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HUGE DEVELOPMENT – Iran was very clear that its response would be disciplined and non-escalatory, – Reuters, according to a source familiar with US intelligence
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❗️During a TV show on Hebrew Channel 13, Israeli army commander Bar Zonshine admits to implementing the Hannibal Directive.
URGENT – Channel 13 on Israeli officials: If the response comes from Iranian territory, Israel will have to respond strongly and without any delay.
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Hillel Biton Rosen, reporter of Hebrew Channel 14: The latest assessment of the situation here in Israel indicates that Iran will attack in the coming days; It is expected that this attack will include the firing of dozens of projectiles in the first phase from Iran, Yemen and Iraq; There is a question mark about the possible involvement of Hezbollah and its proxies in Syria in this attack; Air defense is on standby; There is coordination with the Americans to thwart this attack at best.
Israeli Channel 14: The Iranians are preparing a multi-pronged attack from Iran, Lebanon, Syria and Iraq
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The Iranian delegation to the UN: An Iranian response can be avoided if the UN condemns the attack on the Iranian consulate in Damascus.
Attack seems to be postphoned.
(Developing story)
💣 BOMBSHELL Israel is facing a multi-level attack on various frontlines, according to Marco Rubio, member of the US Senate Intelligence Committee
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HUGE DEVELOPMENT – Iran was very clear that its response would be disciplined and non-escalatory, – Reuters, according to a source familiar with US intelligence
Meanwhile, keep updated Subscribe
❗️During a TV show on Hebrew Channel 13, Israeli army commander Bar Zonshine admits to implementing the Hannibal Directive.
URGENT – Channel 13 on Israeli officials: If the response comes from Iranian territory, Israel will have to respond strongly and without any delay.
Meanwhile, keep updated Subscribe
Hillel Biton Rosen, reporter of Hebrew Channel 14: The latest assessment of the situation here in Israel indicates that Iran will attack in the coming days; It is expected that this attack will include the firing of dozens of projectiles in the first phase from Iran, Yemen and Iraq; There is a question mark about the possible involvement of Hezbollah and its proxies in Syria in this attack; Air defense is on standby; There is coordination with the Americans to thwart this attack at best.
Israeli Channel 14: The Iranians are preparing a multi-pronged attack from Iran, Lebanon, Syria and Iraq
Meanwhile, keep updated Subscribe
The Iranian delegation to the UN: An Iranian response can be avoided if the UN condemns the attack on the Iranian consulate in Damascus.
Attack seems to be postphoned.
(Developing story)
💣 BOMBSHELL Israel is facing a multi-level attack on various frontlines, according to Marco Rubio, member of the US Senate Intelligence Committee
He said it! Meanwhile, keep updated Subscribe
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Breaking: the @IDF released cctv footage from the Shifa Hospital with an October 7th time stamp, documenting Hamas terrorists forcibly transporting hostages (a Nepalese civilian and a Thai civilian) through the hospital.
Female soldiers wounded by a grenade are hiding under the table, the terrorists approach them and kill them at point blank range. Follow ✌️@abovetopsecretxxl
The Samson Option explodes one of the world’s most closely guarded secrets—the secret of Israel’s atomic arsenal. It relates, for the first time, the political, diplomatic, and military repercussions that have for decades been concealed from the world. It is also about America’s ability not to see what it does not want to see. All American presidents since John F. Kennedy have turned a blind eye toward Israel’s growing nuclear capacity while paying lip service to the goal of nuclear nonproliferation. In The Samson Option, Seymour M. Hersh, the Pulitzer Prize-winner who wrote the first account of the My Lai massacre in South Vietnam, reveals one of the classic clandestine operations of our time: Israel’s spectacular underground nuclear facility in the Negev Desert, where its technicians and scientists began manufacturing nuclear warheads in the late 1960s. It describes the bitter infighting within the Israeli government over the bomb and its huge cost. It tells how the money for me nuclear program was raised abroad, and how the early technology was acquired with the aid of France. And it shows how and when Israel threatened to use its nuclear power. The Samson Option reveals many startling events that played a secret and significant role in the history of our times from the early 1960s through the Gulf War: • How, in the late 1970s, Israel not only stole reconnaissance intelligence from our most secret of satellites, the KH-11, but used that data to help target the Soviet Union; • How Jonathan Pollard, the American spy now serving a life sentence in jail, was a key figure in Israel’s nuclear program (and how some of Pollard’s intelligence was turned over to the Soviet Union at the express direction of Yitzhak Shamir, the Israeli prime minister); • How Israel created a false control room at the nuclear reactor at Dimona to give U.S. inspectors the false impression that the facility was solely for research; • How the Eisenhower administration made a concerted last-ditch effort in December 1960 to force Israel to acknowledge its nuclear ambitions—and failed; • How Israel threatened Henry Kissinger and Richard Nixon with the use of nuclear weapons on the third day of the 1973 Yom Kippur War, successfully blackmailing the White House to airlift much needed supplies; • How South Africa cooperated with Israel to create a mysterious 1979 “flash” in the South Atlantic, actually a test of an Israeli-South African nuclear artillery shell; • How Israel used a top London newspaper editor to help catch Mordecai Vanunu, its nuclear traitor; • How a prominent American Jewish Democratic party fund-raiser also raised money for the Israeli bomb—and was able to intervene repeatedly at the White House; and • How the American intelligence community was finally able to learn what Israel was doing at Dimona—though it was understood that no one’s career would be enhanced by providing such intelligence to the White House. The Samson Option is ultimately a narrative of how the bomb influenced the diplomatic relations between Israel and America far more than was seen or understood by the press and the public. It shows that, in every sense, Israel was born a nuclear power. Since its founding, some of its leaders, including David Ben-Gurion and Ernst David Bergmann—the little-known scientist who was the father of the Israeli bomb—were determined that no future enemy would be able to carry out another Holocaust. Just as Samson brought down the temple and killed himself along with his enemies, so would Israel destroy those who sought its destruction. The message of The Samson Option is stark: The next Middle East war might very well be nuclear.Addeddate 2010-11-19 00:04:28Identifier Sampson_OptionIdentifier-ark ark:/13960/t6zw27s6zOcr ABBYY FineReader 8.0Openlibrary_edition OL1567229MOpenlibrary_work OL1804618WPages 366Ppi 600
Reviewer:jew_cockroach – – May 25, 2021 Subject: here is a quick summary to anyone new to this conflict
The Israel lobby controls American politics and politicians. America sends $5 BILLION in aid to Israel. Israel gets to do whatever the fuck they want – apartheid, genocide. If israel decides to use nukes, there is no one who can stop them – they’ll just say their “defending themselves” and the big and powerful American govt will sit around and watch it happen because the Israel lobby controls what they say and do.
Reviewer: prose – – January 20, 2016 Subject: Misspelling in title
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Israel | Human Skin Bank The Synagogue of Satan: A Organ Harvesting Mafia
‘How many innocent Palestinian were murdered by the IDF organ mafia ? Were they executed for the theft of their organs, in order to make millions of gains for the IDF?
The answers to these questions will be more objective after reading the report translated from Arabic newspapers into English. The Arabic report includes excerpts of what was mentioned in the report of Channel 2 aired on December 19 2009 in Israel.’
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Israel publishes what it claims are Iranian documents showing Iran illegally obtained IAEA files and used them to mislead nuclear inspectors in the early 2000s.
The docs are from a 2018 trove stolen by Mossad operatives and now published by Israel
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+++ Military informants worried: the situation is cumulating, it still does not look like calming down. On the contrary.
+++ NATO operations against Russia are already being planned behind the scenes. China is also supposed to be involved. Still these are rumors.
+++ Note: In fact, the scope and intensity of the propaganda of the mainstream media is only comparable to “Corona” and “9/11”. Other crimes, like Libya or Syria, ran comparatively by the way. The consequences for Europe, it is seriously to be feared, will be correspondingly dramatic.
+++ Almost all commentators of the freedom movement call for demonstrations for PEACE and AGAINST a European entry into the war on Monday and subsequently. The peace signal is important for all warring parties, they say. “Germany, Austria, Central Europe: the peoples do not want war!” Christoph Hörstel, Neue Mitte, a German political party and former war journalist, calls, today Sunday, for people to show peace messages and also Russia flags: “If we don’t show our colors, we will die! Quite simply. We must signal to Russia that we do not want war and do not support the aggression of the policy here, which is preparing a NATO war!”
+++ Putin has repeatedly stressed that he is ready to use nuclear weapons in the conflict over Ukraine (as he did previously over Crimea).
+++ Both the U.S. and Russia/China warfare are likely to care only to a limited extent about the people in the “buffer zone” if the worst comes to the worst. Europe is then battlefield.
+++ The people on the street, according to many observers, would have it once again in the hand: The bought political actors must be made to give in. The street must make clear: No war! Not in our name!
Europe does not have the task to enter this dangerous war here. Europe must now fight for its sovereignty and stand up. For peace, freedom, self-determination.
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BREAKING!! YOU MUST LISTEN- THIS IS MSM ABOUT AN OFFICIAL REPORT OF ADVERSE SE – ——- A senior official in the Israeli MOH: “There seems to be an excess disease and we will have to take this into account in our recommendation to vaccinate children. Based on 70% of the data received from the hospitals, it seems that the vaccine has been LINKED to myocarditis. There are more such cases in VACCINATED 16-30 y.o. than in unvaccinated.
1/ Many ask – how can it be that the GP and all the coercion that followed passed in Israel so relatively quietly? And this is a question I have been asking myself for a long time as well. I think only today, as a trauma victim, am I able to look back and explain the process:63457Gal G @GalG____·
2/ The process began with prolonged and very severe intimidation and coercion that gradually broke the Israeli public’s opposition to other issues – such as repeated political elections, and a prime minister who divided the public anyway,1424Gal G @GalG____·
2/ Moreover, despite the desire to create a setting as if there was a full and normal routine here – the Israeli Ministry of Health JUST RECOMMENDED TODAY TO EXTENT THE DECLARATION OF A “STATE OF EMERGENCY” in Israel >>197071.8KGal Gur @GalGur_·
3/ to which is the foundation for coercion, violation of basic rights, severe discrimination under a “green mark (pass)”, prolonged closure (Of about 5 months overall) and a lot of undemocratic and not “routine” restrictions. >116031.7KGal Gur @GalGur_·
4/ If the situation in Israel had “returned to routine thanks to the astounding success of vaccines” then the “state of emergency” would not have continued.65791.8KGal Gur @GalGur_·
5/ In fact, since the beginning of the “vaccination project” there has been only more intimidation and in many ways – even though the closure has been lifted, much more coercion.45461.6KGal Gur @GalGur_·
6/We live under increasing coercion, discrimination, marking and division into two civil societies-according to the “green mark (pass)”. Basic activities such as work, education, health and recreation – have become a luxury for only vaccinated people. And even then – temporary268261.9KGal Gur @GalGur_·
7/ Only some places allow the presentation of a negative test to COVID- every 72 hours (!)-the approval output sometimes puts out an output of all the medical tests you have done, recently it was announced that citizens who chosen to do so will have to pay for the tests.75101.4KGal Gur @GalGur_·
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Israel remains in a constant state of survival, commissioning super sleuths for military assassinations, kidnappings and counterintelligence. From retribution against ex-Nazis to the establishment of the Mossad, this episode focuses on Israeli intelligence.
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A complex series of concrete walls, electronic fences, and other obstacles to control Palestinian pedestrian and vehicular movement. Palestinian access to land and communities located behind the Barrier is subject to a permit or prior coordination regime. In its 2004 Advisory Opinion, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) established that the sections of the Barrier which run inside the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, together with the associated gate and permit regime, violate Israel’s obligations under international law.
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With increased combat activities in the Middle East during the First Gulf War in 1991 and through the wars inIraq and Afghanistan of the 2000’s, the U.S. Marine Corps has used America’s strategic alliance with Israel to better train and prepare its soldiers for battle. Israel is known as having one of the most tactically advanced infantry forces in the world and they are one of few countries in the Middle East that allows Marines to train on its soil with soldiers from Israel Defense Forces.
In late November and early December 1998, Marine forces conducted land and sea maneuvers for nearly two weeks in the Negev desert. The exercises were reportedly routine and not related to tensions with Iraq and a U.S. Embassy spokesman said the Marines were conducting the exercises alone.
In April 2005, Marines from the Sixth Fleet who specialize in extraction operations to evacuate U.S. personnel from hostile territory conducted joint maneuvers with their Israeli counterparts. The Marines simulated an armed assault from the sea while IDF forces maneuvered inland until the two forces met. Military sources said the operation was code named “Kaya Green.”
In June 2007, the Army Corps of Engineers finished construction of a 7.4 square mile fake city in the heart of the Negev desert that Israel will use for simulated urban combat training, often together with Marines. “This is something developed by us in cooperation with the U.S. Army; we intend for it to become a valuable center of knowledge that will also benefit our American allies and other friends,” said Brig. Gen. Uzi Moskovich, commander of Israel’s National Ground Training Center.
In March 2008, US and Israeli forces initiated a joint battle simulation exercise, code-named “Juniper Falcon,” designed to improve coordination between the two countries’ armed forces. The joint simulation was part of a general agreement between the two countries to to hold regular joint training exercises aimed at boosting “interoperability, understanding and cooperation,” said a military statement released after the exercise was completed. The two forces participated in “Juniped Falcon” again in 2010.
In August 2011, a group of 50 specialized Marines trained for two weeks at the Urban Warfare Training facility in southern Israel, mostly working on close-quarter battle. “[The Marines] have been trained to re-capture buildings and to clear out terrorist threats inside of a building, but they’ve never been trained on how to you know clear a building, and move to another one clear it and move to another one,” Marine Platoon Commander Mike Jevons said.
In August 2013, Givati Brigade Special Forces conducted a joint exercise with units from the Marine Corps to examine various techniques of urban warfare, to teach the IDF approach to urban warfare and to learn about the Marines’ operational experience in Afghanistan and Iraq. The exercise took place over three days at the Urban Warfare Training. The purpose of the exercise was for each unit to learn from the operational experience of the other in fighting in urban terrain.
The U.S. military sent 173 paratroopers to train with the Egoz Guerilla Warfare Unit of the IDF Golani Brigade during late November and early December 2015. For one week the soldiers trained together, practicing at the urban warfare training center at Tze’elim base, and running field exercises. The American troops arrived in Israel toting their weapons and personal combat gear. The differences in the way things were run were obvious, for example the Americans relied on GPS navigation systems to guide them to their destinations, while Israeli soldiers were required to learn their paths ahead of time from a map.
IDF Special Forces and U.S. Marines engaged in a joint training exercise in the Negev Desert during July 2016, dubbed “Noble Shirley”. The soldiers trained for battle against terrorists by practicing landing helicopters in stressful situations, urban warfare, and military takeover techniques. Groups also practiced bringing medical aid to injured soldiers behind enemy lines.
