgyzstan

CHF 1,402,690

View the profile 

Description

The former wife of Kapar Kurmanaliev, who led Kyrgyzstan’s Ministry of Natural Resources and the State Agency of Geology and Mineral Resources. Kurmanaliev had oversight over all the mining licenses awarded in Kyrgyzstan — a position he was accused of abusing.

After a 2010 uprising that ousted the Kyrgyz government from power, Kurmanaliev escaped the country. He was then placed on an Interpol wanted list and charged with illegally issuing licenses to private mining companies. Although he never returned to Kyrgyzstan, he was convicted in absentia in 2014 and sentenced to 12 years in prison. He is now living in Latvia.

He strongly denies any corruption or misconduct, and told OCCRP that he had stopped living with his wife in 2005 and her bank account had nothing to do with him.

Read more in OCCRP’s story on Kurmanalieva’s Credit Suisse account.

Nervis Gerardo Villalobos Cárdenas

Political

Venezuela

CHF 9,529,853

View the profile

 

cription

The former vice minister of electric power under Hugo Chávez faces open lawsuits for corruption, money laundering and embezzlement in Venezuela, Andorra, and Spain, and he has been indicted in the United States on similar charges. Described by one jailed banker as a “cancer” whose actions amounted to “extortion”, he is accused of having received large bribes in exchange for granting contracts with the state oil firm, Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA).

He and his family were refused Swiss residency in 2021 on the grounds that his presence would threaten public security and risk the country’s reputation. Spanish authorities found that money from the kickbacks moved through one of his Credit Suisse accounts.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how Venezuelan elites hid stolen oil money in Credit Suisse.

Omar Jesús Farías Luces

Investigated

Venezuela

CHF 4,029,111

View the profile 

Description

Known in Venezuela as the “Insurance Tsar”, he amassed a fortune thanks to a close relationship with the government of former President Hugo Chávez.

His name appeared in a March 2015 money laundering scandal at Banco de Madrid, and then in a second scandal involving hundreds of millions of dollars stolen from the state oil company and laundered through Banca Privada d’Andorra. The following year, the Dominican Republic placed him under house arrest on separate money laundering charges.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how Venezuelan elites hid stolen oil money in Credit Suisse.

Omar Suleiman

Intelligence

Egypt

CHF 63,754,708

Description

Omar Suleiman served as head of Egypt’s feared intelligence services during the regime of President Hosni Mubarak. He later took on diplomatic duties and was eventually appointed Mubarak’s vice president, shortly before the leader stepped down in the wake of the 2011 protests against the regime’s corruption and political repression.

Members of his family had at least two Credit Suisse accounts, one of which remained open after his death in 2012.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into the role that Credit Suisse played as the bank of spies.

SOURCE:OCCRP

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Exposed:Who’s in the Suisse Secrets Leak?PART5

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Khalaf Al-Dulaimi

Intelligence

Iraq

CHF 178,255,857

The director of investments for the Iraqi Secret Service under the regime of authoritarian leader Saddam Hussein. Al-Dulaimi, who handled overseas investments on behalf of the intelligence agency, was sanctioned by the United States in 1992, and by the United Nations in 2004. Dulaimi’s legal representative commented to OCCRP that its inquiry was “old news” and “not accurate.”

Read OCCRP’s investigation into the role that Credit Suisse played as the bank of spies.

Read more: Exposed:Who’s in the Suisse Secrets Leak?PART5

Khaled Hamedi

Political

Libya

CHF 1,311,163

The son of one of a group of officers led by Muammar Gaddafi that overthrew Libya’s monarchy and took power in 1969.

Hamedi is president of the ​​International Organization for Peace, Care and Relief, which the UNHCR once described in press releases as its “main partner in Libya on ensuring protection for refugees and asylum-seekers.” In regional media, he has also been an outspoken defender of Gaddafi and his father, el-Khweldi el-Hamedi, who have both been accused of human rights abuses and large-scale corruption.

Hamedi’s father’s rank in the Libyan military, his close relationship to Gaddafi, and his alleged role in the bloody crackdown on protests, raised the ire of NATO.

King Abdulla II Bin al Hussein and Queen Rania Al Abdullah

Political

Jordan

CHF 230,278,386

Jordan’s monarch since 1999, the authoritarian King Abdullah II has used wide-ranging executive powers to crack down on free speech and political opposition following accusations of corruption at home.

Last year’s Pandora Papers investigation revealed how the monarch funneled US$100 million through secret companies to buy luxury real estate in the U.K. and U.S. Abdullah’s wife, Queen Rania, also held an account with at least 39.1 million Swiss francs.

The royal family’s lawyers said the “relevant accounts are used for the acquisition of assets, investments, operational and personal expenses and general disbursements, including the funding of certain royal initiatives” and that the king and queen “have never extracted, in any manner, funds from the Treasury, public assets, international assistance or government budget to accounts situated abroad or for his personal enrichment.”

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how Credit Suisse served regional elite on the eve of the Arab Spring.

Leonardo González Dellán

Political

Venezuela

CHF 10,992,558

The former president of state-owned Banco Industrial de Venezuela was sanctioned by the U.S. for his role in a $2.4 billion bribery scheme, run through a controversial currency exchange program. The U.S. Treasury Department described him as a financial “front man” for corrupt Venezuelan officials.

He has also been suspected of laundering money on behalf of a Colombian terror group, and was a politically-exposed person (PEP) long before he first opened his accounts.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into Credit Suisse’s role in Venezuela’s toxic bond market.

Libyan Arab Foreign Investment Company

Sanctioned

Libya

CHF 422,266,952

Known as LAFICO, the state-owned fund oversaw the Libyan government’s investments inside and outside of the country.

It was widely understood to be controlled by the family of Muammar Gaddafi before his downfall, and over the years reportedly acquired minority shares in the Italian Juventus football club, the Royal Bank of Scotland, and the carmaker Fiat.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into the link between Credit Suisse and looted Libyan development money.

Luis Carlos de León Pérez

Political

Venezuela

CHF 22,637,245

The former financial director of La Electricidad de Caracas, a subsidiary of Venezuela’s state oil firm PDVSA.

In 2017, he was arrested in Spain and extradited to the U.S. for his role in a sprawling bribery scheme within PDVSA. He pleaded guilty to receiving kickbacks from businessmen in return for assistance and state contracts. He was also charged that same year in Andorra for laundering the proceeds through Banca Privada d’Andorra.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how Venezuelan elites hid stolen oil money in Credit Suisse.

SOURCE:OCCRP

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Exposed:Who’s in the Suisse Secrets Leak?PART4

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Hassan Tatanaki

Political

Libya

CHF 530,238,368

A Libyan oil tycoon who funded lobbying efforts that helped promote the Gaddafi regime, implicated in corruption allegations in Jordan and Venezuela.

His highest-value account, which he denies ever having, was worth roughly half a billion dollars in 2010, a year before the Libyan uprising. Since then he’s also supported the campaign of a renegade general opposed to Libya’s U.N.-recognized government, and announced plans to run for president himself.

Read more about The Many Lives – and Credit Suisse Accounts – of Gaddafi-Linked Lobbyist Hassan Tatanaki.

Read more: Exposed:Who’s in the Suisse Secrets Leak?PART4

Hélder Bataglia dos Santos

Investigated

Portugal

CHF 42,167,683

Counting presidents from Africa to Latin America amongst his friends, this Portuguese businessman based in Angola billed his venture Escom as a point of contact for nations and international entities looking to invest in Africa. With success has come scrutiny, in several corruption probes across Europe. He is also a close associate of Álvaro Sobrinho, suspected of laundering money while serving as head of an Escom-linked bank in Angola.