Sources: IDF Spokesperson’s Office;
Opall-Rome, Barbara. “Marines to train at new Israeli combat center,” Marine Corps Times (June 24, 2007);
Julie Stahl. “US Marines Train in Israeli Warfare Camp,” CBN News (August 17, 2011);
“Special Training: U.S. Marines vs. Givati Special Forces,” IDF Blog (August 15, 2013);
Zitun, Yoav. “American paratroopers train with IDF’s Egoz unit in Israel,” YNet News (December 3, 2015);
“’IDF special forces, US Marines train for combating ISIS in Negev drill,’” Jerusalem Post (July 28, 2016)
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Mahmoud Ahmadinejad believes the most important task of the Iranian Revolution was to prepare the way for the return of the Twelfth Imam, who disappeared in 874, bringing an end to Muhammad’s lineage. This imam, the Mahdi or “divinely guided one,” Shiites believe, will return in an apocalyptic battle in which the forces of righteousness will defeat the forces of evil and bring about a new era in which Islam ultimately becomes the dominant religion throughout the world. The Shiites have been waiting patiently for the Twelfth Imam for more than a thousand years, but Ahmadinejad believes he can now hasten the return through a nuclear war. Ayatollah Hussein Nuri Hamdani explicitly said in 2005 that “the Jews should be fought against and forced to surrender to prepare the way for the coming of the Hidden Imam.” It is this apocalyptic world view, Middle East scholar Bernard Lewis notes, that distinguishes Iran from other governments with nuclear weapons.
Lewis quotes a passage from Ayatollah Khomeini cited in an 11th grade Iranian schoolbook, “I am decisively announcing to the whole world that if the world-devourers [the infidel powers] wish to stand against our religion, we will stand against the whole world and will not cease until the annihilation of all of them. Either we all become free, or we will go to the greater freedom, which is martyrdom. Either we shake one another’s hands in joy at the victory of Islam in the world, or all of us will turn to eternal life and martyrdom. In both cases, victory and success are ours.”
There are those who think that Muslims would never use such weapons against Israel because innocent Muslims would be killed as well, but Saddam Hussein did not hesitate to use poison gas on his own people. During the war in Lebanon in 2006, Hezbollah did not worry that rocketing cities with large Arab populations such as Haifa and Nazareth would kill non-Jews (and 24 of the 52 Israeli casualties were non-Jews). Muslims murder each other every day in Iraq. And Iran fought a ten-year war with Iraq in which as many as one million Muslims were killed.
Ayatollah Ali Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani explicitly said he wasn’t concerned about fallout from an attack on Israel. “If a day comes when the world of Islam is duly equipped with the arms Israel has in possession,” he said “the strategy of colonialism would face a stalemate because application of an atomic bomb would not leave anything in Israel but the same thing would just produce damages in the Muslim world.” As even one Iranian commentator noted, Rafsanjani apparently wasn’t concerned that “the destruction of the Jewish State would also means the mass killing of the Palestinian population as well.”
Iran would never launch a nuclear attack against Israel, some argue because, as the old Sting song used to say about the Russians, the Iranians “love their children too.” In the days of the Cold War, this idea was known as MAD or Mutually Assured Destruction. In the Iranian case, no Muslim leader would risk an Israeli counterstrike that might destroy them. MAD doesn’t work, however, if the Iranians believe there will be destruction anyway at the end of time. What matters, Bernard Lewis observed, is if the infidels go to hell and believers go to heaven. And if you believe that killing the nonbelievers will earn you a place in Paradise with 72 virgins, what difference does it make if you go out in a blaze of glory as a suicide bomber or in the shadow of a mushroom cloud?
Optimists also suggest the Iranians are driven more by rationality than theology and would not risk using nuclear weapons. Others believe they are irrational and therefore cannot be trusted to hold their fire. One does not have to believe the Iranians are irrational, however, to foresee the possibility of an attack on Israel with nuclear weapons. Rafsanjani, the President of Iran before Ahmadinejad, was just as adamant about destroying Israel as his successor. Contrary to the old aphorism that you can’t win a nuclear war, he argued that Iran could achieve victory. He said that “Israel is much smaller than Iran in land mass, and therefore far more vulnerable to nuclear attack.” Since Iran has 70 million people and Israel only has seven million, Rafsanjani believed Iran could survive an exchange of nuclear bombs while Israel would be annihilated. The rhetoric was bombastic, but he and other Iranian leaders might first consider the possibility that Israel could conceivably launch far more missiles and the outcome might be very different than he imagined.
Rafsanjani is correct about Israel’s vulnerability. Besides the population difference, the disparity in size of the countries is such that it does not take a whole arsenal of ICBMS like the old Soviet Union had to destroy Israel; Iran need only have three crude bombs to attack Israel’s three major population centers – Tel Aviv, Haifa and Jerusalem – and it’s goodbye Israel.
Iran will not have to use nuclear weapons to influence events in the region. Maj. Gen. Vladimir Dvorkin, head of the Moscow-based Center for Strategic Nuclear Forces, said the potential danger of an Iranian bomb is not the possibility of a nuclear strike against some countries, but the ability to assume a more bold approach in dealing with the international community after becoming a nuclear power. “The real threat is that Iran, which is already ignoring all resolutions and sanctions issued by the UN Security Council, will be practically ‘untouchable’ after acquiring nuclear-power status, and will be able to expand its support of terrorist organizations, including Hamas and Hezbollah” said Dvorkin (RIA Novosti, March 12, 2009).
Furthermore, by possessing a nuclear capability, the Iranians can deter Israel or any other nation from attacking Iran or its allies. When Hezbollah attacked Israel in 2006, for example, a nuclear Iran could have threatened retaliation against Tel Aviv if Israeli forces bombed Beirut. The mere threat of using nuclear weapons would be sufficient to drive Israelis into shelters and could cripple the economy. What foreign investors will want to risk their money going up in the smoke of a mushroom cloud? Will immigrants want to come to a country that lives in the shadow of annihilation? Will Israelis accept the risk? Israeli leaders will have to decide if they can risk calling the Iranians’ bluff.
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Prof. Mohammed Nuruzzaman of the Gulf University for Science and Technology in Kuwaitnoted that the JCPOA has not produced the change in behavior Obama anticipated. “Washington, to its deep frustration, has noticed that it simply made a series of unfounded calculations about Iran,” he said. “Just three months after the deal was concluded, Khamenei closed the door to U.S.-Iranian cooperation by imposing an outright ban on further negotiations with the United States.” Nuruzzaman added that Khamenei also ruled out cooperation with the “Great Satan” on regional issues.768
Iran has only received a fraction of the $150 billion windfall expected when sanctions are eased and assets released, but it is already creating greater chaos in the region. Iran has increased its involvement in backing the Syrian regime, has intervened in the civil was in Yemen against forces supported by Saudi Arabia, and fuels the ambition and arsenal of Hezbollah terrorists in preparation for a future conflict with Israel.
More seriously, as many opponents of the deal predicted, Iran is already cheating on the nuclear deal. Thanks to a leak from German intelligence, we know there have been extensive Iranian attempts to acquire illicit materials, especially goods that can be used in the field of nuclear technology.769
This revelation was followed by the disclosure of a part of the nuclear deal that was never revealed to the public. Instead of Iran being precluded from engaging in nuclear activities for 15 years, we now know that after 11 years, Iran can start replacing its current centrifuges with more advanced ones. As a result, instead of Iran having a one-year breakout time (which, absurdly, was considered a great achievement as opposed to destroying Iran’s capability altogether) to six months or less.770 The Obama administration had this information but failed to disclose it to the American people.
The Directorate of Military Intelligence is called Agaf HaModi’in in Hebrew. It is often abbreviated as A’man.
Service Years
Name
2010 – Present
Maj. Gen. Aviv Kokhavi
2006 – 2010
Maj. Gen. Amos Yadlin
2001 – 2006
Maj. Gen. Aharon Zeevi-Farkash
1998 – 2001
Maj. Gen. Amos Malka
1995 – 1998
Maj. Gen. Moshe Ya’alon
1991 – 1995
Maj. Gen. Uri Saguy
1986 – 1991
Maj. Gen. Amnon Lipkin-Shahak
1983 – 1985
Maj. Gen. Ehud Barak
1979 – 1983
Maj. Gen. Yehoshua Saguy
1974 – 1978
Maj. Gen. Shlomo Gazit
1972 – 1974
Maj. Gen. Eliahu Zeira
1964 – 1972
Maj. Gen. Aharon Yariv
1962 – 1963
Maj. Gen. Meir Amit
1959 – 1962
Maj. Gen. Chaim Herzog
1955 – 1959
Maj. Gen. Yehoshafat Harkabi
1950 – 1955
Col. Binyamin Gibli
1949 – 1950
Col. Chaim Herzog
1948 – 1949
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The Battle of Mishmar HaEmek
On April 4th 1948, the odds were not in Israel’s favor. Outnumbered ten to three and with artillery shells raining down on them, a few hundred Jewish residents and soldiers managed to hold off about one thousand troops of the Arab Liberation Army. The Arabs had attacked the kibbutz, Mishmar Haemek, with the intent of taking it for the strategic location in between Jenin and Haifa. All hope seemed lost, yet surrender was not acceptable. Miraculously, the highly outnumbered Jewish forces managed to go on the offensive, successfully taking over the Arab villages surrounding the kibbutz. This attack led to the Arab Liberation Army’s retreat and was the last significant stand of the Arab Liberation Front in the Israeli War of Independence.
The Battle for Katamon
During the Independence War, Israeli forces reentered Katamon which was a key strategic position inJerusalem that Israel had failed to retake from the Arab forces controlling it, just two days earlier. This time, the Israeli troops quickly captured the monastery that was being used as the Arab forces’ base of operations and that was the end of the fighting, or so they thought… After a few quiet hours, a fierce counter-attack began. Although they managed to hold off the Arabs, the Palmach began to run low on supplies. Additionally, they suffered countless injuries including Platoon Commander Raful Eitan who was shot in the head. They needed to retreat, but no soldier could be left behind for torture and mutilation. It was decided that those wounded who could not make it out would be put in a room rigged with explosives. Two soldiers would stay behind and detonate the explosives when the Iraqi forces reached the monastery. In the meantime, the enemy forces had also suffered many casualties and were out of Ammo. Their surrender was near, but the Israeli Forces in the monastery had no way of knowing this. The Israeli soldiers were on their way out the door, when suddenly the words “don’t retreat” echoed from a radio that was thought to be broken. The Arabs retreated. The Israelis stayed and reinforcements arrived to treat the wounded. Raful, the platoon commander, survived what should have been a fatal bullet wound to the head and was back in action, half an hour later! This, along with the battle being won, was nothing short of miraculous.
The Battle of Safed
In 1948, as their sovereignty over Palestine was coming to an end, the British were handing over the strategic high points of the city to the heavily armed Arab troops. Outnumbered and outgunned, the Israeli forces struggled battling over Safed for months. In late April, an artillery piece nicknamed “The Davidka” was delivered to the Jews. Surprisingly ineffective, the most notable feature of the Davidka was the tremendous noise it produced. A rumor quickly spread through the Arab ranks that the Jews had acquired an atom bomb, and the entire Arab community left that night. With their exit, morale deteriorated among the Arab troops, and the Haganah was able to secure the city.
Taking Back Mount Zion
During the Independence War, Ira Rappaport’s Israeli platoon fought the Jordanian military for Mount Zionand found themselves surrounded by hundreds with only twenty five bullets left. With a sad end seemingly near, the men agreed to go out with a bang and readied themselves to make good use of every last bullet. Then, just when the small platoon were about to face the inevitable, something incredible happened. The Jordanian soldiers dropped their weapons and began suddenly running away, screaming “ABRAHAM!”. Several years later, Ira would come across a familiar face with an unlikely answer, as to what had actually occurred on that miraculous day. This was a former Jordanian soldier who had fought against Ira on Mount Zion. According to him, his army all witnessed a vision of Abraham defending the Jews in the sky above the Israeli platoon and had no choice, but to drop their weapons.
Saving the Kibbutz
During the War of Independence, twenty-four homemade Israeli armored trucks and cars took a wrong turn on the way to aid a besieged Kibbutz, and crossed and accidentally entered Lebanon. They realized their mistake, when they ran into twenty brand new Syrian armored cars traveling with dozens of Syrian supplies trucks carrying ammunition and artillery. The Israelis immediately fired at the first Syrian truck and amazingly hit a tank loaded with gasoline, causing an explosion, which set fire to the following truck full of hand grenades. One by one, each truck in the Syrian convoy exploded. The loud booms could be heard for miles and the scared surviving Syrians abandoned their cargo. The Israelis had just enough people to drive the captured armored vehicles and Syrian weapons back. By the time they finally reached the Kibbutz, the Arab besiegers had already left. Apparently, after they heard rumors that the Israeli forces invaded Lebanon, they fled back toSyria. And that’s how one wrong turn saved an entire kibbutz. The skeptical may write it off as accidental, but when it comes to Israel there are no accidents.
The Attack on Degania
Shortly after the Independence War, nearly all of the Syrian forces stationed at Tel al-Qasr used two hundred armored Syrian vehicles including forty-five tanks to attack Israel’s oldest kibbutzim; Degania Alef (“A”) and Degania Bet (“B”). With no artillery, about seventy Israelis (most of them were kibbutz members which means they were not regular fighters) had virtually no chance of blocking a Syrian advance, but they wouldn’t go down without a fight. When the tanks approached Degania Aleph, the minimal Israeli forces began to throw molotov cocktails and behold, an Israeli soldier made a direct hit on the first approaching Syrian tank. Suddenly, the entire Syrian column was turning around and fleeing, possibly believing that Israel had a large multitude of anti-tank weapons. When the Syrians hit Degania Bet, the Israelis were incredibly low on weapons, but quickly assembled two ancient French cannons and used them well against the Syrians’ 75 mm cannons, and 60 and 81 mm mortars. The use of Israel’s little artillery must have really taken the Syrians by great surprise. Why else would they retreat when they had Israel outgunned and outnumbered? Sometimes, the best explanation is the simplest one. Miracles really do happen.
The Preemptive Strike
In 1967, Egypt began moving large forces and heavy artillery to the Sinai desert. Next, Egyptclosed the Straits of Tiran to Israeli ships and anyone bringing any military equipment to Israel. This was an act of war. WhenEgypt, Syria and Jordan formed a pact and placed their militaries on high alert for war, it became clear that conflict was inevitable. Israel had horrible odds. However, the Rebbe confidently declared, “G-d is guarding them (the people of Israel)” and “The people of Israel will emerge from the current situation with remarkable success.” And sure enough their success was more than remarkable, it was miraculous. Two hundred Israeli Air Force planes were heading towards Egyptian air bases and should have been shot down. Though flying very low to avoid being detected by Arab radar sites, a Jordanian radar facility was able to detect the unusual amount of aircrafts approaching the sea. Jordan quickly sent out the message, “Inab” (a code for war) to Egypt. Miraculously, however, the Egyptian coding frequencies were changed the very day before and Jordan was not yet updated. Still, the miracle of surprise was not enough. Egypt’s anti-aircraft ammunition was sufficient enough to destroy all the Israeli planes attacking. Miraculously, the order was not given to launch any of those missiles on the Israeli crafts. Israel accomplished her mission and took down half the Egyptian air force: two hundred and four Egyptian planes, the majority of which were in the Sinai Desert readying to attack Israel. With this battle, the Six Day War began.
The Battle of Ammunition Hill
This battle for an extremely fortified Jordanian military post in East Jerusalem was arguably the most furious battle of the Six Day War ‘67. Instead of an air strike that would ensure an israeli victory, they opted for a ground attack, using paratroopers, to minimize the risk of civilian casualties. However, the Israeli forces had incorrect intelligence suggesting the hill was being defended by a single Jordanian platoon, not accounting for the numerous underground bunkers throughout Ammunition Hill that made this battle so incredibly difficult. They sent a third of the amount they should have. This is the kind of serious mistake that should cost the military a battle and possibly the war, but not Israel. Despite their misinformation, Israel miraculously won this battle in the incredible time of just four hours! Ammunition Hill is currently a national memorial site.
Kusseima
To win the Six Day War, Israel needed to retake the Egyptians’ heavily fortified Kusseima outpost. The Egyptians were in control of powerful forces capable of a great counterattack, while the Israelis were weary from a full day of battle. As the Israeli Defence Forces drew near, they heard massive explosions. When they arrived they saw that the Egyptians had destroyed their equipment and abandoned the base, for no apparent reason! As the day continued, it became clear that the Egyptians were hastily abandoning many of their outposts and their supplies along with them. One mysterious report of the battle was from Egyptian soldiers who, when approaching the Israeli border, saw a gigantic hand come out from the sky. Immediately terrified, they turned around and ran the other way, unable to deny that they were witness to a supernatural event.
Taking Back Jerusalem
Starting June 5th, days of violent battling ensued throughout the old city of East Jerusalem. On June 7th, an eerie silence befell the city when Jordanian firing stopped. It was too quiet and so Israeli troops were dispatched to check for a trap. However, their report was of no trap, but of a miracle. The city was empty, save for all the equipment that the Jordanian army left behind. The Israeli forces entered East Jerusalem, and took the Temple Mount, reaching the Western Wall without even firing a single shot. The people of Israel had returned to the land again and again, but they never retook all of Jerusalem… not until June 8th, 1967. On this day, Israel not only had the land, but had her holiest city of Jerusalem, for the first time in almost 2000 years. “The Lord says: I will return to Zion and dwell in Jerusalem,” -Zechariah 8:3
The Golan Heights Attack
At the end of the 6 Day War, to retake the Golan Heights, Israel had to win an uphill battle against a heavily entrenched and well fortified Syrian army, consisting of seventy-five thousand troops. It was estimated that thirty thousand Israeli lives would be lost. Yet on June 9th, after just seven hours of heavy fighting, Israel had miraculously gained control of the main sectors. The next morning, the Israeli forces still expected another day of fierce fighting. The Syrians, however, had other plans. Before the Israelis even got to them, they pulled out of the Golan, fleeing frantically and leaving weapons behind. The mountains, which were once strategically used to murder Jews had fallen into the hands of the Jews. Having completed the final offensive, they signed a ceasefire.
Taking Tel Fakhr
Due to great casualties, an Israeli platoon was left with only twenty-five men. Nonetheless, what was left of the platoon continued to charge Tel Fakhr, in the Golan Heights. Little did they know, Tel Fakhr was maybe the most heavily fortified position Syria had. It had trenches, bunkers, and heavy wiring, machine guns, anti-tank guns, and mortars. Those Israeli soldiers did not stand a chance. That was until a miracle occurred. For no reason that makes any sense, a Syrian captain instructed his men not to fire on the Israelis until they reached the wiring. Before the Syrians knew it, they were too late. “The Jews are already inside, and we’ve taken heavy casualties,” they reported to their captain. Those who remained of the Israeli platoon were victorious, and continued up the Heights.
The result of the miracles of this war was the recapturing of the Western Wall and much of the land Israel has today; an Israeli victory in just six days.
Yom Kippur War
In 1973, while the entire country of Israel fasted for Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement), one hundred thousand Egyptians invaded Israel from the south and over 1,400 Syrian tanks invaded Israel from the north. Although one can say that every war is a miracle, Israel surviving, let alone winning this war, is arguably more miraculous than most of her other war victories. With a significant portion of the Israeli military either in their homes or synagogues, Israel was nearly defenseless. Not only was Israel caught completely off guard and outnumbered, now the vast majority of her soldiers were at their weakest. Initially Syria was gaining territory and logic dictates that Israel should have lost this war, but by the end of the the Yom Kippur War, Israelsomehow managed to come out on top and her weakened troops managed to reach 20 kilometers into Syria!
The Valley of Tears
During the Yom Kippur War, a small impossibly outnumbered Israeli force held back a large portion of the Syrian army, for four days in the Golan Heights. The Syrians were armed with hundreds of tanks, but gave the Israeli forces a false sense of security revealing only a few of their tanks in battle formation for months before the massive attack they had planned. If this attack was successful they could have taken Israel. They had three infantry divisions and over a thousand tanks. At one point, it was said to be just three Israeli tanks against one hundred and fifty Syrian tanks. A sergeant, out of shells wanted to leave his position, but was ordered to stay put. With no ammo, he was up against impossible odds. It would take a miracle to save him; to save Israel, and that’s just what happened. The Syrians retreated, just when the Israeli force was on the verge of collapse! It has been theorized that the Syrians didn’t know the tanks were out of shells and seeing only a few tanks changing positions, they may have believed that Israel had more tanks than they actually did. However, a Syrian soldier swears an army of Angels surrounded those few tanks Israel had and considering the rate of miracles surrounding the small country of Israel, that could truly be what happened in what is now known as, the Valley of Tears.
The Gas Attack That Never Was
During the Gulf War in 1991, Iraq threatened to use chemical weapons on Israel, a country which was not actively participating in the conflict. As Iraq bombarded Israel with rockets, the country prepared for the likely possibility of a chemical attack. However, one never occurred. Why? Strangely enough, wind patterns changed from the normal directions to blow East from Israel going directly towards Iraq. The U.S. military theorized that the odd weather changes likely served as the major cause for Iraq’s decision not to employ chemical warfare, since the winds would have caused any gas attacks on Israel to harm Iraq as well.
Thirty-Nine Rockets
In 1991, without any Israeli instigation, Iraq tried to provoke Israel into retaliating by firing 39 missiles intoIsrael. Despite this, Israel did not retaliate and miraculously managed to stay out of the Gulf War, much due toU.S. encouragement. Many Iraqi scud missiles were intercepted by Patriot missiles from the U.S, but not all of them. Still, throughout all of the numerous strikes on the West Bank, there was not a single death. Two missiles disappeared. To this day, nobody has taken credit for preventing their strikes and they have never been found. Another missile struck a garbage dump and for some reason did not explode. One missile landed just several feet away from a gas station, which could have caused devastation, but incredibly it also did not explode. Multiple missiles missed Iraq’s intended targets, instead landing in the Mediterranean Sea. One of which had gotten thrown off course by some inexplicable strong winds. There were other missiles that did hit and did actually explode. One of these exploded between two buildings and completely destroyed both of them, but somehow not a single soul was lost in this strike.
Not everyone realized the magnitude of this miracle until tragedy struck when over 40 were killed in a single missile strike on a U.S. marine bunker in Saudi Arabia. Even today, there are sadly parts of Israel that are being hit by terrorist rockets and while miracles do not occur for everyone, the rate of miracles for this country is undoubtedly exceptionally high.
Massacre Averted
During summer 2015, it was discovered that Hamas had been using supplies given by Israel for civil projects, to build tunnels that would enable them to transport weapons and invade Israel. In the weeks before July 17th,Hamas terrorists scouted out the area which one of their tunnels would potentially end, near the farming village of Sufa. It was perfect. At the time, this was a populated area of farmers concealed by tall wheat. Israelwouldn’t stand a chance. However, the terrorists didn’t count on the apparent power of faith. According to Jewish customs, there is a biblical mandate that requires farmers to harvest before taking a sabbatical year, in which it is forbidden to harvest in Israel. On July 17th, terrorists exited their completed tunnel only to find an empty open land. This attempted attack happen to occur just after the sabbatical year had begun and so, the religious farmers were no longer harvesting. Without the tall wheat for cover, the terrorists were quickly spotted and intercepted by the Israeli Defense Forces. A potential massacre was avoided because of this miracle. And looking at the history of Israel, it seems there are always greater miracles to come.
Source: “Top 17 miraculous Israeli military victories,” Israel Video Network, (May 20, 2015)
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An interview with Mr. Addy Cohen, a retired official from Israel’s Treasury Ministry, conducted by Ori Rabinowitz, a post-doctoral fellow at Tel Aviv University.
Part of the puzzle about the textile plant cover story is how it came about. While we know that Addy Cohen, the director of the Foreign Aid Office at the Treasury Ministry, used that description when guiding U.S. Ambassador Ogden Reid and some of his staff on a helicopter tour of the Negev in September 1960, the documentary trail has it limits. Cohen, who has just turned 87, and is living outside Tel Aviv, recalls the episode vividly. In a series of written and oral exchanges with the editors of this e-book in recent weeks, he has clarified further what happened.
As a senior official, Cohen was aware of the Dimona project and of its utmost secrecy. The issue of Dimona “was discussed in one of the Treasury Ministry executive meetings under [Minister Levi] Eshkol,” he wrote us. The helicopter tour covered various development projects that the U.S. supported, and they were on their way from the Dead Sea. “I was not prepared to Ambassador Reid’s question [about the Dimona site] as we flew far north of the structure. I ad libbed by referring to Trostler, the Jerusalemite architect [a relative of Cohen’s wife], who actually designed a textile plants” at Dimona.
Surprised by Reid’s query, Cohen improvised an answer that was not completely false. In retrospect, as he wrote on March 5, 2015, “It may have transpired that I was the first one who referred to the project as a ‘textile plant’ but I can assure you that it was not planned.”
Washington, D.C., April 15, 2015 – The U.S. government first learned of Israel’s secret nuclear program at Dimona from an American corporate official talking to U.S. diplomats in Tel Aviv during mid-summer 1960, according to a declassified document published today for the first time by the National Security Archive, the Nuclear Proliferation International History Project, and the Center for Nonproliferation Studies of the Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey. Other documents published today detail the discovery of the secret project that some in the U.S. government believed from the very start aimed at a weapons capability; the U.S. debates over Israel’s lack of candor; and U.S. government efforts to pressure the Israelis to answer key questions about the nature of the Dimona project.
This “discovery,” which came as the presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower was drawing to a close, caused apprehension in Washington by raising concern about regional stability and nuclear proliferation, but it also produced annoyance because Israeli officials at all levels repeatedly provided less than credible answers to U.S. questions about Dimona. Thus, in September 1960, when embassy officials asked about a new construction site when they were on a helicopter ride nearby, an adroit Israeli official, Addy Cohen, improvised a story to keep the secret: it was the site of a textile factory, he said; a story that was not wholly false because there was a textile plant near Dimona. An interview with Addy Cohen detailing the episode appears in this posting for the first time.
Documents published in this collection shed light on a particularly notable intelligence failure: how Washington missed warning signs that the Israelis had a nuclear project underway, but also how the U.S. belatedly realized what the Israelis were doing, and how Eisenhower and his senior advisers reacted to this discovery. Among the documents are:
The June 1959 Israel-Norway secret agreement providing for the sale of Norwegian heavy water to Israel (through the United Kingdom), transmitted by Oslo Embassy political officer Richard Kerry (father of Secretary of State John Kerry).
Reports about information from a then-covert source — University of Michigan nuclear engineering professor Henry Gomberg — who learned that the Israelis had a secret nuclear reactor project that involved experiments with plutonium.
A telegram from the U.S. embassy in Tel Aviv reporting on Finance Ministry official Addy Cohen’s statement that “we’ve been misbehaving,” and one by an unidentified official close to Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion that the secrecy surrounding Dimona was unjustifiable and that it was “a stupid mistake on the part of Israel.”
Reports by U.S. Ambassador Ogden Reid on conversations with Ben-Gurion.
A State Department message to the embassy in Tel Aviv conveying irritation that the responses of the Israeli government showed a “lack of candor.”
Messages about a role for the International Atomic Energy Agency in inspecting and safeguarding Dimona.
* * * * *
The Eisenhower Administration and the Discovery of Dimona: March 1958-January 1961
By Avner Cohen and William Burr
In the last months of 1960 as the presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower was coming to a close, the U.S. government discovered that Israel had been building, with French assistance, a secret nuclear reactor near Dimona in the Negev Desert that could give Israel a nuclear weapons potential. The discovery caused apprehension within the Eisenhower administration by invoking concerns about regional stability and nuclear proliferation, but it also produced annoyance because Israeli officials at all levels provided less than credible answers to U.S. questions about Dimona.
One episode that helped create a sense of deception was that, in response to initial U.S. official questions about the construction site, the Israelis said it would be a textile factory. Over the years the “textile factory” story has acquired legendary status, but exactly when the story came about has been a mystery. But recently unearthed U.S. government documents — an embassy telegram and a memorandum by the Deputy Chief of Mission — help solve this historical puzzle. They show that during a helicopter flight in September 1960, with American Ambassador Ogden Reid and others of his staff on board, not far from the reactor site, Ambassador Reid (or one of the travelers) asked what the big construction site was. Their host, Addy Cohen, a senior Treasury Ministry official, replied, “Why, that’s a textile plant.” In December 1960, when the Dimona issue was publicly exposed, Cohen was asked why he had said “textile factory.” He responded: “that was our story at the time.” Cohen acknowledged that “we have been misbehaving” by keeping Dimona secret, but justified the project as a “deterrent” against Arab neighbors.
Today the National Security Archive, the Nuclear Proliferation International History Project and the Center for Nonproliferation Studies of the Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey publish for the first time these two items and other declassified documents on the “discovery” of Dimona. The documents provide new perspectives on how the Eisenhower administration learned about the secret reactor project, how it reacted to the discovery, and how the Israelis responded. Among the findings are these:
The initial “discovery” by the U.S. embassy in Tel Aviv of the French-Israeli reactor project was probably in late July 1960, when a U.S. corporate official learned about it from an Israeli oil executive and told U.S. diplomats that the site would be a power reactor. This is the earliest known reference to Dimona.
The admission by French Foreign Minister Maurice Couve de Murville on December 16 to Secretary of State Christian Herter that France had helped Israel build the reactor, a “replica of [the] Marcoule plant.” He also told Herter that under the bilateral agreement, France would supply Israel the raw materials and receive any plutonium produced by the plant. In reply to Herter’s question about the plant’s financing, Couve said that he “assumed the money came from [the United States]”
Former Treasury Ministry official Addy Cohen ad libbed the “textile plant” story in response to questions on a helicopter tour [See above and sidebar].
An unidentified official close to Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, according to an Embassy telegram, told the Canadian ambassador that the secrecy surrounding Dimona was unjustifiable and that it was “a stupid mistake on the part of Israel.” Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern Affairs G. Lewis Jones agreed: It was “stupid of them” and an “unnecessary … Israeli caper.”
The financial aspects of the Dimona project, i.e., cost, financing, and the role of U.S. money — through both the diversion of U.S. government aid and the use of tax-deductible individual charities — played an important role in the Eisenhower administration’s internal deliberations on Dimona. Washington considered applying, but apparently did not use, the power to withhold economic assistance as pressure on Israel.
When the U.S. started asking questions about Dimona, and then when the issue was leaked to the press, an irritated Prime Minister Ben-Gurion asked Ambassador Ogden Reid: “Why in [the] States is everything being told [to] everybody?” Ben-Gurion stuck to the new Israeli cover story, namely, that the Dimona reactor was for peaceful purposes only, and for the economic development of the Negev in particular — no more than a step towards the building of nuclear power stations and the production of electric power, a badly needed resource.
A State Department message to the embassy in Tel Aviv conveyed a sense of irritation with the responses of the Israeli government: Ben-Gurion’s explanations “appear evasive” and the “clearly apparent lack of candor [is] difficult to reconcile with [the] confidence which had traditionally characterized U.S.-Israel relations.” The Department wanted more questions asked and more detailed and frank answers from Ben-Gurion.