According to Portuguese newspaper Expresso, the pair shared a company engaged in $1.6 billion worth of irregular transactions and loans. They also shared three accounts at Credit Suisse.

Bataglia told OCCRP that he had closed all of his accounts with Credit Suisse by 2021, but denied having shared accounts with Sobrinho.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into Sobrinho and his Credit Suisse accounts.

Helen and Antonio Rivilla

Criminal

U.S.A.

CHF 8,113,548

When Filipino dictator Ferdinand Marcos was toppled in 1986, having stolen up to $10 billion in state funds over two decades, he fled to Hawaii. There he enlisted the help of a lawyer, Helen Ann Teodoro Rivilla, to launder $3 million on his behalf through Honolulu banks over a period of two years. The U.S. indicted both her and her husband, Antonio C.M. Rivilla.

The Rivillas’ names appear on two accounts in the data: one whose maximum balance was over 8 million francs, shared between Antonio and seven other people surnamed Rivilla, and a smaller one holding just under 180,000 Swiss francs shared between Helen and Antonio Rivilla.

Hussein Salem

Political

Egypt

CHF 104,780,404

Egyptian tycoon with longtime ties to intelligence agencies and the ruling Mubarak family. Hussein Salem’s name had become a byword for cronyism and corruption by the time of the Arab Spring.

At least a dozen Credit Suisse accounts were opened in his name, despite public corruption scandals dating back to the early 1980s.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into Salem’s Credit Suisse acount.

Igor Shepelev

Intelligence

Uzbekistan

CHF 2,817,079

Long-time secretary general of Uzbekistan’s Tennis Federation.

In 2005, Shepelev was awarded the “Order of Friendship” for “courage in defense of national interests” among other achievements, by then-President Islam Karimov. The order listed him as an employee of the State Security Service.

Nothing else is known about his work within the service — which has been accused of gross violations of human rights.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into the role that Credit Suisse played as the bank of spies.

James Soong Chu-yu

Political

Taiwan

CHF 13,677,418

Taiwanese politician who served as secretary-general of Taiwan’s Kuomintang Party (KMT) and has played a prominent role in Taiwanese politics throughout the past 30 years. Today he leads his own party, and mounted an unsuccessful bid for the presidency in 2020.

The KMT took him to court claiming he embezzled millions of dollars of the party’s funds, though the charges were eventually dropped. Later, Soong was accused by a former French foreign minister of receiving kickbacks from a 1991 navy procurement deal, signed while he was secretary-general of the KMT. He denied corruption and no actual proof of his involvement was ever found.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how Swiss, French and Taiwanese authorities were unaware of his Credit Suisse account.

Janko Jovanović

Investigated

Bosnia and Herzegovina

CHF 1,681,480

The head of the customs office in the border town of Brod was placed under investigation and detained for corruption in connection to a crime ring that included the customs authorities.

According to the state prosecutor, the scheme to fake invoices of imports into Bosnia and Herzegovina cost the state budget 153 million euros. The alleged scheme ran all the way to the top of the national tax authority.

José Filomeno dos Santos

Political

Angola

CHF 18,255,265

The son of Angolan dictator José Eduardo dos Santos, José Filomino was appointed head of Fundo Soberano de Angola (FSDEA), Angola’s $5 billion sovereign wealth fund, at just 35 years old.

After his father’s notoriously corrupt 38-year rule came to an end in 2017, José Filomino was sentenced to five years in prison in Angola for embezzling $500 million from FSDEA in a scheme involving transfers to a Credit Suisse account in London.

SOURCE:OCCRP

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Exposed:Who’s in the Suisse Secrets Leak?PART3

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Abdelaziz Bouteflika

Political

Algeria

CHF 1,483,528

Algeria’s longest-serving president, leading the country from 1999 until his 2019 resignation following months of mass protest against his appointment for a fifth term. His rule was marred by allegations of fraud and vote-tampering at successive elections.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how Credit Suisse served regional elite on the eve of the Arab Spring.

Read more: Exposed:Who’s in the Suisse Secrets Leak?PART3

Abdul Halim Khaddam

Political

Syria

CHF 89,795,788

A major pillar of former Syrian dictator Hafez al-Assad’s rule, Khaddam served in high-level government posts from 1970 until 2005, first as foreign minister and then vice president.

During this time, Assad’s regime routinely engaged in human rights violations and persecuted political opponents. Associated with the regime’s rampant corruption, Khaddam helped oversee Syria’s brutal occupation of Lebanon, which ended in 2005.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how Credit Suisse served regional elite on the eve of the Arab Spring.

Abraham José Shiera Bastidas

Criminal

Venezuela

CHF 18,456,024

Florida-based businessman who pleaded guilty to bribing Venezuelan officials in order to win rigged bids for state contracts with Venezuela’s oil company PDVSA, together with his business partner Roberto Enrique Rincón Fernández.

Shiera was a beneficiary of seven Credit Suisse accounts. Three of which appeared to have remained open after his 2015 arrest.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how Venezuelan elites hid stolen oil money in Credit Suisse.

Ali Ibrahim Dabaiba

Political

Libya

CHF 176,527

A powerful official in the government of former Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi, accused of embezzling billions of dollars during the two decades he spent as head of the state-run Organization for Development of Administrative Centers.

Ali Ibrahim Dabaiba held at least one Credit Suisse account during this period. It remained open until August 2012, months after Gaddafi was deposed. At least four of his family members and business associates also had accounts with the bank, some of which stayed open for several years after that. One joint account, held by Dabaiba’s son and a Costa Rican company, reached a maximum balance worth over 18 million Swiss francs.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into the link between Credit Suisse and looted Libyan development money.

Aliaksei Aleksin

Political

Belarus

CHF 36,087,344

A close associate of Belarusian dictator Alexander Lukashenko, energy mogul Aleksin burst onto Belarus’ business scene in 2012, just after a cadre of senior oligarchs were sanctioned in response to the regime’s brutal crackdowns on political protest. Part of Aleksin’s fortune was stashed in Credit Suisse that same year.

In 2021, the European Union and United States finally blacklisted Aleksin as well, describing him as one of Lukashenko’s “wallets.”

Alubaf International Bank Tunis

Sanctioned

Tunisia

CHF 35,720,294

As subsidiary of the state-owned Libyan Arab Foreign Bank, Alubaf International Bank’s Tunisia branch was named in three rounds of U.S. sanctions.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into the link between Credit Suisse and looted Libyan development money.

Álvaro Sobrinho

Investigated

Angola

CHF 78,167,317

The former head of Portuguese bank Banco Espirito Santo’s subsidiary in Angola, suspected of laundering funds from a $5.7-billion fraudulent loan scheme.

Sobrinho had a dozen corporate accounts with Credit Suisse, several of which stayed open until at least 2015, when he was already publicly known to be under investigation in Switzerland and Portugal.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into Sobrinho and his Credit Suisse accounts.

Anar Mahmudov

Political

Azerbaijan

CHF 24,605,972

A son of Azerbaijan’s former Minister of National Security, Eldar Mahmudov, who was dismissed from his post in 2015 after a spectacular fall from grace. Although Mahmudov worked as a government official for his entire career, his family controls a business and property empire across Europe worth over 100 million euros, a 2020 OCCRP investigation found.

In 2015, a few days after his father’s sacking, Anar Mahmudov closed his corporate bank account at Credit Suisse. A few months later, he also closed his personal account.