In June 1959 Israel and Norway signed a secret agreement providing for Norway to sell heavy water to Israel (through the United Kingdom). According to the U.S. embassy first secretary in Oslo, Richard Kerry (father of Secretary of State John Kerry), disclosure of the agreement could be embarrassing to the Norwegian government in light of its efforts to play the role of an “honest broker” in international conflicts, including in the Middle East.
Also published in this collection are important documents that have been available in previous National Security Archive postings, but are a significant part of the record of the discovery of Dimona, including:
A Special National Intelligence Estimate — SNIE 100-8-60 from 8 December 1960 — that formally determined that “Israel is engaged in construction of a nuclear reactor complex in the Negev near Beersheba” and “plutonium production for weapons is at least one major purpose of this effort.” The SNIE estimated “that Israel will produce some weapons grade plutonium in 1963-64 and possibly as early as 1962.” A significant portion of the SNIE is still classified.
President Eisenhower’s meeting with top advisers on 19 December 1960 to discuss the Dimona problem, ponder the issues raised by Israeli fundraising in the United States, and discuss plans to encourage Israel to open up Dimona to visits by U.S. or reliable foreign scientists and to subject the reactor to International Atomic Energy Agency inspections. Some portions of this meeting record are also still classified.
The post-mortem on SNIE 100-8-60 ordered by the U.S. Intelligence Board whereby the intelligence community tried to determine what pieces of information it had missed and to learn lessons from the intelligence failure.
The Eisenhower administration’s “discovery” during the last months of 1960 that Israel was secretly building a large nuclear complex at Dimona was a belated one indeed. It occurred more than five years after Israel had made a secret national commitment to create a nuclear program aiming at providing an option to produce nuclear weapons; more than three years after Israel had signed its secret comprehensive nuclear bargain with France; and two years or more after Israel had begun the vast excavation and construction work at the Dimona site.
The tardiness of the discovery was a major blunder, what is called in our times an intelligence failure. In comparative terms, it was probably as severe as (or more so than) the failures to anticipate the Indian nuclear tests of in 1974 and 1998. Some of the documents included in this e-book provide clues as to why the discovery was delayed and the roots and causes of the intelligence failure.
What amounted to an intelligence breakdown by the United States was a tremendous counterintelligence success for Israel. The U.S. bungle enabled Israel to buy precious time for the highly vulnerable Dimona project. One could argue that had the United States discovered Dimona two years earlier, perhaps even a year earlier, that the young and fragile undertaking might not have survived. Early political pressure from the United States on the two foreign suppliers, France and Norway, might have terminated it at the very start.
The documents presented here reveal how surprised and angry the Eisenhower administration was when it learned about Dimona — and yet how circumspect Washington was in its reaction to the discovery. There was a huge gap between what senior U.S. officials said to each other about Dimona and what they said to the Israelis. On the one hand, the Americans were convinced that the evidence they had amassed indicated that it was plutonium production-oriented project with weapons potential that posed a significant proliferation risk. They were irritated that the Israelis were trying to pull the wool over their eyes with all manner of evasive answers and misleading stories. Apparently they had many doubts about Ben-Gurion’s new cover story as well. On the other hand, the administration masked its anger and suspicions; opting for a cautious approach, it chose not to be confrontational but to confine itself largely to: 1) seeking answers about Dimona and Israel’s intentions, and 2) encouraging Israel to accept visits by U.S. scientists and consent to applying International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards to Dimona, as a way to constrain Israeli freedom of action. There are hints that U.S. diplomats warned the Israelis that U.S. economic aid could be jeopardized, but with only weeks left in office the Eisenhower administration was in no position to coerce its ally over the issue.
***
This and the three other photographs of the construction site near Dinoma in the Negev desert for Israel’s then-secret nuclear reactor were taken during the last months of 1960. According to the U.S. Intelligence Board post-mortem (See Document 27A), the British and U.S. military attachés took photos and these could be from either source. The plainly visible reactor dome undermined Israeli claims that a textile factory was under construction. These images of the reactor site, some of them originally classified secret or confidential, are located in State Department records at the National Archives. (Record Group 59, Records of the Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Atomic Energy and Outer Space, General Records Relating to Atomic Energy, 1948-62, box 501, Country File Z1.50 Israel f. Reactors 1960)
President Eisenhower and Israel Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion during the latter’s visit in March 1960 to the United States. (Source: www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org)
Henry Gomberg, Professor of Nuclear Engineering at the University of Michigan, shown at the laboratory during the 1950s, several years before his fall November 1960 trip to Israel where he made discoveries about the Dimona reactor (photo courtesy of Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor).
Under Secretary of State Robert Murphy swearing in Ogden Reid, the newly-appointed U.S. ambassador to Israel, 7 June 1959 (photo from NARA Still Pictures Division, RG 59 SO).
Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs G. Lewis Jones, who wrote to Ambassador Reid that “it was stupid” of the Israelis to undertake the secret reactor project. (photo from NARA Still Pictures Division, RG 59 SO).
Addy Cohen (at the left) with Teddy Kollek, Director General of the Prime Minister’s Office and later, Mayor of Jerusalem.
To appreciate the full historical context of the American intelligence failure we need to say a little bit about the Dimona project itself. In 1955, soon after David Ben-Gurion came back to power as Israel’s prime minister and minister of defense, he launched a secret feasibility initiative to determine whether, and how, Israel could build a nuclear infrastructure to support a program aiming at producing nuclear explosives. Ben-Gurion delegated that difficult task to a young (32 years of age) and highly ambitious lieutenant, Shimon Peres, whose formal position was then the director general of the Ministry of Defense. Within three years, from 1955 to 1958, Peres did almost the impossible: he managed to transform the idea of a national nuclear program from a vague vision of the future into a real technological project in the making.
Unlike the chair of the Israeli Atomic Energy Commission (IAEC), Professor David Ernst Bergmann, who preached self-reliance, Peres’s overall philosophy was that Israel must not (and cannot) reinvent the wheel and therefore must find a foreign supplier who could provide the most comprehensive nuclear package possible, one suited for a weapons-oriented program.[1]
Those three years were filled with internal deliberations, debates and planning. Often different courses of action were examined simultaneously, on parallel or even conflicting tracks. At least three countries were considered at one time or another to be the foreign supplier: the United States, France, Norway and, to a limited extent, the United Kingdom. In historical perspective, it appears that by 1958, the project’s international master plan had become firmly drawn: France would be the foreign supplier, Norway would provide the heavy water and possibly the backup in case the French card went wrong, and the United States would provide a small peaceful package, under “Atoms of Peace,” that could serve as the camouflage for the whole project, mostly as a way to conceal Israel’s real achievement — Dimona — from the United States.
This raises the issue of secrecy. The story of Dimona is one of a huge secret. Secrecy was essential in order to shield and insulate the highly vulnerable, newly born, project from a hostile outside. At the very core, of course, it is an Israeli secret – the largest, most comprehensive and longest-held secret Israel has ever generated. However, it is more than an Israeli secret; Israel had partners in this venture. The prime partner was the chief foreign supplier, France; the second was Norway, in concert with the British.
And then there was the United States. In a sense, the secrecy surrounding Dimona was aimed primarily against the United States. After all, of all the nations involved, the U.S. posed the greatest threat to the Israeli program. Since the time of the Baruch Plan in 1946 the United States had been on the record opposing the spread of nuclear weapons. Washington helped to create the IAEA in 1957 — the very same year the Dimona deal was signed — and since then it had promoted the creation of an international safeguards system. Should the Dimona secret have been compromised, the United States would have likely exercised pressure on France either to terminate the project altogether or at least to submit it to international safeguards.
The documents in this e-book involve Israel’s nuclear relations with the United States, France and Norway. What follows is some brief background on Israel’s efforts with each of them:
The United States. On 12 July 1955, Israel was the second country to sign a general agreement with the United States for peaceful nuclear cooperation under “Atoms for Peace.” Initially, the leaders of the Israeli Atomic Energy Commission [IAEC] thought that American assistance could be the starting point for a largely indigenous Israeli nuclear program. Consistent with this vision, during 1955-56, IAEC Chairman Bergmann tried to find out whether the United States would provide assistance to build a “real reactor” — that is, a 10 MW natural uranium/heavy water reactor — but also to provide 10 tons of heavy water. Bergman made a formal request in July 1956 through a letter to AEC Chairman Lewis Strauss. In September the AEC notified Israel that it could be done but only under the aegis of a new bilateral nuclear power agreement which would require a more rigorous safeguards agreement than the original 1955 bilateral research accord. When Israel asked why, it was told that “plutonium production capabilities” necessitated stricter controls. When it became apparent the United States would insist on strict safeguards, Israel dropped its probe altogether.A year later, however, in 1957, Israel returned to the original U.S. “Atoms for Peace” offer to construct a small 1 MW swimming pool-type reactor, to be designed and installed by American Machines and Foundry (AMF) Atomics. The contract was signed on 20 March 1957 and in December of that year the long-awaited proposal was submitted to the USAEC by AMF on behalf of Israel for the Nachal Soreq (Rubin) site. Finally, on 19 March 1958, Israel signed a contract with AMF, expecting that the reactor startup date would be 15 months later. Construction on the Soreq site had begun in January 1958 and the small reactor reached criticality in a public ceremony in June 1960, six months prior to the discovery of Dimona.[2]Unlike Dimona, however, the Soreq (“Atoms for Peace”) reactor became subject to IAEA safeguards beginning in the mid-1960s.
France. By early 1956, as French-Israeli military relations intensified, Peres became convinced that France could evolve into Israel’s foreign nuclear supplier and acted accordingly. But it was the nationalization of the Suez Canal that summer which created the political opening for a French-Israeli nuclear deal. In September 1956 the French Atomic Energy Commission and the IAEC reached an agreement in principle for the sale of a small EL type research reactor to Israel. A month later, as a side issue at the end of the secret Sevres conference (October 22-24) (site of the “collusion” that led to the Suez campaign), the nuclear deal received top-level political approval. The 1956 deal, however, was quite limited in size and scope; it also did not include a chemical separation plant and related reprocessing technology.It was in the context of the Suez campaign itself, when all three participants were subject to Soviet nuclear threats, that France reinforced its own earlier (1954) decision to become a nuclear power and agreed to help Israel to do the same. With France making its own nuclear decisions it became easier for Peres to be more explicit about the package that Israel actually wanted. The small EL-102 reactor that the CEA had planned for Israel in the fall of 1956 — similar to the experimental EL3 18 MW in Sacly — was upgraded to a large plutonium-producing reactor of generally the same order as the G-1 reactor at Marcoule. Following a year of highly intense discussions and negotiations in France, on 30 October 1957 Peres finally signed the Dimona package, which included both hardware and technological aid. In the wake of widespread rumors of French-Israeli nuclear cooperation in early 1958, U.S. embassy officials reported that Israel had plans to build an “experimental” reactor but the State Department did not investigate this further (See Documents 1A–B).[3]
Norway. Beginning in 1955, Israeli AEC Chair Bergmann pressed his government to obtain 20 tons of heavy water cheaply and, if possible, without safeguards. Outside the United States, the Norwegian company Norsk Hydro was the only available producer of heavy water. In early 1956, Israel made a request to the United States but also approached Norway, informally via political channels, as to whether and when it could supply Israel with 20 tons of heavy water. Norway’s initial reply was that, due to current orders, it would be impossible to do so before the end of 1960. When the approach to Washington became hopeless, Israel grew more interested in the Norwegian supply. In August 1956, Bergmann wrote his friend Gunnar Randers, the director of the Norwegian Institute of for Atomic Energy, with a formal request to purchase 10 tons of heavy water. Randers responded noncommittally: supply was short but there was a “good chance” for a deal later on.Negotiations between Israel and Norway intensified in 1957-58, at the time that the Dimona deal was negotiated and signed. In a letter Randers wrote in August 1957 to Fredrik Moller, the director of NORATOM, a newly established company aimed at promoting the Norwegian nuclear industry, he explained that Israel needed the heavy water for a 40 MW “production reactor” fueled by natural uranium. As there were political and logistic difficulties with the Israeli order, to make it more attractive Randers presented it in the context of a larger nuclear cooperation agreement between NORATOM and the IAEC. In addition, to expedite the deal it became a three-party transaction: Israel purchased heavy water from NORATOM that had been sold and transferred two years earlier to Britain, but became surplus for them. The heavy water was shipped directly from the UK to Israel, without safeguards, as the issue of safeguards was left to the Norwegians. The paper record indicates that Randers was willing to be “creative” on controls, but the Norwegian Foreign Ministry insisted on safeguards to ascertain “peaceful use.” After long discussions Israel gave up on the question of safeguards and on 25 February 1959 the two countries exchanged documents on the heavy water sale with provisions to ensure that the use was peaceful. A few months later the Norwegian Foreign Ministry informed a U.S. AEC representative about the bilateral agreement, assuring him that it included safeguards and inspection rights (See Documents 2, 20).[4]
The discoveries of the French and Norwegian roles in the Israeli nuclear project were a revelation to the Eisenhower administration but it was even more surprised to discover that it already had in its possession clues that had not been followed up until it was too late. The documents below demonstrate how, during the short time it had available, the Eisenhower administration scrambled to pull the threads together by conducting an intelligence “post-mortem.” (See Document 27A). The post-mortem treated the missed opportunities as unfortunate but innocent errors caused by the deficient sharing of information and poor follow-up of instructions. But there have been more conspiratorial explanations of the missed opportunities: for example, the view that pro-Israeli officials in the AEC, CIA, and other agencies stove-piped important reports and information, and the open question that President Eisenhower himself may have chosen to look the other way during 1958-1959.[5]
A more delicate and complex dilemma faced by the Eisenhower administration was how to respond both publicly and privately to the challenge to U.S.-Israeli and U.S.-French relations posed by Dimona. Specifically, the administration had to decide how tough it should be and how to balance the Israeli proliferation concern against the rest of the U.S.-Israeli relationship. It is important to keep in mind that the administration was becoming aware of two things: (a) that Israel had made deliberate efforts to keep Dimona secret for as long as possible; and (b) that Washington could hardly take on faith the new Israeli “cover story” about Dimona, including Ben-Gurion’s public and private assurances. The administration remained skeptical, if not suspicious.
The possible public disclosure of Dimona also placed Israel, and specifically Prime Minister Ben-Gurion, in a dilemma: How should it react to the disclosure? How much should Israel tell and how truthful should it be? Could Israel tell the U.S. government one thing in private and something else to the world? The question was whether Israel should choose the path of truth or the path of ambiguity and deception. Because the first public statement would have great impact, this was a truly fateful decision. The internal Israeli deliberations about what to say are still unavailable, but it is possible to reconstruct the underlying reasoning based on important public and private statements made by Israeli officials, including Ben-Gurion.
Ben-Gurion chose the path of ambiguity and concealment: he declared that Dimona was purely a civilian scientific project, for training in the use of nuclear power for economic development. It was “exclusively for peaceful purposes,” he declared in his Knesset statement on 21 December 1960. In his private assurances to the United States Ben-Gurion provided some new information, but it was entirely consistent with his public version.[6] He would not tell the whole truth because the fate of the project was at stake. For Ben-Gurion this ambiguous, if not entirely deceitful, strategy had obvious short-term benefits: lessening U.S. anger and resulting pressure, and thereby avoiding a public showdown with Washington, while also calming the situation at home and in the region generally.[7]
It is apparent that the Eisenhower administration had no appetite to call Ben-Gurion’s bluff (either in private or in public). Nor was the departing president interested in escalating the Dimona problem into a diplomatic confrontation, which would not have even been possible given , with all that was already on his agenda (the Laos and Berlin crises, for example). Because relations with Israel had been relatively good, Israel had significant domestic support within the United States, and, perhaps most significantly, the Eisenhower administration was in its last few days in office, the White House let the State Department deal with the issue, keeping it under diplomatic control until the new Kennedy administration took office.
A determination to avoid a crisis encouraged senior officials such as Assistant Secretary of State G. Lewis Jones [Document 19] to try to “calm down” the agencies, including CIA, which he believed had been reacting intemperately, and to ensure that no one tried to cut off aid to Israel. At the same time, “calm”, secrecy, and the avoidance of publicity might make it possible for Washington to get answers from the Israeli and put quiet pressure on them to open up Dimona to visits by U.S. scientists and to accept safeguards by the IAEA (in fact, the last thing Ben-Gurion and his associates were likely to accept).
The dilemma the Eisenhower administration faced after the discovery of Dimona in December 1960-January 1961 would endure for the entire decade. From then on, three successive U.S. administrations — under presidents Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon — would have to deal with it as well. President Kennedy chose the toughest path of struggle and confrontation in his effort to check the program; President Johnson realized that the U.S. had limited leverage on the issue and planted the seeds of compromise and looking the other way; finally, in a bargain with Prime Minister Golda Meir, President Nixon accepted the Israel’s de facto nuclear status as long as it stayed secret, and in doing so created the present dilemma.
The documents that follow are illuminating but more is to be learned. Many records remain classified in the National Archives, not only in State Department files but also those of the Atomic Energy Commission. The papers of AEC Chairman John McCone at the National Archives include a file on Israel which is the subject of an earlier declassification request along with related State Department files. Moreover, the National Security Archive has pending requests with the Department of Energy, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the Dwight D. Eisenhower Library. In response to a request to re-review SNIE 100-8-60 (See Document 8), the CIA has held the line, refusing to release more information. The request is now under appeal.
THE DOCUMENTS
Documents 1A-B: Unnoticed Intelligence
A: Department of State Instruction A-128 to U.S. Embassy Israel, “Atomic Energy Developments,” 7 March 1958, Confidential
B: U.S. Embassy Tel Aviv Despatch No. 652 to State Department, “Israeli Exchanges With Other Countries Relating to Atomic Energy,” 16 April 1958,
Source for both: National Archives (College Park), Record Group 59, Department of State Records (hereinafter RG 59), Central Decimal Files, 1955-1959, 984a.801/4-1658.
Some in the U.S. intelligence community[8] regarded these communications as an early missed opportunity to discover the Dimona project a year or two earlier. In March 1958, in light of growing concern about the possibility of surreptitious nuclear weapons programs, the State Department saw an “urgent” need for information on the Israeli atomic energy program and asked its Tel Aviv embassy to report on “all phases” of Israeli nuclear-related activities, research and development, including any exchanges with foreign governments and organizations. As an example, the instruction cited a recent press report in the Jerusalem Post on French-Israeli atomic cooperation. The report included statements by the French minister of foreign affairs, Francois Benard, that France was supplying Israel’s uranium needs in exchange for “Israeli discoveries in atomic research for peace.”
In response the embassy set up a meeting on 15 April 1958 between embassy Second Secretary Lewis Townsend and Professor David Ernest Bergmann, the chairman of Israel’s Atomic Energy Commission. With respect to cooperation with France, Bergmann asserted flatly that Minister Benard “did not know what he was talking about.” Bergmann acknowledged that Israel had a nuclear agreement with France but the exchanges under the agreement were informational only. Under the agreement Israel received from France “unpublished reports” and sent students to study at French nuclear centers. He noted that the agreement had no provision under which France was obligated to supply Israel uranium as had been reported; nor had Israel ever received such supply. The substance of Bergmann’s commentary was close to what a US AEC representative would hear in Paris more than two years later in a similar inquiry (see Document 4). The comments were quite accurate as far as that (unpublished) 1954 bi-lateral exchange agreement was concerned (Bergmann mentioned that there was also a tri-lateral agreement on atomic energy research between Israel, France and the UK). Israel did not advertise the existence of those agreements, but did not treat them as classified either.[9]
Not surprisingly, however, Bergmann made no reference to the extremely secret French-Israeli Dimona agreement which had been signed in Paris on 3 October 1957. One must assume that he must have known something about that deal but it is not clear how much knew given that the IAEC was hardly consulted, let alone involved, in the decisions and actions that led to Dimona.[10] Bergmann’s most intriguing comment came at the end when he said that the principal decision to build a “power reactor had already been taken.” He seems to suggest two stages: first, “plans” which are currently “contemplated” to construct an “experimental nuclear reactor” within two or two-and-a-half years, and then five to seven years later “a large economically feasible [power] reactor could be put into operation.”
Was the reference to that “experimental reactor” an oblique reference to Dimona — as indeed Israel initially presented it — or was it a deliberate effort to confuse his American interlocutor? Or perhaps it was a mix of both? It is worth noting that Bergmann was known among Israelis as being loose on secrecy and this was apparently one of the reasons why he was bypassed on the Dimona project.[11]
In retrospect, according to the post-mortem investigation (see Document 27A) on why the United States discovered Dimona two years late, Bergmann’s loose comment on the “experimental reactor” was one of those major missing hints. In April 1958 U.S. intelligence wrongly assumed that the reference to the “experimental reactor” was to the US small swimming pool reactor at Soreq whose construction started in January that year at Nachal Soreq (see Document 3). Moreover, U.S. intelligence took on faith Bergmann’s statement about the limited nature of French-Israeli nuclear cooperation, although there had already been some reports about possible French-Israeli secret nuclear cooperation, even the possibility of joint nuclear weapons research. One way or another, a chance to investigate Bergmann’s claims and to seek further information about the “experimental reactor” was lost.
The numbers on the right side of these documents indicate that they are from the State Department’s central decimal files (whereby documents were filed using numerical combinations denoting subjects and countries). The 900 category signifies communications, transportation, and science; 84A stands for Israel; and 801 indicates research and development. The filing of the document in the R&D category, instead of the usual 1901 category for nuclear energy matters, would have hindered any U.S. government official who was interested in tracing intelligence on the Israeli nuclear program.
Documents 2A-C: “Certain Highly Classified Transactions with Israel”
A: Memorandum of Conversation, Norwegian Foreign Ministry, 5 June 1959, Secret, with 30 December 1960 routing slip [transcript attached]
B: Richard Kerry to Philip Farley, 15 June 1959, Secret
C: Richard Kerry to Philip Farley, 7 August 1959, enclosing copy of letter to Robert Brandin, and “Memorandum of conversation of August 6, 1959, at the Atomic Energy Institute, Kjeller, Norway,” Secret
Sources: A: RG 59, Records of Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Atomic Energy and Outer Space, Records Relating to Atomic Energy Matters, 1948-1962 [SAE], box 305, File 12. Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy Safeguards Sept-Dec 1960 Part 1 of 3; B: RG 59, SAE, box 501, Z1.50 Country File Israel d. General 1953-1961 Part 2 of 2 C: RG 59, SAE, box 313, Country File Norway d. General 1957-1961 Part 2 of 2
A critical piece of information that was known to the State Department, but for obscure reasons remained unknown to the U.S. intelligence community for many months (see Document 22), was the 20 tons of heavy water that Norway had quietly sold to Israel upon an agreement signed in Oslo on 25 February 1959. The Norwegians claimed that they wanted to keep the transaction under wraps because disclosure could hurt their diplomatic standing and interfere with business prospects in the Middle East. Evidently, Israel had equally strong reasons of her own to keep the heavy water deal secret as well. For this reason, but also due to an availability issue, Norway used the U.K. as a key third party in the deal: NORATOM (the Norwegian state-sponsored company to promote Norwegian nuclear energy industry) had originally sold heavy water to the United Kingdom for its nuclear weapons program. Then, as part of the three-party arrangement, the Norwegians asked the British to resell their excess heavy water back to NORATOM; even though the product would be shipped directly from the United Kingdom to Israel, it was NORATOM that was selling it. This also enabled NORATOM to avoid the political difficulty of having to apply to the Norwegian government for an export license.[12]
According to Olaf Solli, a nuclear energy expert with the Norwegian Foreign Ministry, some British officials wanted to “inform” Washington of the Israeli heavy water deal, but ultimately London did not share the information, according to British press reports in 2005 and 2006 based on new declassifications in British archives.[13]
In any event, on 5 June 1959, the Norwegian Foreign Ministry informed AEC official William M. Fullerton, a division chief at the Office of International Affairs, about the agreement to sell heavy water to Israel — subject to “safeguards and inspections” — but the size of the transaction was not reported. The U.S Embassy in Oslo prepared the memo of conversation and some days later, on 15 June, embassy political officer Richard Kerry forwarded it to Philip J. Farley, the assistant to the secretary of state for disarmament and atomic energy, asking that Fullerton and his boss, Algie Wells, receive copies.
For unknown reasons the memo was lost in the shuffle and was not disseminated above the middle levels of the State Department and the AEC. Top Department officials, not to mention those at the CIA or from State Department intelligence, did not see that June 1959 memo until December 1960, although months before the CIA had learned there had been a deal.[14] Accordingly, the questions about the sale that could have been asked of the Israelis, the Norwegians, and the British were not.
In a follow-up conversation, Richard Kerry learned more, indirectly, about the political sensitivity of Norwegian secret deals with Israel from Gunnar Randers, the director of the Atomic Energy Institute, and the key figure in Norwegian nuclear policy after World War II. Referring to NORATOM’s negotiations with the Egyptians over “isotope work,” Randers saw a “delicate” situation concerning transactions with Israel, but as long as they did not reach the public the Norwegians would not face any “difficulties” from Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. Randers was a close friend of the IAEC chair, David Bergmann, and this story supported Israel’s need for secrecy but it also suited Randers who had not kept the upper levels of the Norwegian Foreign Ministry in the picture (seeDocument 20).
Document 3: “French Atomic Energy Project in Israel”
U.S. Embassy Tel Aviv Despatch 75 to State Department, “French Atomic Energy Project in Israel,” 2 August 1960, Confidential
Source: National Archives (College Park), Record Group 59, Department of State records (RG 59), Central Decimal Files 1960-1963, 884A.1901/8-260
American Machine and Foundry (AMF) Atomics was the company which installed for Israel the 1 MW swimming pool type light water nuclear reactor at Nachal Soreq (known today as the Soreq Nuclear Research Center) that Israel received as a gift from the U.S. under the1955 “Atoms for Peace” bilateral agreement. In late July 1960, U.S. Embassy officials learned from a conversation with D. Anderson, an AMF employee, that French personnel were involved in building “a 60 megawatt atomic power reactor” in the Beersheba area. Anderson stated that this was his “impression, gained on conversations he had with an Israeli, Daniel Kimhi, the director of the Naptha Petroleum Company. According to Kimhi, the French nationals were working on a project described to him as ‘gas cooled power reactor capable of producing approximately 60 megawatts of electrical power.'” Anderson’s understanding was that the project had been under way for “about two years” with the completion date two years off.
As of this writing, this document is the first and earliest available declassified US document that makes explicit reference to the Dimona project. We should note that at the National Archives (College Park), over one hundred additional documents from 1960-1961 remain classified in the decimal files. A declassification request for them is pending.
The embassy reported this conversation to Washington and asked that the U.S. embassy in Paris look into the French government’s role, if any, in the alleged development. It took a few weeks before this information went to nuclear energy intelligence experts in Washington (at the AEC and CIA) who came to realize that they had missed other pieces of intelligence (See Document 27A) and began looking more closely at what was going on at the Dimona site.
Documents 4A-B: “The French CEA Was Not Collaborating with the Israelis”
A: State Department Instruction CA-3636 to U.S. Embassy Paris, “Reported Atomic Reactor Power Project at Beersheba,” 19 October 1960, confidential
B: U.S. Embassy Paris Airgram G-766 to State Department, 22 November 1960, Confidential
Sources: A: Record Group 84, Records of Foreign Service Posts, Classified Records of the U.S. Mission to the International Atomic Energy Agency, 1955-1963, box 1, Atomic Energy Developments Israel 1959-61; B: Freedom of Information release
When the U.S intelligence community got wind of the Tel Aviv embassy report on the French-Israeli reactor project (see Document 2), it took time to digest it; U.S. officials realized that more information was needed because apparently they had no independent sources to corroborate the report. (It is still a puzzle whether, and to what extent, U-2 overhead photographs were especially telling or whether they were being distributed within the intelligence community.)[15] According to the post-mortem (see Document 27A, PDF page 23), the CIA formulated a list of technical questions about French-Israeli collaboration, including the organizations involved in the project, reactor specifications, and plans for spent fuel, e.g. whether the Israelis were building a chemical separation plant. The State Department sent the CIA questions as an “Instruction” to the U.S. embassy in Israel, with the embassy in Paris and the U.S. mission to the IAEA also receiving copies. The request for information did not get high priority; it had a “Routine collection priority.”
If the U.S. embassy in Israel ever sent back a formal response, it is still classified. But U.S. military attaches at the Embassy in Tel Aviv did begin collecting information and sent photographs back to Washington. Another attempt to ferret out information is known: John Rouleau, the AEC’s representative in Paris, tried, but he met with complete denial from an unnamed member of the French Atomic Energy Commission. The latter, according to Rouleau’s account, “stated flatly that the French CEA was not collaborating with the Israelis in the construction of a nuclear power reactor.” Furthermore, the official denied that any French company could be working with the Israelis on a power reactor because “prior permission from the CEA would be required and such permission has neither been requested nor granted.”
While the French official denied any bilateral cooperation with Israel on a power reactor, he acknowledged the existence of an earlier 1954 agreement between the two national atomic energy commissions under which the bodies collaborated in two specific areas: (1) heavy water production and (2) extracting uranium from phosphates. In retrospect, it is impossible to say whether the CEA interlocutor truly knew nothing about the Dimona project-the Israeli-French deal was highly compartmentalized and secret within the CEA-or whether he made a deliberate effort to mislead the United States. Strictly speaking, however, his statement was not a lie because the Dimona reactor was not a power reactor.
Document 5: “The Know-How on Building Crude Atomic Bombs”
Memorandum of conversation, “Safeguards for Reactors,” 25 November 1960, Secret
Source: National Archives (College Park), Record Group 59, Department of State Records (hereinafter RG 59), Records of Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Atomic Energy and Outer Space, Records Relating to Atomic Energy Matters, 1948-1962, box 305, 12H P.U.S File: 18. Safeguards September-December 1960 [Part 2 of 3]
Despite the lack of cooperation from the French government, Washington was piecing together information about the site in the Negev Desert from a variety of intelligence sources. By 25 November, Secretary of State Herter was confident enough in the information accumulated so far to share its essence with British Ambassador Harold Caccia. While intelligence experts in London and Washington had already been consulting each other (see chronology with Document 27A), Herter took it to a higher level by telling Caccia that Washington had unconfirmed reports that a “plutonium-producing reactor may be being built in Israel with French aid.” Furthermore, France may be giving the Israelis the “know how” to build “crude atomic bombs.” What made the existence of the Israeli reactor project of special concern was that for months Washington and its allies had been trying to build a consensus at the IAEA in favor of effective safeguards on nuclear power plants; this “new factor emphasized the importance of providing adequate atomic energy safeguards.”