Anas Ahmed Nabih El-Fekky

Criminal

Egypt

CHF 3,045,763

A former information minister and key ally of deposed Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak.

Fekky’s foreign assets were targeted over allegations of corruption in the aftermath of the so-called Arab Spring. He was subsequently convicted by an Egyptian court for squandering state funds and sent to prison. After years of retrials and appeals, his conviction was upheld in March 2021.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how Credit Suisse served regional elite on the eve of the Arab Spring.

Antonio Velardo

Investigated

Italy

CHF 1,751,663

Accused money launderer for Italy’s ‘Ndrangheta organized crime group.

Italian prosecutors believed Velardo, along with a convicted Irish Republican Army bomber, swindled investors in an Italian seaside development built by the ‘Ndrangheta. Another partner in the seized venture, named Jewel of the Sea, was a member of the ‘Ndrangheta’s powerful Morabito clan.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into Velardo and his Credit Suisse account.

Armen Sarkissian

Political

Armenia

CHF 12,393,160

Armenia’s president until his abrupt resignation in January 2022, shortly before OCCRP member center Hetq revealed that he had secretly obtained citizenship in the Caribbean island nation of St. Kitts and Nevis.

Sarkissian began his political career in the 1990s, serving as Armenia’s first post-Soviet ambassador to the U.K. and, briefly, prime minister, before leaving politics to work as an adviser for multinational corporations including British Petroleum (BP) and Bank of America Merrill Lynch.

On being reappointed ambassador to the U.K. in 2013, Sarkissian did not declare funds he held in a Credit Suisse account that was open between 2006 and 2016, as was required by law. He told OCCRP that he took on the role on a “pro bono” basis and so it was unclear whether the rules applied in such circumstances.

Bank Mellat

Sanctioned

Iran

CHF 95,039,964

The partially state-owned Iranian commercial Bank Mellat has been sanctioned by the U.S. for its role in supporting Iran’s nuclear proliferation program. Bank Mellat circumvented those sanctions and gained access to US dollar markets by hiding behind companies controlled by infamous Turkish-Iranian money launderer Reza Zarrab.

Bayartsogt Sangajav

Political

Mongolia

CHF 7,874,819

Former Mongolian finance minister, investigated in Switzerland for opening Credit Suisse bank accounts that received bribes from other Mongolian politicians, allegedly relating to an investment deal for major gold and copper mine, Oyu Tolgoi.

In 2020, Sangajav was reportedly convicted of taking kickbacks from the mining project and laundering the proceeds by a Mongolian court. He was reportedly sentenced to 10 years in prison, before being released last year.

Bo Stefan Sederholm

Criminal

Sweden

CHF 229,554

One of two Swedes who were reportedly jailed for life for violating Philippines’ human trafficking laws. The pair had run a cybersex den catering to foreigners in the tiny Philippine town of Kauswagan where online customers could watch livestreamed sex acts, often of an abusive nature.

A representative for Sederholm said Credit Suisse never froze his accounts and did not close them until 2013 when he was unable to provide due diligence material. Asked why Sederholm needed a Swiss account, they said that he was living in Thailand when it was opened, adding: “Can you please tell me if you would prefer to put your money in a Thai or Swiss bank?”

Bojan Krišto

Political

Serbia

CHF 1,938,267

The former manager of the Serbian state lottery and Deputy Prime Minister’s cabinet member, he is charged with embezzlement while serving as the director of Belgrade’s Nikola Tesla Airport. He is accused of changing the company’s internal rulebook to allow salary increases, thus allowing himself to dish out excessive salaries and bonuses to himself and other management.

Krišto told OCCRP that the foreign funds were acquired before his state appointments, and partly before his birth, through his family’s business activities across Europe.

Branislav Bogićević

Investigated

Serbia

CHF 4,607,539

The manager of Minaqua, a bottled water brand that dominates almost a fifth of Serbia’s market. More than a century old, it was privatized in 1999 and his family became the majority shareholders. Ever since, he has faced trial numerous times for alleged economic crimes and fraud that have taken place at the company.

Carlos Eduardo Kauffman Ramírez

Criminal

Venezuela

CHF 8,868,204

U.S.-based businessman and former racecar driver convicted for his role in an elaborate plot to obscure the government of Venezuela as the source of a $800,000 cash contribution to the Argentine presidential campaign to then-candidate Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.

Dariga Nazarbayeva

Political

Kazakhstan

CHF 21,611,765

Eldest daughter of Kazakhstan’s authoritarian ruler Nursultan Nazarbayev. As well as performing opera, Nazarbayeva has founded her own political party and become an MP and deputy prime minister, as well as speaker of the Senate.

After Nazarbayeva’s husband was charged, intially with kidnapping and then later the murder of two executives at a bank he controlled in 2007, she and her son took over his stake, swelling her considerable fortune. In 2013, Forbes named her on its list of 50 richest Kazakhs with assets of US$595 million which included a major media holding.

Dragutin Pihler

Investigated

Serbia

CHF 2,047,442

Director of the Moscow office of the Serbian architectural firm Centroprojekt. He and other company officials were investigated by Serbian authorities for financial crime on suspicion that they embezzled 6.5 million euros. The scheme, which ran from 2005 to 2008, involved falsifying documents in order to redirect payments destined for Centroprojekt – at the time a state-owned firm – to an identically-named private firm incorporated by the suspects.

Pihler told OCCRP’s partner KRIK that the funds in his Swiss account are savings that he legally earned in Russia, and were deposited into a Credit Suisse investment account in order to accrue income on his capital.

Eduard Seidel

Criminal

Germany

CHF 54,535,616

The managing director for the Nigerian operation of German industrial conglomerate Siemens, which was fined a combined $1.34 billion for bribery in 2008. Over two decades Seidel bribed Nigerian officials in order to win contracts for Siemens.

Although allegations that he had been part of the Siemens bribery scandal in Nigeria were first reported in 2007, two of Seidel’s six accounts — both of which were jointly owned with his wife — remained open for at least almost 10 more years.

Read more on OCCR’s investigation into Seidel’s Credit Suisse accounts.

Eldar Azizov

Political

Azerbaijan

CHF 3,518,037

A longtime official who has served as mayor or deputy mayor of several cities in Azerbaijan and districts of its capital, Baku. He is currently Baku’s mayor. Azizov is known for a number of controversial actions, including using municipal funds to pay for extremely long cakes for President Ilham Aliyev’s birthday.

While Azizov was mayor of Ganja, a corporate bank account was opened at Credit Suisse of which he, his wife, and his daughter were beneficiaries. His son held power of attorney. It’s unclear what kind of company the family might have had, but Azerbaijani law prohibits state officials from engaging in business.

Gamal and Alaa Mubarak

Political

Egypt

CHF 277,220,932

Sons of Egypt’s long-ruling President Hosni Mubarak, the two brothers and their allies prospered from the liberalization of the country’s economy — a policy effort led by Gamal himself. After the Arab Spring revolt of 2011, the two were charged in multiple corruption cases, although many were later dropped.

Their lawyers told OCCRP that neither Swiss nor Egyptian investigations have found any evidence of suspicious activity in their Swiss assets.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how Credit Suisse served regional elite on the eve of the Arab Spring.

Ghaleb Mutaher Al-Qamish

Intelligence

Yemen

CHF 4,956,308

A long-serving former chief of Yemen’s intelligence services and a key enforcer for former strongman leader Ali Abdullah Saleh.

Al-Qamish has been accused of overseeing abduction and torture as part of the U.S.’s extraordinary rendition program. Qamish’s official salary was estimated to be not more than $5,000 a month, but sources say he had “an open budget made up of millions of dollars” to spend as he pleased.”

Read OCCRP’s investigation into the role that Credit Suisse played as the bank of spies.

Giovanni Angelo Becciu

Investigated

Vatican City

CHF 252,918,387

A former ally of Pope Francis who made history as the first Vatican cardinal to be tried on criminal charges by a civil court. Nine others are also accused of crimes including extortion, embezzlement, money laundering and abuse of office. Prosecutors allege that the ring lost 350 million euros of church funds on a scandal-ridden London property venture, and also that Becciu funneled Vatican funds to his brothers’ businesses in Sardinia.

Court documents say this Credit Suisse account, which belonged to the Vatican and listed Becciu amongst its four signatories of the account, was used in the embezzlement. Becciu’s legal representatives declined to comment on the account and told OCCRP that the Cardinal will answer to the court. They added that his brothers’ business was a charity, and maintained his innocence.

“Correction: This profile has been corrected to clarify that the account was state-owned and that the charges were filed against others.”

Gulrukh Tillyaeva

Political

Uzbekistan

CHF 2,226,946

An aunt of Timur Tillyaev, whose wife Lola Karimova is the daughter of Uzbekistan’s former dictatorial president Islam Karimov. Tillyaeva shares her Credit Suisse account with Nikita Kalinichenko, who media reports say was her husband and ran Abu Sahiy, one of the largest trading centers in Central Asia, as a frontman for Tillyaev.

SOURCE:OCCRP

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God Bless You!

Exposed:Who’s in the Suisse Secrets Leak?PART2-AFRICA

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Umaru Ali Shinkafi

Intelligence

Nigeria

CHF 62,869,668

Description

Former Nigerian spy chief, presidential and vice-presidential aspirant, and close associate of corrupt military dictator Sani Abacha. Shinkafi’s son-in-law, Atiku Bagudu, also served as a key money launderer for the Abacha family, according to U.S. prosecutors.

Read OCCRP’s investigation into how Shinkafi’s highest-value account in the Suisse Secrets data was shared between powerful political figures from West and Central Africa and employees of a Swiss-based firm at the heart of a massive bribery scandal in Nigeria.

SOURCE:OCCRP

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God Bless You!

Exposed:Who’s in the Suisse Secrets Leak?PART1-EUROPE

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Aliaksei Aleksin

Political

Belarus

CHF 36,087,344

Description

A close associate of Belarusian dictator Alexander Lukashenko, energy mogul Aleksin burst onto Belarus’ business scene in 2012, just after a cadre of senior oligarchs were sanctioned in response to the regime’s brutal crackdowns on political protest. Part of Aleksin’s fortune was stashed in Credit Suisse that same year.

In 2021, the European Union and United States finally blacklisted Aleksin as well, describing him as one of Lukashenko’s “wallets.”

Read more: Exposed:Who’s in the Suisse Secrets Leak?PART1-EUROPE

Antonio Velardo

Investigated

Italy

CHF 1,751,663

Description

Accused money launderer for Italy’s ‘Ndrangheta organized crime group.

Italian prosecutors believed Velardo, along with a convicted Irish Republican Army bomber, swindled investors in an Italian seaside development built by the ‘Ndrangheta. Another partner in the seized venture, named Jewel of the Sea, was a member of the ‘Ndrangheta’s powerful Morabito clan.

Bo Stefan Sederholm

Criminal

Sweden

CHF 229,554

Description

One of two Swedes who were reportedly jailed for life for violating Philippines’ human trafficking laws. The pair had run a cybersex den catering to foreigners in the tiny Philippine town of Kauswagan where online customers could watch livestreamed sex acts, often of an abusive nature.

A representative for Sederholm said Credit Suisse never froze his accounts and did not close them until 2013 when he was unable to provide due diligence material. Asked why Sederholm needed a Swiss account, they said that he was living in Thailand when it was opened, adding: “Can you please tell me if you would prefer to put your money in a Thai or Swiss bank?”

Bojan Krišto

Political

Serbia

CHF 1,938,267

Description

The former manager of the Serbian state lottery and Deputy Prime Minister’s cabinet member, he is charged with embezzlement while serving as the director of Belgrade’s Nikola Tesla Airport. He is accused of changing the company’s internal rulebook to allow salary increases, thus allowing himself to dish out excessive salaries and bonuses to himself and other management.

Krišto told OCCRP that the foreign funds were acquired before his state appointments, and partly before his birth, through his family’s business activities across Europe.

Branislav Bogićević

Investigated

Serbia

CHF 4,607,539

Description

The manager of Minaqua, a bottled water brand that dominates almost a fifth of Serbia’s market. More than a century old, it was privatized in 1999 and his family became the majority shareholders. Ever since, he has faced trial numerous times for alleged economic crimes and fraud that have taken place at the company.

Dragutin Pihler

Investigated

Serbia

CHF 2,047,442

Director of the Moscow office of the Serbian architectural firm Centroprojekt. He and other company officials were investigated by Serbian authorities for financial crime on suspicion that they embezzled 6.5 million euros. The scheme, which ran from 2005 to 2008, involved falsifying documents in order to redirect payments destined for Centroprojekt – at the time a state-owned firm – to an identically-named private firm incorporated by the suspects.

Pihler told OCCRP’s partner KRIK that the funds in his Swiss account are savings that he legally earned in Russia, and were deposited into a Credit Suisse investment account in order to accrue income on his capital.

Eduard Seidel

Criminal

Germany

CHF 54,535,616

Description

The managing director for the Nigerian operation of German industrial conglomerate Siemens, which was fined a combined $1.34 billion for bribery in 2008. Over two decades Seidel bribed Nigerian officials in order to win contracts for Siemens.

Although allegations that he had been part of the Siemens bribery scandal in Nigeria were first reported in 2007, two of Seidel’s six accounts — both of which were jointly owned with his wife — remained open for at least almost 10 more years.

Giovanni Angelo Becciu

Investigated

Vatican City

CHF 252,918,387

Description

A former ally of Pope Francis who made history as the first Vatican cardinal to be tried on criminal charges by a civil court. Nine others are also accused of crimes including extortion, embezzlement, money laundering and abuse of office. Prosecutors allege that the ring lost 350 million euros of church funds on a scandal-ridden London property venture, and also that Becciu funneled Vatican funds to his brothers’ businesses in Sardinia.

Court documents say this Credit Suisse account, which belonged to the Vatican and listed Becciu amongst its four signatories of the account, was used in the embezzlement. Becciu’s legal representatives declined to comment on the account and told OCCRP that the Cardinal will answer to the court. They added that his brothers’ business was a charity, and maintained his innocence.

“Correction: This profile has been corrected to clarify that the account was state-owned and that the charges were filed against others.”

Hélder Bataglia dos Santos

Investigated

Portugal

CHF 42,167,683

Description

Counting presidents from Africa to Latin America amongst his friends, this Portuguese businessman based in Angola billed his venture Escom as a point of contact for nations and international entities looking to invest in Africa. With success has come scrutiny, in several corruption probes across Europe. He is also a close associate of Álvaro Sobrinho, suspected of laundering money while serving as head of an Escom-linked bank in Angola.

According to Portuguese newspaper Expresso, the pair shared a company engaged in $1.6 billion worth of irregular transactions and loans. They also shared three accounts at Credit Suisse.

Bataglia told OCCRP that he had closed all of his accounts with Credit Suisse by 2021, but denied having shared accounts with Sobrinho.