Documents 6A-C: Professor Gomberg’s Discoveries
A: Paris Embassy Telegram 2162 to State Department, 26 November 1960, Secret
B: Memorandum of conversation, [Title excised], 1 December 1960, Secret, excised copy
C: Central Intelligence Agency, Information Report, “Nuclear Engineering/Large Nuclear and Electric Power Plant Near Beersheba/French Nuclear Assistance to Israel/Israeli Attitude Toward the Announcement of its Large Scale Nuclear Effort/Opportunity for U.S. Participation in Nuclear Powered Water Conversion,” 9 February 1961, Confidential
Sources: A: RG 59, Records of Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Atomic Energy and Outer Space, Records Relating to Atomic Energy Matters, 1948-1962, box 305, 12H P.U.S File: 18. Safeguards September-December 1960 [Part 2 of 3], B: Freedom of Information release; C: RG 59, Records of Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Atomic Energy and Outer Space, 1948-1961, box 501, Z1.50 Country File Israel f. Reactor 1960
Flying back to Ann Arbor on his way back from Israel, Professor Henry Gomberg, on the faculty of the University of Michigan’s nuclear engineering department, briefly stopped in Paris on 25 November and met with Roleau. As a guest of the Israeli Atomic Energy Commission and a consultant on matters of nuclear education, Gomberg had picked up some “urgent and secret” pieces of information — and suspicions — about the Israeli nuclear program that he wanted to share with U.S. government officials. He tantalized Rouleau by holding back what he had learned, but the little he said implied that Israel, with French aid, was engaged in some sort of a large scale secret nuclear power project. Gomberg also noted that he learned from an unnamed personal friend of Ben-Gurion [he probably meant Dr. Bergmann] that within a few weeks Israel would announce a five year [atomic energy] plan and would disclose the construction at the Beersheba site.
Several days later, on 1 December, Gomberg came to Washington for a full debriefing of AEC and State Department representatives. His name is redacted from this release of the memorandum of that conversation (declassified in the early 1990s) but it is evident that Gomberg was the subject of the debriefing. The same is true of the subsequent CIA report dated 9 February which also masked Gomberg’s identity. This document, apparently based on an interview at the time of Gomberg’s visit, contains detailed information, including his observations and tentative conclusions.
Based on various meetings in Israel, Gomberg became convinced that the large site the Israelis had described as an “agricultural experiment station” was actually a “large classified project.” It was evident to him that all his Israeli interlocutors were “thoroughly briefed to restrict their discussion within security bounds,” and yet his discussions at the Technion led him to believe that the Israelis were creating a much larger and more thorough nuclear training program than was needed by their own declared programs. He got a similar impression in his discussions at the Weizmann Institute (Plant [Machon] #4) where one person distressed his guide by mentioning that Plant [Machon] #4 was expected “to be working with gram quantities of Plutonium and curie quantities of polonium.” The plutonium issue was probably the most sensitive matter for the Israelis because of its weapons implications.
Gomberg concluded that the classified project was probably “a large nuclear and electrical power plant,” whose construction had been underway for some three years, located east of Beersheba. In another part of his report he described the reactor as “far beyond any kind of a training reactor and it will be capable of producing weapons grade plutonium.” Gomberg noted that he believed the Israelis had the technical capability to construct and operate a nuclear plant up to the level of 200 MW thermal. Then he estimated that the power level of the Beersheba project would be approximately 250 MW thermal. Later Gomberg noted that US photographs that were shown to him indicated a very close resemblance to the French G-1 reactor in Marcoule.
In his last meeting with Dr. Bergmann, Gomberg pressed him for information about “activities which were not freely discussed”; the latter acknowledged that the original intention was to announce the Beersheba facility later in 1961, but that because of the many rumors Ben-Gurion would make an announcement about a power reactor project in about three weeks time.
Document 7: The “Cover Story Would Not be Successful for Long”
Memorandum from Deputy Operations Coordinator Charles E. Rogers, Office of Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, to Mr. Jones and Mr. Farley, 7 December 1960, Secret
Source: RG 59, Records of Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Atomic Energy and Outer Space, Records Relating to Atomic Energy Matters, 1948-1962, box 501, CF 21.50 Israel F. Reactor 1960
While the U.S. intelligence community was finalizing its estimate of the secret Israeli reactor, senior officials had already discussed the problem and what to do about it at a luncheon meeting of the Operations Coordinating Board, which served as the coordinating and implementing unit for President Eisenhower’s National Security Council system. After Gordon Gray, the president’s national security assistant, opened the discussion, Deputy Under Secretary of State Livingston Merchant emphasized the subject’s “political sensitivity” and cautioned against any comments that cast doubt upon an anticipated Israeli announcement, even though it was generally agreed that the Israeli “cover story would not be successful for long.” This was probably a reference to the description of the plant as a “power reactor.” In the entire matter, “the Department of State would be the sole spokesman.” A skeptical reader, possibly Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs G. Lewis Jones, wrote “Ha!” next to the “sole spokesman” comment because Jones believed that too many other agencies “wanted to get into the act” (see Jones letter to Reid with Document 19 below).
Document 8: “Plutonium Production for Weapons Is At least One Major Purpose
Special National Intelligence Estimate Number 100-8-60, “Implications of the Acquisition by Israel of a Nuclear Weapons Capability,” 8 December 1960, with Memoranda to Holders Attached, 22 and 29 December 1960, attached, Secret, Excised copy
Source: MDR appeal to ISCAP, declassified in 2009, presently undergoing further review
On the basis of intelligence collected during the summer and fall of 1960 (of which much remains classified), possibly including the most recent information from Henry Gomberg, on 8 December 1958 Director of Central Intelligence Allen Dulles signed off on a Special National Intelligence Estimate (SNIE) entitled “Implications of the Acquisition by Israel of a Nuclear Weapons Capability.” The U.S. Intelligence Board, whose member agencies participated in the drafting process, concurred in the estimate that same day. The SNIE began with a firm factual determination that “Israel is engaged in construction of a nuclear reactor complex in the Negev near Beersheba.” Acknowledging that there could be various ways to interpret the function of the Dimona complex, the authors believed that “on the basis of all available evidence” that “plutonium production for weapons is at least one major purpose of this effort.” The “surrounding” secrecy and Dimona’s remote location was strong evidence of the military purposes. The SNIE estimated “that Israel will produce some weapons grade plutonium in 1963-64 and possibly as early as 1962.”
France’s extensive aid was noted but the exact nature of the assistance, including details on the reactor, and whether, and to what extent, the complex also included plutonium extraction (reprocessing), has been excised from this version of the SNIE. Also excised is the information mentioned in several subsequent updates (“Memorandum to Holders” on 22 and 29 December 1960). The Norwegian heavy water sale to Israel was noted — the CIA had discovered the purchase earlier in the year — but whether the State Department had rediscovered its documentation on the transaction by this point is not clear.
The SNIE also included a detailed discussion of the broader implications of the Dimona reactor: what it said about French and Israeli motivations, the possible reactions by the Arab world and the Soviet bloc, as well as the overall “repercussions” among western allies.
The SNIE became controversial as soon as it was published because senior intelligence officials were learning that the intelligence agencies and other U.S. government organizations had collected telling evidence several years earlier indicating that Israel had a secret nuclear reactor program under way. This recognition led to the production of an intelligence post-mortem to look at what had been missed and why (See Document 27A).
Document 9:Memorandum of Discussion at the 470th Meeting of the National Security Council, December 8, 1960, Top Secret, excised copy
Source: U.S. Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960 Volume XIII, Arab-Israeli Dispute; United Arab Republic; North Africa (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1992)
The day that the SNIE was issued, the National Security Council met, with Eisenhower presiding, and received a briefing on the estimate by Director of Central Intelligence Allen Dulles who passed around photos of Dimona taken by the U.S. Army attaché. Dulles began by noting that Israel was constructing, with French assistance, a nuclear complex in the Negev. The complex contained a reactor capable of “producing weapons-grade plutonium.” His initial statement included three more lines which are still classified. As to the French assistance, it included equipment, personnel and training, as well as “fuel elements.” Neither CIA nor the AEC believed, contrary to Israel’s anticipated statement that the project was “solely for peaceful purposes.” Secretary of State Herter noted that the Arab reaction to the discovery would be “severe.” (At that point four-and-a-half lines of Herter’s comment are classified.) He also claimed that the cost of the reactor might be 40 to 80 million dollars.
During the discussion of the nuclear proliferation implications of an Israeli weapons program, the conversation briefly turned to how the plant was financed. Under Secretary of the Treasury Fred Scribner suggested that an important funding source may have been “Jewish charitable organizations in the U.S.” which received tax-deductible contributions. This had caused past problems because some charitable funds had been “diverted to government operations in Israel.”
The still-classified portions of this meeting record are the subject of a mandatory declassification review request filed in 2014.
Telephone Call Logs of Secretary of State Christian Herter, 9 December 1960, Unclassified
Source: Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, Christian Herter Papers
On 9 December, Secretary of State Herter summoned Israeli ambassador Avraham Harman to the State Department and showed him photos of the Dimona reactor, asking for an explanation that would remove “bases for concern.” Harman said he knew nothing of the project but would inform his government. Later that afternoon, Herter called Claude Lebel, the chargé d’affaires at the French embassy, and asked about French involvement in the project. Herter prefaced his question by referring to a report he had received from his embassy in Tel Aviv that Prime Minister Ben-Gurion was about to announce that a new experimental reactor had been built in the Negev with French aid. Herter noted that, according to information the United States had ascertained, Israel had been involved since 1958 in constructing a reactor “which is at least ten times as large as claimed,” and that the design appeared to be not for power but for plutonium production, hence, it would provide Israel “considerable weapons potential.” Furthermore, Herter noted that the cost of the reactor was between 40 to 80 million dollars. Lebel had no information to offer and promised to pass the query on to Paris.
Document 11: “He Assumed the Money Came From” the United States
Paris Embassy Telegram CAHTO 4, 16 December 1960, Top Secret
Source: RG 59. Records of the Bureau of Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs, Office of the Country Director for Israel and Arab-Israeli Affairs, Records Relating to Israel, 1964-1966, box 8, Israel Atomic Energy Program
A week later, Herter was in Paris for a NATO meeting where he met with his French counterpart, Foreign Minister Maurice Couve de Murville. The latter directly acknowledged the secret French-Israeli deal to build a “replica of [the] Marcoule plant.” Under the agreement, Couve de Murville added, France would supply the raw materials and receive any plutonium produced by the plant. The Israelis would not make any public statement without first consulting the French government. In reply to Herter’s question about how the plant was financed, Couve stated that he “assumed the money came from US.” Herter understood that comment to mean that the project was financed by the “diversion of US government or private [American] aid.”
Memorandum of Conversation, ” Suggested Guidance for Chairman McCone’s Use in ‘Meet the Press’ Interview December 18 If Asked About Reported Israeli Atomic Weapons Developments,” 17 December 1960, Secret
Source: Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, Dwight D. Eisenhower Papers, White House Office, Office of the Staff Secretary, International Series, box 8, Israel (3):
With AEC Chairman John McCone slated to appear on “Meet the Press,” AEC and State Department officials met to develop an integrated approach to ensure that what he said comported with the government’s over-all position. The officials developed an approach that he could follow “with dignity” and not “be drawn into implications” that the U.S. was associated with an alleged Israeli nuclear weapons program. With respect to earlier press reports from London about an Israeli atomic bomb project, McCone would not comment. He could say that the U.S. opposed the proliferation of nuclear weapons capabilities, and that it was “firmly established policy” that “our law does not permit us to assist other countries to develop” such capabilities, If questioned, McCone could acknowledge U.S. support for Israeli research under the “Atoms for Peace” program.
In his comments on “Meet the Press,” McCone took his own approach; his main disclosure was an acknowledgement that the Israelis had not “revealed” the reactor to the U.S. He further stated that Washington was trying to get more information, that the existence of the reactor did not necessarily mean a bomb project, although the reactor could produce plutonium, and that Israeli compliance with IAEA safeguards would provide a good test case for inspection and “allay fear of weapons intent.”[16]
Documents 13A-B: “Israel Should Forthwith Open the Plants”
A: White House Office of the Staff Secretary, “Memorandum of Conference with the President December 19, 1960”, 12 January 1961, Secret, Excised Copy
B: Department of State, “U.S. Notes Reports of Israel’s Atomic Energy Activities,” 19 December 1961
Sources: A: Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, Dwight D. Eisenhower Papers, White House Office, Office of the Staff Secretary, International Series, box 8, Israel (3); B: Department of State Bulletin, 9 January 1961, No. 1124, page 45.
With the Washington Post and the New York Times publishing stories about Dimona, partly based on leaks by John McCone,[17] President Eisenhower convened his top aides to discuss the Israeli reactor, how to respond to the publicity, and what kind of a public stance it was appropriate to take. This record of a meeting between Eisenhower and his closest advisers was probably not the president’s first discussion of the discovery of Dimona and its implications, but it was probably the highest level formal gathering and the most wide-ranging discussion. The conference record reveals some remarkable points:
Purpose of the Dimona Complex and Reliability of US knowledge : Secretary of Defense Thomas S. Gates pointed out that “our information is that the plant is not for peaceful uses.” The President’s science advisor, Dr. George Kistiakowsky, responded that “there is some doubt about this” because it is unclear whether a chemical separation is on site (or being constructed). AEC Chairman McCone responded that his people believed that “there is a chemical separation plant there.” He added that it would make no sense that the Israelis would do just “part of the job.” This issue, whether Dimona had or did not have a secret separation plant, would haunt the US intelligence community for at least a decade. In retrospect, Gates and McCone were right from the start.
Cost and US financial Involvement: McCone observed that the Dimona plant “had probably been financed from US support to Israel” and Herter supported the claim, adding that “it is clear that they [the Israelis] have constructed this plant through diversions from private and public [US] aid to Israel.” Eisenhower himself noted that “we had evidence” that the project cost was in a range between $100 and $200 million. (Incidentally, these figures are more than double the figure Herter cited at the National Security Council meeting a week earlier.) The president added, “we do not know where they have obtained the funds,” but the US government has a strong interest in knowing “because of the aid we are giving them.” Eisenhower’s remark is one of the rare mentions of a financial estimate for the Dimona project.
Inspection: When McCone urged that the U.S. insist the Dimona plant be under IAEA safeguards, Gates suggested that the Israelis be asked to open the plant for inspection because Israel had signed the agreement that established the IAEA. Eisenhower agreed: the US statement should express confidence that because Israel was an IAEA member and had claimed that the reactor was for peaceful uses, it should allow inspections. When national security assistant Gordon Gray asked whether the US would insist on visiting the site, Eisenhower replied that it would not be necessary if the US was successful in forcing IAEA inspections.
Intentions and Concealment: CIA Director Allen Dulles noted that Israel was trying to create confusion by associating the Dimona plant, “which is a large production installation,” with the very small Soreq reactor built with U.S. aid.
The meeting ended with the decision that Dimona should be handled by the Department of State, not the White House. Since the issue had emerged in the very last weeks of the Eisenhower presidency it was apparent the White House could not set a lasting policy but if any public statement was to be made it was to be coordinated with Herter. Nevertheless, for Eisenhower, the key objective was for the government of Israeli to accept IAEA inspections on the plant so that they could demonstrate its peaceful purposes.
During the meeting Herter had said that a U.S. statement should “remove [us] from suspicion” because Washington was not complicit in Dimona. Thus, the public statement made later that day noted the press reports about the reactor and “welcomed” Israel’s assurance that the government had “no intention of producing nuclear weapons.” The U.S. had provided no assistance because that would be contrary to U.S. nonproliferation policy and the Atomic Energy Act. The U.S. was concerned about the Israeli project and had asked Ambassador Harman for information. “A response has not been received.”
Document 14: State Department telegram 3311 to U.S. Embassy London, 20 December 1960, Secret
Source: Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, Dwight D. Eisenhower Papers, White House Office, Office of the Staff Secretary, International Series, box 8, Israel (3)
On 20 December Herter met with Ambassador Harman for the second time to discuss Dimona. At this meeting Harman answered Herter’s earlier questions by providing a narrative that became Israel’s basic cover story: Yes, Israel was building an additional reactor in the Negev with 24 megawatt capacity, meaning, but it had “no industrial importance.” The purpose of the Dimona reactor was “the development of scientific knowledge for eventual industrial, agricultural, medical and other scientific purposes, as an interim step toward enabling Israel to build its own power reactors.” The project “would take some 3 to 4 years to complete and it would have no relationship to a weapons capacity.” Several times during the meeting Herter raised questions about safeguards and the plutonium that would be produced in the reactor; Harman could not answer them, but asserted that upon completion the facility would be open to students from “friendly counties” and that it was for peaceful purposes.
U.S. Embassy Tel Aviv telegram 574 to State Department, 23 December 1960, Secret
Source: National Archives, Record Group 469, U.S. Operations Mission to Israel, Executive Office Classified Central Files 1952-1961, box 10, Atomic Matters 1960
Far more candid than Harman was Addy Cohen, the Finance Ministry’s director of economic assistance; a graduate of Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service, he served as a liaison to the U.S. embassy. Classified in the State Department’s “Roger Channel” for sensitive intelligence, this surprising telegram memorialized several conversations on 21 and 22 December between Cohen and U.S. diplomats and foreign aid officials: Deputy Chief of Mission Murat Williams, Director of the U.S. Operations Mission [USOM][18] C. Reed Liggit, and Agricultural Attaché Grover Chappell. In these discussions Cohen gave the impression that the reactor would “eventually be used for weapons purposes,” which could offer a “‘deterrent’ to Arab action against Israel.” He volunteered that he had concealed the nature of the “top secret” project during several helicopter fly-bys with U.S. officials; during one of them’, in February 1960, he had characterized the reactor construction site as a “textile plant” because as he put it “that was our story at the time.” Admitting that the government of Israel had “been misbehaving a little,” Cohen thought that displeasure over the reactor might be the reason why Washington had delayed the signing of the PL 480 agreement (on food aid to Israel). Finally, commenting on a recent Jerusalem Post article claiming that 250 million Israeli pounds had been spent on the project, Cohen said that Israel had not “spent that much yet.”
Also according to this message, an unidentified official close to Prime Minister Ben-Gurion had told the Canadian ambassador that the secrecy was unjustifiable and that it was “a stupid mistake on the part of Israel.” As to why the subject had come up at this time, December 1960, the same source speculated that the CIA had been “caught off guard” in 1956 when Israel invaded the Sinai desert and this time “did not want to be caught napping.”
Document 16: “Why in [the United] States is Everything Being Told [to] Everybody?”
U.S. Embassy Israel Telegram 577 to State Department, 24 December 1960, Secret
Source: Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, Dwight D. Eisenhower Papers, White House Office, Office of the Staff Secretary, International Series, box 8, Israel (3)
On 22 December Prime Minister Ben-Gurion gave a statement in the Knesset claiming the reactor was for peaceful purposes, a statement which the State Department welcomed.[19] Two days later, Ambassador Ogden Reid finally had a long discussion about Dimona with Ben-Gurion. The latter was plainly irritated about the questions and the press reports: “Why in [the] States is everything being told everybody?” He justified the secrecy because of the Arab boycott; the participating companies did not want their role disclosed so Israel had to protect their interests. Yet his account of the Dimona project consisted of the same story that he had told the Knesset (and the same story that he would use for his meeting with President Kennedy in late May 1961): the project was for the economic development of Israel and of the Negev in particular; electric power was a badly needed resource.[20]Yet when Reid asked if the reactor would be producing power, Ben-Gurion said no; it was for research and training.
On safeguards for plutonium, Ben-Gurion said that Israel was “three or four years” away from facing that problem. But, he declared: “When we get to that point we won’t be behind any power in the world in respect to safeguards.” A few weeks later, Ben-Gurion would take a different position (See Document 23).
Referring to Egyptian President Nasser’s declaration that an Israeli nuclear weapons program would mean war, Reid asked what Israel could do to alleviate those concerns; Ben-Gurion replied that the State Department’s statement welcoming the Israeli declarations, had been helpful.
Document 17: The Need for a Visit by “Internationally Known Scientists”
U.S. Embassy Israel Telegram 590 to State Department, 28 December 1960, Secret, excised copy
Source: Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, Dwight D. Eisenhower Papers, White House Office, Office of the Staff Secretary, International Series, box 8, Israel (3)
Mulling over Ben-Gurion’s evasions, Ambassador Reid suggested to the Department some ideas for bringing up the question of safeguards and inspection with Foreign Minister Golda Meir. One was to suggest a visit of “IAEA scientific designee or internationally known scientists”; another, a more low key approach, was to use an AEC inspection visit to the smaller American reactor in Nachal Rubin [Soreq] to ask Israel to visit the new [Dimona] reactor. While doubting whether Ben-Gurion would favor any such proposals, Reid thought State should press Israel to request IAEA safeguards as a step toward “tranquility and peace” in the region. Getting Ben-Gurion to go along would probably require concerted action by the U.S., France, and the United Kingdom. The note included also the embassy’s own estimate of the cost of the Dimona project, which by then was the lowest of all the U.S. estimates: 17.8 million dollars in foreign exchange and some 29.2 million in local currency (Israeli pounds) costs. In comments, Reid noted that Israel would need to be assured that the names of foreign firms involved in the project would be protected from inspectors. Moreover, until the Department agreed, Reid suggested deferring a proposal by Chief of Naval Operations Arleigh Burke for a visit to Dimona by a Navy nuclear expert, Commander Ragnwald Muller, who was with the Office of Naval Intelligence in Frankfurt, West Germany.
Document 18: Israel had “By No Means Come Clean with Us”
Memorandum from Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Livingston Merchant to
Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern AffairsG. Lewis Jones, 28 December 1960, Secret
Source: RG 59, Records of Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Atomic Energy and Outer Space, Records Relating to Atomic Energy Matters, 1948-1962, box 501, CF 21.50 Israel F. Reactor 1960
Under Secretary of State Merchant briefed Assistant Secretary Lewis Jones about an Operations Coordinating Board [OCB] discussion of the Israel nuclear problem where Allen Dulles had grumbled that Israel had “by no means come clean with us.” The participants were also annoyed that the Development Loan Fund (DLF) had authorized a loan to Israel despite the OCB’s agreement that such action should be delayed. Eisenhower’s national security assistant, Gordon Gray, emphasized that the president wanted further efforts to secure Israel’s agreement to IAEA inspections. Such efforts, however, were not to reach the press and any initiative should be “conducted quietly through diplomatic channels.”
Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs G. Lewis Jones to Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Livingston Merchant, “Israel’s Atomic Energy Activities,” 30 December 1960, Secret, with attachments [Transcript of letter from Jones to Reid, 28 December 1960 attached]
Source: RG 59. Records of the Bureau of Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs, Office of the Country Director for Israel and Arab-Israeli Affairs, Records Relating to Israel, 1964-1966, box 8, Israel Atomic Energy Program
Responding to Merchant’s request for an update on recent developments, Lewis Jones sent him documents relating to six different actions that various offices within the State Department were taking relating to the Israeli reactor, including his recent letter to Ambassador Reid and a message to the Embassy in Norway. In the letter, Jones let his hair down, writing about the “intemperate reaction” in Washington, which his bureau was trying to “calm down,” the “unnecessary Israeli caper;” the widespread impression that “the Israelis have inexcusably duped us;” the need for Israel to dispel doubts by letting U.S. scientists visit the site; and the possibility that the situation will “worsen” as suspicion grows. A briefing that Jones gave to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in early January conveyed a similar sense of being duped and the anger that influential members of the Senate felt about Israel’s secretiveness and evasive responses.
In the telegram to Oslo, the State Department asked the U.S. Embassy to seek further information on the Norwegian sale of heavy water to Israel and to ask that the government “exercise fully its safeguard rights” under the agreement. With the Norwegian heavy water sale being one of the pieces of the intelligence puzzle that Washington had missed, the administration was now investigating why, and what it had missed earlier.
Jones also enclosed a draft message to Ambassador Reid that had been prepared (not attached to this memo, but see Document 21) asking for replies to “unanswered questions” and to let Merchant know that other bureaus were preparing messages to get more information from the French and to advance the possibility of IAEA safeguards. Jones agreed with Merchant that what was most important was avoiding further publicity and the necessity for quiet diplomacy.
Document 20: “The Possibility of [It] Embarrassing the Government”
Letter from Richard Kerry, U.S. Embassy Oslo, to William Burdette, Office of British Commonwealth and Northern European Affairs, 30 December 1960, with Israeli-Norwegian agreement attached, with routine slip dated 6 January 1961
Source: RG 59, Records of Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Atomic Energy and Outer Space, 1948-1961, box 512, Z1.69 Country File Norway a. Norway-Israel Agreement 1961
In response to the State Department request, embassy officers in Oslo obtained more information on the Israel-Norway heavy water deal and the terms of the sale agreement, which included a “peaceful uses” stipulation. On 30 December, political officer Richard Kerry obtained a copy of the agreement which he believed could be embarrassing to the Norwegian government in light of its efforts to play the role of “honest broker” in international conflicts, including the Middle East. The agreement included an Israeli commitment that the use of the heavy water was for peaceful purposes, including an inspection clause.
According to Kerry’s letter, a major problem was that the heavy water sale had been initially treated as a commercial sale by the Norwegian firm NORATOM without appropriate vetting by political experts at the Foreign Ministry (like an earlier controversial sale of weapons to the Batista dictatorship in Cuba). Kerry asked the State Department to keep the transaction a secret and so it stayed until the late 1970s when the Stockholm Institute of Peace Research disclosed it. Kerry did not mention the British role in the affair and may, in fact, have forgotten it.[21]
State Department telegram 502 to U.S. Embassy Tel Aviv, 31 December 1960, Secret
Source: Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, Dwight D. Eisenhower Papers, White House Office, Office of the Staff Secretary, International Series, box 8, Israel (3)
This telegram, originally published in the FRUS in an excised version, showed how unhappy the State Department was with Ben-Gurion’s explanation of the Dimona reactor: his answers “appear evasive.” The State Department saw the “clearly apparent lack of candor [as] difficult to reconcile with [the] confidence which had traditionally characterized U.S.-Israel relations.” To restore confidence, Israel needed to answer questions about its plans to dispose of plutonium, the application of safeguards to plutonium produced, visits by IAEA or other scientists to the reactor site, and whether there were plans to build a third reactor. Moreover, “can Israel state unequivocally that it has no plans for producing nuclear weapons?”
Document 22:“Until All Reactors Are Treated as Equals”
In early January, Ambassador Reid had a meeting with Ben-Gurion, who provided answers to the State Department’s questions. The reporting telegram remains classified at the National Archives but a summary is available. The essence of the matter, according to Ben-Gurion, was that: 1) Israel “has no plans for producing nuclear weapons,” 2) Israel had no plutonium but “as far as we know” returning the plutonium produced by the reactor was a “condition” imposed by the country (France) that sold the uranium, 3) it would not accept IAEA inspection, especially if Russians were involved, or international safeguards “until all reactors are treated as equals,” 3) visits by representatives of “friendly powers” were possible, and 4) Israel had absolutely no plans for a third reactor. How State Department officials interpreted these statements remains unknown, but some may have seen the statement about nuclear weapons as equivocal and evasive.[22]
Document 23: “Damaging Air of Secrecy or Suspicions”
State Department telegram 2821 to U.S. Embassy Paris, 6 January 1961, Secret
Source: Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, Dwight D. Eisenhower Papers, White House Office, Office of the Staff Secretary, International Series, box 8, Israel (3)
Believing that neither France nor Israel had been forthright and that the lack of candor had damaging implications for Middle East stability, Herter asked U.S. Ambassador Amory Houghton to meet with Couve de Murville and discuss his earlier statement about the French-Israeli nuclear project. If the Dimona project is a “large scale production reactor,” the French need to be “unequivocally clear that [their] assistance is directed solely to peaceful uses.” The reply to this telegram is not yet available, but the substance can be found in Document 26.
Documents 24A-B: Molotov: “I Stayed Awake All Night and Worried”
A: U.S. Mission to International Atomic Energy Agency (Vienna) telegram 1087 to State Department, 11 January 1961, Secret
B: State Department telegram 1194 to U.S. Mission to International Atomic Energy Agency (Vienna), 13 January 1961, Secret
Source for both: RG 59, Central Decimal Files 1960-1963, 398.1901-IAEA/1-1161
The U.S. Mission to the IAEA which had been in the forefront of U.S. efforts to develop an effective safeguards policy, asked for policy guidance if the Dimona issue came up for debate at the upcoming meeting of the Board of Governors. Ben-Gurion’s declaration to the Knesset that the reactor was for peaceful purposes was “hardly adequate” because the Mission had been at loggerheads with the Soviets and the Indians who had argued that assurances were the only safeguards that were needed. Recognizing that the Israeli situation would be used to support arguments for strong safeguards, Vayecheslav Molotov, one of the senior Soviet representatives to the Agency (and once Stalin’s right hand man) sarcastically commented that he had “stayed awake all night and worried” when he read about the Israel reactor program.
Following the approach recommended by Lewis Jones and others, the State Department advised the IAEA Mission of the importance of promoting a “period of calm.” In discussions in Vienna, the Mission should “avoid impugning” Israeli statements about peaceful purposes but also avoid a “whitewash” of the Israeli position. It was in the U.S. “interest” to send scientists to visit the reactor site and to get “first-hand information” but the Department noted that the Israelis have “reacted strongly” against any proposal for inspection and are not likely to change in the “immediate future.”
Murat W. Williams to William L. Hamilton, “A Catalog of Replies Regarding the Reactor,” 16 January 1961, Secret, with transcript attached
Source: RG 59, Records of Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Atomic Energy and Outer Space, 1948-1961, box 501, Z1.50 Country File Israel f. Reactor 1961, Part 1 of 2
On his way to an ambassadorship in El Salvador, Murat W. Williams, who had just left his post as deputy chief of mission at the Embassy in Tel Aviv, provided background on the various Israeli cover stories for the Dimona project. Apparently the most truthful response came from Minister of Development director general Eliezer Preminger who told Jack [John James] Haggerty, then the USOM director, that the site was a “military installation” and that he should ask the military attaché to look into it. Williams recounted the dissembling responses from Addy Cohen and other Israeli Foreign Liaison Officers [FLO] who, as noted elsewhere in this posting, had told Ambassador Reid and others that the construction site was for a textile factory, metallurgical research, meteorological installation, and part of a research program at a “new university.”