Janko Jovanović

Investigated

Bosnia and Herzegovina

CHF 1,681,480

Description

The head of the customs office in the border town of Brod was placed under investigation and detained for corruption in connection to a crime ring that included the customs authorities.

According to the state prosecutor, the scheme to fake invoices of imports into Bosnia and Herzegovina cost the state budget 153 million euros. The alleged scheme ran all the way to the top of the national tax authority.

Rodoljub Radulović

Criminal

Serbia

CHF 3,393,470

Description

The head of the customs office in the border town of Brod was placed under investigation and detained for corruption in connection to a crime ring that included the customs authorities.

According to the state prosecutor, the scheme to fake invoices of imports into Bosnia and Herzegovina cost the state budget 153 million euros. The alleged scheme ran all the way to the top of the national tax authority.

Ivan.Guta&The Guta family

Investigated

Ukraine

CHF 222,878,343

Description

The Gutas ran one of Ukraine’s largest grain producers, but orchestrated its collapse by funneling at least $100 million out of the company and into offshore firms they controlled. Ivan Guta and his wife, Klavdiya, founded Mriya Agro Holding Public Limited in 1992, and their two sons, Andriy and Mykola, joined later.

By 2012 Mriya was managing close to 300,000 hectares of agricultural land. Two years later, the company had run out of cash, leaving creditors sitting on claims exceeding 1 billion euros.

Between them, Ivan, Klavdiya, Andriy and Mykola Guta were listed as account holders of a total of 16 Credit Suisse accounts.

Vugar Abbasov

Political

Azerbaijan

CHF 7,955,738

Description

President of Cahan Holding, a major conglomerate in the Autonomous Republic of Nakhchivan in Azerbaijan. For years rumors have swirled that the company is controlled by the family of Vasif Talibov, who has ruled the enclave with an iron fist for nearly three decades.

In 2008, Abassov founded a bank with several members of the Talibov family. The following year, he opened a Credit Suisse account that received transfers from shell companies which were used in major “laundromat” fraud schemes previously discovered by OCCRP.

Read OCCRP’s investigation about the Talibov family and their accounts.

Vuk Hamović

Investigated

Serbia

CHF 12,561,708

Description

An electricity mogul who converted his experience at the helm of Yugoslavian state energy firms into a personal fortune after the country’s dissolution, trading energy and debt between the newly formed regional utilities through his business group, Energy Financing Team (EFT). Although Hamović was never charged with a crime, his business has drawn the attention of prosecutors and investigators in multiple countries.

SOURCE:OCCRP

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EXPOSED-US v. Bankman superseding indictment-ORIGINAL DOCUMENT

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Crypto Assets and Property of the Bankruptcy-Estate: An Analysis

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Anti-Money Laundering Regulations In 2022 & ID 2020

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ANTI-MONEY LAUNDERING – Understanding the Global IN 2022

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EXCLUSIVE – WORLD BANK Participant-List EXPOSED – Original Document

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YOU CAN TRANSLATE EVERYTHING WITH THE GOOGLE TOOL TOP RIGHT,PUEDES TRADUCIR TODO CON LA HERRAMIENTA DE GOOGLE ARRIBA A LA DERECHA,VOUS POUVEZ TOUT TRADUIRE AVEC L’OUTIL GOOGLE EN HAUT À DROITE,SIE KÖNNEN ALLES MIT DEM GOOGLE-TOOL OBEN RECHTS ÜBERSETZEN, ВЫ МОЖЕТЕ ПЕРЕВЕСТИ ВСЕ С ПОМОЩЬЮ ИНСТРУМЕНТА GOOGLE СПРАВА ВВЕРХУ,你可以用谷歌右上方的工具来翻译所有内容,PUOI TRADURRE TUTTO CON LO STRUMENTO DI GOOGLE IN ALTO A DESTRA,DU KAN ÖVERSÄTTA ALLT MED GOOGLE-VERKTYGET UPPE TILL HÖGER,VOCÊ PODE TRADUZIR TUDO COM A FERRAMENTA GOOGLE TOP RIGHT,右上のグーグルツールで全て翻訳できます。

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Pandora Papers Unveals The Arabian Money Machine

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UAE's Sheikhs Tahnoon, Hazza and Maktoum

From left, Sheikh Tahnoon bin Zayed, Sheikh Hazza bin Zayed Al Nahyan and Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum.

Citation:”One of the many reasons the Pandora Papers have been so groundbreaking is its scope. By investigating files leaked from 14 different offshore service providers — who operate in jurisdictions far beyond the island tax havens of popular imagination — our reporting broke new ground on well-known destinations in the offshore world, as well as rising ones.

One of those places is the United Arab Emirates. The Pandora Papers provides an unprecedented look at how Dubai’s rise as one the world’s financial capitals coincided with the growth of its shadow economy — as a secrecy haven that’s become a nexus for money laundering and other financial crimes.

In our latest investigation, ICIJ’s Cairo-based reporter Maggie Michael and senior editor Michael Hudson delve into the UAE’s thriving trade in financial secrecy. Months of reporting revealed the real owners of secretive UAE-based companies, which include alleged gold smugglers, internet moguls who moved hundreds of millions of dollars for child porn traffickers, heroin dealers, and other lowlifes. nth.

The Pandora Papers investigation also sheds light on the unique role that the country’s six royal families play in the UAE’s economy and offshore industry, and why Dubai has so far escaped the kind of pressure seen by other tax havens like the British Virgin Islands and Switzerland.

The leaked files also show how the UAE has become a go-to offshore destination for many African elites. ICIJ’s Will Fitzgibbon’s reporting uncovers the secretive Emirati financial interests of politicians and corporate leaders from 17 African countries.

POWER PLAYERS
We’ve added new politicians to our Power Players interactive, exposing the offshore holdings of the UAE president’s son and adviser, Sultan bin Khalifa Al Nahyan, “spy sheikh” Tahnoon bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the family of Kazakhstan’s longtime former ruler, a former ambassador from South Sudan and an Angolan media minister.

SUGAR INDUSTRY
U.S. lawmakers cite a Pandora Papers investigation by the Washington Post and ICIJ in calling for the Biden administration to investigate the mistreatment of sugar cane workers in the Dominican Republic.

ARREST WARRANT
German authorities are seeking the arrest of Swiss attorney Christoph Zollinger, a former senior employee at Panama Papers law firm Mossack Fonseca, who played a key role in some of the firm’s most controversial decisions.

RETURNING LOOTED RELICS
The Denver Museum of Art will turn over four ancient statues to the U.S. government, which plans to return them to their native Cambodia, weeks after Pandora Papers reporting revealed links between relics in the museum’s collection and a notorious indicted art dealer.

Thanks for reading!

Asraa Mustufa

ICIJ’s digital editor

P.S. If you’ve enjoyed our coverage this week, remember to tell your friends and family and share our work on social media. Send them an email now!

End of Citation

LEAKED: Deutsche Bank Court Papers – FRAUD – MONEY LAUNDERING – Fine Of $55 Million – Original Document

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RUSSEL BRAND – Another “Conspiracy Theory” CONFIRMED – Secrets Of The SUPER RICH EXPOSED!!!

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New documents called Pandora Papers, have been released to reveal that the rich live by different rules to the public. Hugely wealthy figures & politicians have had their money secrets revealed… #PandoraPapers #Tax #Billionaires

Is This… HYPOCRISY?!

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AOC’s attendance at the Met Gala with her statement dress ‘Tax The Rich’, has caused controversy as this act could just be another political gesture without any intention of true change. #MetGala #PoliticalGesture #TaxTheRich

Person Convicted To 11 Years For Money Laundering For North Korea

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RealBanknotes.com > North Korea p66a: 5000 Won from 2002

Ghaleb Alaumary, a 36-year-old dual U.S and Canadian citizen, worked for cyber criminals including the three North Koreans who heisted as much 1.3 billion dollars in a cybercrime spree believed to be executed on behalf of North Korean intelligence.Among the victims of the spree was a major Maltese bank, the Bank of Valletta, which was robbed of $14 million in 2019. To turn that cash into usable currency, the hackers turned to Alaumary.

“Alaumary recruited and organized individuals to withdraw stolen cash from ATMs; he provided bank accounts that received funds from bank cyber-heists and fraud schemes; and, once the ill-gotten funds were in accounts he controlled, Alaumary further laundered the funds through wire transfers, cash withdrawals, and by exchanging the funds for cryptocurrency,” the DOJ explained.

The North Korean spree employed other high-profile money launderers, including the Nigerian social media influencer Ramon “Hushpuppi” Abbas.

Before working with the North Koreans, Alaumary was implicated as an accomplice in the theft of $9.4 million from Canada’s McEwan University.

According to the DOJ, Alaumary worked with others to convince the university that they represented a construction company who had been involved in a major building project at the school, ultimately defrauding the school into wiring the team millions.

In addition to the jail time, Alaumary has also been ordered to pay more than $30 million to his victims in restitution.

“Other victims of Alaumary’s crimes included banks headquartered in India, Pakistan and Malta, as well as companies in the United States and U.K., individuals in the United States and a professional soccer club in the U.K.,” the DOJ said.

US Court Action Vs North Korean Hackers & Their Cryptomoney Accounts – Original Document

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Commentary: Making sense of North Korea's hacking strategy | Reuters
Page 1 of North Korea Hacking & Cryptocurrency
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TOP SECRET – The U.S. Treasury About Russian Oligarchs

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Department of the Treasury, Russia
U.S. Treasury Report Identifying Russian Senior Foreign Political Figures and Oligarchs
February 19, 2018
Report to Congress Pursuant to Section 241 of the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act of 2017 Regarding Senior Foreign Political Figures and Oligarchs in the Russian Federation and Russian Parastatal Entities
Page Count: 9 pages
Date: January 29, 2018
Restriction: None
Originating Organization: Department of the Treasury
File Type: pdf
File Size: 653,958 bytes
File Hash (SHA-256): 7B075365AF3BBA0A5CDA1C1E3E296620F8DB3B37745C119238B9E1E0335DD47A

 

Section 241 of the Countering Americaメ s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act of 2017 (???TSA) requires the Secretary of the Treasury, in consultation with the Director of National Intelligence and the Secretary of State, to submit to the appropriate congressional committees 180 days after enactment ? detailed report ?? senior political figures and oligarchs in the Russian Federation (Section 241 (a)(l)) and on Russian parastatal entities (Section 241 (?)(2)). Pursuant to Section 241(?), the report shall ?? submitted in an unclassified form but may have ? classified annex. This is the unclassified portion of the report.

As required ?? Section 241 (a)( l)(A) of CAATSA, the Department of the Treasury is providing in this unclassified report ? list of senior foreign political figures and oligarchs in the Russian Federation, as determined ?? their closeness to the Russian regime and their net worth. For purposes of this unclassified portion of the report, this determination was made based ?? objective criteria related to individuals ム official position in the case of senior political figures, or ? net worth of $1 billion or more for oligarchs.

?? determine the list of senior political figures, the Department of the Treasury considered the definition in CAATSA Section 24 1 (?)(2), which incorporates ?? reference the definition of モsenior foreign political figureヤ in section 1?10.605 , title 31 of the Code of Federal Regulations. For purposes of this unclassified portion of the report, such names consist of: i) senior members of the Russian Presidential Administration; ii) members of the Russian Cabinet, Cabinet-rank ministers, and heads of other major executive agencies; iii) other senior political leaders, including the leadership of the State Duma and Federation Council, other members of the Russian Security Council, and senior executives at state-owned enterprises. These individuals are listed in Appendix 1 of this report.

CAATSA Section 24 1(?)(2)-(5) requires ? report on Russian parastatal entities, including an assessment of their role in the economy of the Russian Federation; an overview of key U.S. economic sectorsメ exposure to Russian persons and entities; an analysis of the potential effects of imposing additional debt and equity restrictions on parastatal entities; and the possible impact of additional sanctions against oligarchs, senior political figures, and parastatals on the U.S. and Russian economies.

Russian parastatals have origins in the Soviet Unionメs command economy. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Russian government conducted large-scale privatization of these entities; in the early 2000s, it began to renationalize large companies. The Russian government has responded to economic shocks, including the financial crisis in 2008 and the imposition of sanctions in 2014, ?? increasing its role in the economy and ownership of parastatals. As of 2016, Russian parastatals accounted for one-third of all jobs in Russia and 70 percent of Russiaメs GDP.

 

$ 750 Million Missed in DRC

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A poisonous blend of debasement and bungle in Democratic Republic of Congo’s incomes organizations and state mining organizations is draining a fifth of all mining incomes far from the state spending plan, Global Witness uncovers today. Its report ‘Administration Cash Machine’ demonstrates that in any event $750 million disappeared more than three years – cash that ought to have been utilized on fundamental open administrations for the Congolese individuals.

The discoveries come during a period of extraordinary political turmoil in Congo as the beset President Joseph Kabila sticks to control. “Congo’s mining incomes ought to be lifting its kin out of destitution, yet rather colossal totals are being siphoned far from general society tote and into unaccountable offices headed up by individuals with binds to political elites,” said Pete Jones, Global Witness Senior Campaigner.

Congo is Africa’s best copper maker and the world’s greatest provider of cobalt, which is utilized as a part of the lithium-particle batteries that power electric autos and amidst a value blast. Regardless of this, Congo stays one of the poorest nations on the planet. ‘Administration Cash Machine’ examinations the most recent information from the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), which uncovers that in the vicinity of 2013 and 2015 over $750 million of installments by mining organizations to Congo’s assessment offices and state mining organizations never achieved the national treasury. That figure ascends to a surprising $1.3 billion when other state bodies and a now-outdated commonplace assessment body are incorporated.

“A portion of the exchanges we’ve taken a gander at illustrate these organizations as a money machine for Kabila’s administration”, said Jones. “In the event that Congo is to abstain from losing the faith into strife and disorder, genuine straightforwardness and responsibility is required all through the mining segment and in the assessment organizations,” Jones said.

The discoveries come as Congo slips assist into political vulnerability. The nation is wracked by on-going political brutality and distress, following Kabila’s refusal to venture down from control notwithstanding an established mandate. A key reason for discontent with the administration is the ceaseless absence of subsidizing by the legislature in fundamental administrations, for example, schools, healing centers and streets.

“For quite a long time Global Witness and others have archived how incomes have spilled from Congo’s mining segment into seaward shell organizations. Presently we can see that even incomes paid to government bodies in Congo are disappearing before they achieve the treasury,” Jones included.

A key offender in this preoccupation of assets is the principle state-claimed mining organization, Gécamines. It gets more than a hundred million dollars every year from privately owned businesses in Congo’s mining part, however seems to pass on only a modest rate of that to the state coffers. Gécamines’ most imperative and lucrative business connections are with significant worldwide mining organizations, which regularly have Western financial specialists and benefits tied up in their benefits and dangers.

While its commitments to Congo’s open satchel are little, Gécamines sufficiently discovered cash to pay off immense advances from Dan Gertler, a dear companion of President Kabila. One of Gertler’s organizations was reimbursed in the meantime as Gécamines’ staff went unpaid and more seasoned advances stayed extraordinary.

Congo’s duty offices are likewise to fault. Current law enables them to keep down a rate of the fines they exact, which has prompted ruthless lease looking for conduct and created fines as they try to expand the amount they can keep as their own particular assets. The greater part of this adds up to a type of authorized debasement.

The Congolese constitution expresses that each Congolese individual has the privilege to appreciate the advantages of the nation’s national riches, and that the state has an obligation to redistribute that riches evenhandedly and ensure the privilege to advancement. To by far most of Congolese, those are unfilled words. A long time of fumble and debasement inside Gécamines, consolidated with a divided duty framework, imply that the framework is interested in manhandle by political elites trying to remove money from the mining division.

“The best way to put a conclusion to the redirecting of these indispensable assets is to revamp the divided duty framework and to demand full straightforwardness from Gécamines. We have to know the amount it wins, the amount it pays to the treasury, and what it spends its cash on,” said Jones.

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Exposed – IMF Panama Anti-Money Laundering & Terrorist Financing Report

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Panama_3rd_Round_MER_(Final)_EnglishINTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND LEGAL DEPARTMENT

  • 99 pages
  • Restricted
  • Confidential
  • January 8, 2007

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I. ASSESSMENT OF OBSERVANCE OF THE FATF RECOMMENDATIONS

A. General

This assessment of observance of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF)
Recommendations for anti-money laundering and countering the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT) has been completed as part of an evaluation of Panama’s observance of regulatory standards for the financial sector.

General

Panama is a constitutional republic with a democratically elected president who is both
chief of state and head of government. The current government began its four-year period in
September 2004. The country has a unicameral legislative assembly, also elected by popular
vote, and an autonomous judicial branch. The legal system is based on the civil law tradition,
with some features of its commercial legislation being influenced by legal institutions of
United States common law (i.e., the regulation of trusts).

With a population of approximately 3 million, Panama has a territory of 78,200 square
kilometers in the Central American isthmus, between the Caribbean Sea and the
North Pacific Ocean, bordered by Costa Rica and Colombia. Full control and operation of the
Panama Canal connecting the Atlantic and Pacific oceans were transferred from the
United States to Panama in 1999. The Canal drives much of Panama’s economy, along with
the Colon Free Trade Zone (ZLC), a booming real estate market and a well developed
services sector, including banking and financial services. Although there is a legal parity
between the local currency (Balboa) and the U.S. dollar, in practice no local currency
circulates and all commercial payments and financial transactions are made in U.S. dollars.
Panama endeavors to provide economic and political leadership in the Central
American and Caribbean region and is a member of many international organizations,
including the Caribbean Financial Action Task Force (CFATF), which it currently presides.
Banking activities represent the most significant component of the financial services
sector. Banking system assets on a nonconsolidated basis were $39.6 billion, and on a
consolidated basis (including local and foreign subsidiaries of Panamanian-headquartered
banks) were $45.8 billion at end-March 2006. At end–March 2006, there were 73 banks,
including 2 state-owned banks, 37 general license private banks, and 34 international license
banks. The banking center in Panama has a significant international presence, including
banks from the United States, the United Kingdom, Spain, and other Latin American and
European countries.

Lawyers and accountants are not required to belong to a professional association in
order to practice, and the associations’ codes of ethics are not legally enforceable. There are ethical rules for lawyers established by law and subject to investigation and sanction by the
Supreme Court, although there have been very few sanctions in practice.
General situation of money laundering and financing of terrorism
Information from various criminal investigations shows that the reporting and other
preventive requirements in the money laundering law have had a dissuasive effect on
money laundering activity in financial institutions. The UAF reported that money
laundering has moved towards other parts of the economy in order for launderers to avoid the
developed capacity of banks to detect the introduction of illicit capital.
The geographic location of Panama makes it an attractive transit area for drugs and
related money laundering. To date, the 10 money laundering cases that have been
prosecuted were based on narcotics-related predicate crimes. The cases have resulted from
internal efforts in the Public Ministry (Ministerio Público) as well as from international
cooperation. Other financial crimes cases have resulted mainly from foreign investigations of
corruption where funds were later deposited in Panamanian financial institutions.
An area of great concern involves the role that the Free Zone of Colón (ZLC), the
second largest free-trade zone in the world, can play as the originating or transshipment point
for goods purchased with proceeds of narcotics trafficking, including through the Black
Market Peso Exchange. The smuggling of currency, drugs, and prohibited chemical
materials, the introduction and transshipment of counterfeit merchandise, and several forms
of customs fraud also generate criminal proceeds that expose the system to money
laundering.

Officials advised that the Panamanian jungle border with Colombia is occasionally
penetrated by the illegal armed groups active along their common border, but did not
consider this to pose a terrorist threat to Panama. There have been no known cases of
financing of terrorism.

The following are the governmental agencies with direct responsibility on AML/CFT issues in the areas of prevention, regulation, supervision, investigation or prosecution:

• Financial Analysis Unit (UAF), within the National Public Security and National Defense Council of the Ministry of the Presidency;

• Superintendency of Banks (SdB);

• National Securities Commission (CNV);

• Autonomous Panamanian Cooperatives Institute (IPACOOP);

• Ministry of Commerce and Industry (MICI), which includes:

• Superintendency of Insurance and Reinsurance (SSRP);

• National Directorate of Finance Companies (responsible for finance companies, leasing companies, money remitters and pawn brokers);

• Office of Export Processing Zones;

• Real Estate Technical Board;

• Accounting Board (it has no AML/CFT responsibilities at the moment).

• Gaming Control Board of the Ministry of Economy and Finance;

• ZLC Administration;

• Attorney General (Ministerio Público and the judicial technical police within);

• Judicial Branch (no specific courts specialized in money laundering or the financing of terrorism; and

• National Directorate of Immigration.

Criminalization of Money Laundering (R.1 & 2)

Description and analysis

Panama has criminalized money laundering through Articles 389 to 393 of the Penal Code, as adopted through Law 41 of October 2, 2000 and Law 1 of January 5, 2004. This Law 41 amended the previously existing AML law, stating in Article 389 of the Penal Code that, “Whoever receives, deposits, trades, converts, or transfers monies, titles, securities, goods, or other financial resources knowing that the origin of the activities is related with drug trafficking, qualified embezzlement, illegal weapons trafficking, human trafficking, kidnapping, extortion, embezzlement, public corruption, terrorism, robbery, or internal vehicle contraband established in the Panamanian Law, with the purpose of hiding or covering their illicit origin to assist evasion of juridical consequences of such punishable acts shall be sanctioned with prison from 5 to 12 years and 100 to 200 days of fine.” Law 1 of 2004 added intellectual property violations as a predicate within Article 389 of the Penal Code. Panama’s law takes the predicate list approach to the crime of money laundering.

Panama has ratified both the Vienna Convention and the Palermo Convention, The Vienna Convention, Article 3(1)(b)(i) is satisfied by the language of Penal Code Articles 389 and 390. However, Article 6(2)(b) of the Palermo Convention is not fully satisfied, in that the list of predicate offenses does not include a fully comprehensive range of offenses associated with organized criminal groups. Penal Code Article 389 does cover 11 felony predicate offenses, but does not include all of the FATF Recommendations noted in the
Glossary of Definitions. In order to comply with this list, there should be predicate offense of terrorist financing, participation in an organized criminal group and racketeering, sexual exploitation including of children, trafficking in stolen goods (as opposed to only vehicles), counterfeit currency, environmental crime, murder, the general act of smuggling, piracy, fraud, and insider trading/market manipulation. ML is considered to be an autonomous offense. It is not subordinated to the predicate offense, and can be independently charged. The crime of money laundering applies to an individual who has committed a predicate offense, provided that the person carries out one or more of the terms governing the legal provisions in Articles 389–393.

Penal Code Article 389 applies to the listed predicates established in Panamanian law. The authorities advised that the crime of money laundering extends to conduct of predicate offenses which occur in other countries, as well as in Panama, and that Panamanian law would apply in either circumstance. Articles 8 and 9 of the Penal Code provide legal support for this position. Article 8 provides that Panamanian law will apply to punishable acts committed outside the borders of Panama, where those laws relate to acts against the government of Panama, crimes against public health [such as drug offenses], crimes against the national economy and public administration, and the falsification of official documents or money destined for Panama. Article 9 also applies
Panamanian law to acts committed outside the country where the results of the crime are produced in Panama, or there are other various listed effects on Panama.

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IMF Liechtenstein Anti-Money Laundering & Terrorist Financing

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INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND LEGAL DEPARTMENT

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Key Findings

1. The financial sector in Liechtenstein provides primarily wealth-management services, including banking, trust, other fiduciary services, investment management, and life insurance-based products. There has been significant expansion recently in the non-banking areas, particularly investment undertakings and insurance. Approximately 90 percent of Liechtenstein’s financial services business is provided to nonresidents, many attracted to
Liechtenstein by the availability of discrete and flexible legal structures, strict bank secrecy, and favorable tax arrangements, within a stable and well-regulated environment.

2. By its nature, Liechtenstein’s financial sector business creates a particular money laundering risk in response to which the authorities and the financial sector firms have developed risk-based mitigating measures. Minimizing the risk of abuse of corporate vehicles and related financial services products presents an ongoing challenge, as does the identification of the natural persons who are the beneficial owners of the underlying assets or legal persons or arrangements. Therefore, Liechtenstein is vulnerable mainly in the layering phase of money laundering. No particular vulnerability to terrorist financing was identified.

3. Liechtenstein was listed by the FATF as part of its initial review of noncooperative
countries and territories in 2000 but was delisted in 2001. The authorities have made
significant progress since that time in moving towards compliance with the FATF
Recommendations, as noted in the AML/CFT assessment conducted by the IMF in 2002 as
part of the Offshore Financial Center (OFC) assessment program and as evidenced by the
subsequent major legislative amendments and institutional restructuring.

4. Both ML and FT are criminalized broadly (though not fully) in line with the
international standard. There is no criminal liability of corporate entities. The quality of its
analysis and output indicates that the financial intelligence unit (FIU) makes effective use of
the information it receives. However, the effectiveness of the suspicious activity reporting
system could be improved by addressing factors that may be currently suppressing the level
of reporting, including, for example, the requirement for automatic freezing of assets for five
days following filing.

5. The investigative powers available to the law enforcement authorities are
comprehensive enough to enable them to conduct serious investigations in an effective way.
However, the number of investigations resulting from the files forwarded by the FIU appears
low and there have been just two prosecutions for (autonomous) money laundering and no
convictions. Most of the cases in which Liechtenstein has been involved, including some
high-profile cases, have links to other jurisdictions and the Liechtenstein prosecutors
consider it more effective to refer the cases to those jurisdictions where the main criminal
activity is alleged to have taken place and then provide strong support to the resultant
prosecution. There have been consequent convictions for money laundering or a predicate
offense, though not in Liechtenstein.

6. The AML/CFT law (Due Diligence Act–DDA) was last amended in February 2006
and is elaborated by a 2005 Due Diligence Ordinance (DDO) to provide the main legal basis
for the AML/CFT preventive measures. Banks and other financial institutions and relevant
DNFBPs are supervised by the Financial Market Authority (FMA), which reports directly to Parliament. However, some doubt remains as to whether the scope of AML/CFT coverage is sufficiently wide to fully meet the FATF Recommendations. The DDA and DDO provide a
broad framework for customer due diligence (CDD), though their provisions fall short of the
international standard on some substantive issues and a range of technical points. This
reflects the fact that, as in many European Economic Area (EEA) member states,
Liechtenstein plans to implement the EU Third Money Laundering Directive by 2008, during
which process the authorities will have an opportunity to address the identified deficiencies.

7. In Liechtenstein, CDD is based mainly on the obligation to prepare and maintain a
customer profile, including beneficial ownership information, source of funds, and purpose
of the relationship. Discussions with auditors, who are contracted by the FMA to conduct
most of the AML/CFT on-site supervision, indicate that levels of compliance have improved
significantly, although not evenly across all categories of reporting institutions. In identifying
high-risk customers and beneficial owners, excessive discretion is provided in the law to
financial institutions and there is no explicit requirement for enhanced due diligence. Having
regard to the inherent risk in much of the financial service business in Liechtenstein, there is
a need for additional attention to the quality and depth of the identification of beneficial
owners and the conduct of ongoing due diligence.

Preventive Measures—Financial Institutions

17. AML/CFT preventive measures are defined in the Due Diligence Act, the
requirements of which are expanded in secondary legislation in the Due Diligence Ordinance
(DDO). The DDA was significantly revised in 2004 with the aim of transposing the revised
FATF Recommendations, as well as the EC Directive 2001/97/EC. The DDA provides for
due diligence to be completed by legal and natural persons (personal scope) when conducting
financial transactions on a professional basis (substantive scope). All financial institutions
fall under the personal scope of application and, in practice, all FATF-defined transactions
are covered under the substantive scope of application.

18. Liechtenstein has established an overall risk-based approach which requires financial
institutions to build, and keep updated a profile for each long-term customer. The profile,
which is to be completed on a risk-sensitive basis, consolidates CDD data and includes
notably beneficial ownership information, source of funds, and purpose of the relationship.
Detection of suspicious activities is based on deviation from the profile on the basis of risk
criteria. However, by comparison with the FATF Recommendations, the legal provisions
may give excessive discretion to financial institutions when applying the risk-based system
and do not fully comply with a number of specific criteria of the standard. The DDA and the
DDO provide only broad instructions with regard to determining high-risk criteria for
customers, for all complex, unusual large transactions or unusual patterns of transaction, and
for transactions from countries that do not or inadequately apply the FATF
Recommendations, as well as to defining specific due diligence for PEPs or respondent
banks. Legal or regulatory requirements do not fully address the misuse of new technologies.
Identification, transaction and investigation records, which have to be maintained in
Liechtenstein for at least 10 years, should also be sufficient to permit reconstruction of
individual transactions and provide evidence for prosecution. Requirements for foreign
branches and subsidiaries related to AML/CFT need to be strengthened, particularly as
several of the Liechtenstein banks continue to expand their activities in other jurisdictions.

19. Provisions regarding CDD are broadly in line with the international standard, but,
whether conducted directly or through intermediaries, they need to be strengthened further in
some areas. The DDA and the DDO grant some exemptions to identification, and the
requirements for identification of beneficial owners, as well as verification of customers’ and
beneficial owners’ identity, need to be broadened. Financial institutions also may rely on
domestic and foreign intermediaries that introduce new business to provide them with
customer profile information and certified copies of identification documents, but also to
conduct ongoing monitoring of customers and transactions. Moreover, financial institutions
are legally protected (subject to certain conditions) from responsibility for deficiencies in
CDD conducted by their intermediaries.