Document 26: “Israel Has No Plans for the Production of Atomic Weapons”
Letter, William B. McComber, Assistant Secretary of State for Congressional Affairs, to James T. Ramey, Executive Director, Joint Congressional Committee on Atomic Energy, 19 January 1961, Secret
Source: FOIA release
As the Eisenhower administration was winding down, the State Department submitted this comprehensive report (also published in the FRUS) to the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy as a summary of all the information that the State Department had received officially from the Israeli and French governments in response to questions about the Dimona reactor. One must assume this body of information was used to brief the incoming Kennedy administration on what the Israelis and French had said on the record. Some of the answers may have been provided in response to the State Department telegram sent on 31 December (Document 21 above), for example, the statement that all plutonium to be produced in Dimona would be returned to France, and the ambiguous assurance that “Israel has no plans for the production of atomic weapons.” As for the French, they asserted that plutonium produced in the reactor would be returned to France, that France and Israel had agreed that the reactor was for “exclusively peaceful use,” and that French inspectors would be visiting the reactor. Oddly, what is missing is a claim, positive or negative, whether the complex actually included a chemical separation plant that could produce plutonium. Also, the financial estimate was a little different from that cited before (Document 13A).
Documents 27A-B: The Post-Mortem
A: U.S. Joint Atomic Energy Intelligence Committee, “Post-Mortem on SNIE 100-8-60: Implications of the Acquisition by Israel of a Nuclear Weapons Capability,” 31 January 1961, Draft, Secret
B: Memorandum, Phillip Farley to Hugh Cumming, Director of Intelligence and Research, “Post-Mortem on SNIE 100-8-60,” 28 January 1961
Source: RG 59, Records of Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Atomic Energy and Outer Space, 1948-1961, box 501, Z1.50 Country File Israel f. Reactor 1961, Part 1 of 2
This “post-mortem” study on SNIE 100-8-60 is one of the most intriguing documents in this collection. Its aim was to explain why the US intelligence community had failed to detect in real time the Israeli nuclear project, and indeed how late it was in making that determination. The chronology, on pages 8 through 17, provides an account of what was known, and when, about the Israeli nuclear program, concluding that Washington might have seen through Israeli “secrecy or deception” and better understood Israeli intentions at least a year earlier if the “atomic energy intelligence community had properly interpreted” the available information. In essence, the overall conclusion was that the root cause of the delay was not so much the absence of information as that some important reports and items of information had been lost in the shuffle and the dots not properly connected.
As the classification of this document is only “secret,” and the document is relatively brief and deliberately vague about the intelligence means and sources employed in the final determination (e.g. it does not refer explicitly to the U-2 flights), it is possible that the intelligence community had more sensitive information that it excluded from this version of the post-mortem or that a more thorough report on the subject existed with higher classification.
[Note: Several of the documents reproduced above were first published 1998 in “Israel and the Bomb” edited by Avner Cohen.]
Thanks to Ori Rabinowitz (Tel Aviv University), Sharik Bashir (University of Michigan) and Alexandra Hale (George Washington University) for their assistance with this project.
NOTES
[1] Shimon Peres, Battling for Peace: Memoirs, Edited by David Landau (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1995), 133-35.
[2] Avner Cohen, Israel and the Bomb (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), 44-47, 50-52, 65, 81-82.
[4] Cohen, Israel and the Bomb, 32-34, 60-62, 83, 87.
[5] Note by Avner Cohen: During interviews I conducted in the 1990s for Israel and the Bomb I heard from different people more conspiratorial explanations for the U.S. intelligence failure on Dimona. Some interviewees claimed that certain people in the U.S. intelligence community were sympathetic to the Israelis and deliberately concealed or bypassed certain information instead of passing it along. For example, the late John Hadden, the CIA station chief in Tel Aviv from 1964-68, held that view strongly. He asked me to treat his suspicions with discretion so I did not publicize them when he was alive. According to Seymour Hersh’s The Samson Option (New York: Random House, 1991), the AEC chairman, Lewis Strauss, “knew as much about Dimona as anybody in the intelligence community by the time he left the AEC in 1958. There is no evidence, however, that he raised questions about the Israeli weapons program while in government. He most certainly did not tell McCone about it.” (83, 90) There are others who also believed that senior officials of the Eisenhower administration, including President Eisenhower himself , had known about Dimona early on but decided not to interfere. According to Dino A. Brugioni, who served at the CIA Photographic Intelligence Center, when U-2 photos of the excavations of the Beersheba site were taken sometimes in early-mid 1958 the activity was determined to be a “probable” nuclear-related site. The photos were shown by the Center director, Arthur C. Lundah, to both President Eisenhower and AEC chair Lewis Strauss, but neither reacted. “Lundhal and Brugioni were left with the impression that Eisenhower wanted Israel to acquire nuclear weapons” (Israel and the Bomb, 83). The same anecdote appears in much greater detail in Hersh’s The Samson Option (50-59).
[6] Cohen, Israel and the Bomb, 90-95; Avner Cohen, The Worst-Kept Bargain (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010), 60-62.
[7] Choosing this strategy created long-terms risks and problems as well. In essence, it made it much more difficult for Israel to extract any security benefits from, or for, the nuclear project, even if Israel was willing at some point in the future to trade the project’s products for other security benefits. For a more detailed analysis of this evasive disclosure strategy, see Cohen, The Worst-Kept Secret, 61-62.
[8] When we refer to intelligence community, we mean not only the CIA, but also intelligence offices of the Atomic Energy Commission, the Department of State, and the armed services, all of which played a role in colleting and/or analyzing information about Dimona.
[9] On the French-Israeli 1954 bilateral agreement of cooperation in the field of atomic energy, based on the Israeli patents, see Cohen, Israel and the Bomb, 32-34.
[10] Indeed, Bergmann and his IAEC were hardly consulted, let alone involved in the negotiations that Shimon Peres had conducted with the French. As became known years later, Peres, who was Dimona’s prime visionary and promoter, decided to compartmentalize and bypass Bergmann and the IAEC almost entirely about Dimona. In February 1958 all seven IAEC members except Bergmann resigned; the details of this incident remain obscure but it may have been a protest against the exclusion of the IAEC. There was even a time when Bergmann was not allowed to visit the Dimona site. See Cohen, Israel and the Bomb, 14-17, 67-71.
[12] For background, see Cohen, Israel and the Bomb, 60-62; Kristine Werdelin Bergan, editor, “The Norway-United Kingdom-Israel Heavy Water Deal, 1957-1959: New Translations from Norwegian Archives,” forthcoming electronic dossier for the Nuclear Proliferation International History Project.
[13] See “UK Helped Israel Get Nuclear Bomb,” BBC News, 4 August 2005; David Leigh, “US kept in the dark as secret nuclear deal was struck,” The Guardian, 3 August 2005; “Britain’s dirty secret: Exclusive – Secret papers show how Britain helped Israel make the A-bomb in the 1960s, ” The New Statesman, 13 March 2006. See also the Foreign Office Statement, 9 March 2006, BBC Two.
[15] On the U-2 issue, Seymour Hersh provides a fascinating and persuasive account, but the recollections of key participants need to be supported by government records. See The Samson Option, at pages 50-58.
[16] Warren Kornberg, “Israel Reactor ‘Not Revealed to Us,’ Says McCone, Avoiding Word ‘Secret,'” The Washington Post, 19 December 1960. See also, Hersh, The Samson Option, 77.
[17] Ibid., 71-72, for McCone’s role in leaking to the New York Times.
[18] The U.S. Operations Mission managed U.S. foreign aid programs.
[19] “U.S. Welcomes Israel Promises on Reactor,” The Washington Post, 23 December 1960.
[21] In 1986, Norway asked Israel whether the heavy water had been used in ways that were consistent with the agreement’s “peaceful uses” conditions. See Charles R. Babcock, “Norway Eyes Israel’s Use of Nuclear Ingredient,”Washington Post, 10 November 1986.
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Key operative of Adolf Eichmann. Responsible for deportation of Jews from Austria (47,000), Greece (44,000), France (23,500), and Slovakia (14,000) to Nazi death camps.
Status: Lived in Syria for decades; Syrian refusal to cooperate stymies prosecution efforts; convicted in absentia by France. Alois Brunner is the most important unpunished Nazi war criminal who may still be alive, but the likelihood that he is already decreased increases with each passing year. Born in 1912 and last seen in 2001, the chances of his being alive are relatively slim, but until conclusive evidence of his demise is obtained, he should still be mentioned on any Most Wanted List of Holocaust perpetrators.
B. Dr. Aribert Heim – ?? *
Doctor in Sachsenhausen (1940), Buchenwald (1941) and Mauthausen (1941) concentration camps. Murdered dozens of camp inmates by lethal injection in Mauthausen.
Status: Disappeared in 1962 prior to planned prosecution; wanted in Germany and Austria New evidence revealed in February 2009 suggests that he may have died in Cairo in 1992, but questions regarding these findings and the fact that there is no corpse to examine, raise doubts as to the veracity of this information. During the past year, a court in Baden-Baden, Germany closed the case without forensic confirmation of Heim’s death.
Served as the Commander of the Hungarian police in Kosice (Hungarian-occupied Slovakia) and was in charge of the ghetto of “privileged” Jews; helped organize the deportation to Auschwitz of approximately 15,700 Jews from Kosice and vicinity in spring 1944.
Status: : Convicted in absentia and sentenced to death for torturing Jews and his role in the mass deportation to Auschwitz. Escaped to Canada after World War II, but was stripped of his Canadian citizenship in 1997, and chose to voluntarily leave the country. His whereabouts were unknown until fall 2011 when he was discovered living in Budapest by the Wiesenthal Center in the framework of “Operation: Last Chance.” On July 17, 2012, Csatary was charged with torture of the Jews in the KosiceGhetto, and was placed under house arrest and had his passport confiscated. Currently under house arrest in Hungary, where he awaits possible prosecution. In late March 2013, a Slovak court commuted his death sentence to life imprisonment to enable Slovakia to seek Csatary’s extradition to stand trial for his crimes in Kosice.
Gerhard Sommer – Germany
Former SS-Untersturmfuehrer in the 16th Panzergrenadier Division Reichsfuehrer-SS; participated in the massacre of 560 civilians in the Italian village of Sant’ Anna di Stazzema.
Status: On June 25, 2005, Sommer was convicted in absentia by a military court in La Spezia, Italy for committing “murder with special cruelty” in Sant’ Anna di Stazzema. Since 2002, he has been under investigation in Germany, but no criminal charges have yet been brought against him.
Vladimir Katriuk – Canada
Served as a platoon commander of the first company of Ukrainian Schutzmannschaft Battalion 118 which carried out the murder of Jews and innocent civilians in various places in Belarus.
Status: Escaped to Canada after World War II but was stripped of his Canadian citizenship in January 1999 after his service as a Nazi collaborator was revealed. In May 2007, the Canadian authorities decided to overturn his denaturalization, a decision confirmed by the Federal Court of Appeal in November 2010. New research by Swedish historian Per Anders Rudling revealed Katriuk’s active role in the mass murder of the residents of the village of Khatyn, Belarus and provides a firm basis to overturn the decision not to strip Katriuk of his Canadian citizenship.
Hans (Antanas) Lipschis – Germany
Served in the SS–Totenkopf Sturmbann (Death’s Head Battalion) from October 1941 until 1945 at theAuschwitz-Birkenau death camp where he participated in the mass murder and persecution of innocent civilians, primarily Jews.
Status: Escaped to the United States after World War II, but was deported by the American Office of Special Investigations to Germany in April 1983. Currently under investigation by the German authorities for his role in the Nazi death camp.
Ivan (John) Kalymon – United States
Served in Nazi-controlled Ukrainian Auxiliary Police in Lvov (then German-occupied Poland, todayUkraine) during the years 1941-1944, during which time he participated in the murder, roundups and deportation of Jews living in the Lvov Ghetto.
Status: On January 31, 2011, Kalymon was ordered deported from the United States to Germany,Ukraine, Poland, or any country willing to admit him, for concealing his wartime service with forces in collaboration with Nazi Germany and his participation violent acts of persecution. No such country has yet been found and he therefore remains in the United States.
Soeren Kam – Germany
Volunteered for SS-Viking Division, where he served as an officer; participated in the murder of Danish anti-Nazi newspaper editor Carl Henrik Clemmensen.
Status: In 1999, Denmark requested the extradition of Kam, which Germany refused due to his German citizenship. A subsequent extradition request was refused in early 2007 on the grounds that Clemmensen’s death was not murder but manslaughter, which was under a statue of limitation. Efforts continue to bring Kam to justice either in Germany or in Denmark.
Algimantas Dailide – Germany
Served in the Vilnius District of the Saugumas(Lithuanian Security Police); arrested Jews and Poles executed by the Nazis and local Lithuanian collaborators.
Status: His American citizenship was revoked in 1997 and he was deported from the United States in 2004 for concealing his wartime activities with the Saugumas. In 2006, he was convicted by a Lithuanian court for arresting 12 Jews trying to escape from the Vilnius Ghetto (and 2 Poles), who were subsequently executed by the Nazis, and was sentenced to five years imprisonment. The judges, however, refused to implement his sentence because he was old and was caring for his ill wife and “did not pose a danger to society.” In July 2008, in response to an appeal against the refusal to implement his sentence, Dailde was ruled medically unfit to be punished, without being personally examined by the doctors who provided the expertise.
Mikhail Gorshkow – Estonia
Served as interpreter for the Gestapo in Belarus and is alleged to have participated in the mass murder of Jews in Slutzk.
Status: Fled from the United States to Estonia before he was denaturalized for concealing his wartime service with the Nazis; had been under investigation in Estonia since his arrival several years ago, but in October 2011 the Estonian authorities closed the investigation against Gorshkow, claiming the case was one of “mistaken identity,” a decision which was severely criticized by the United States, Russia, and the Simon Wiesenthal Center.
Theodor Szehinskyj – United States
Served as an armed SS Death’s Head guard at the Gross Rosen (Poland), Sachsenhausen (Germany) andWarsaw (Poland) concentration camps where he actively participated in the persecution of civilian prisoners.
Status: Escaped to the United States after World War II, but was stripped of his American citizenship in 2000 by the Office of Special Investigations and was ordered deported in 2003. To this date, no country has been willing to admit him and he therefore remains in the United States.
Helmut Oberlander – Canada
Served in Einsatzkommando 10a (part of Einstazgruppe D) which operated in southern Ukraine andCrimea and is estimated to have murdered more than 23,000 people, mostly Jews.
Status: Escaped to Canada after World War II, but was stripped of his Canadian citizenship in August 2001, after his wartime service with the Nazis was revealed. In May 2004 his citizenship was restored but it was revoked a second time in May 2007, and that decision was overturned by a Federal Court of Appeal in November 2009. The case is currently pending again.
NAMES ON PREVIOUS LISTS:
Karoly (Charles) Zentai
Klass Carel Faber (Died May 2012)
Sándor Képíró (Died September 2011)
Dr. Aribert Heim (Died in 1992; Evidence of Death Uncovered in September 2012)
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The Mossad (Hebrew: הַמוֹסָד, IPA: [ha moˈsad]; Arabic: الموساد, al-Mōsād; literally meaning “the Institute”), short for HaMossad leModiʿin uleTafkidim Meyuḥadim (Hebrew: המוסד למודיעין ולתפקידים מיוחדים, meaning “Institute for Intelligence and Special Operations”; Arabic: الموساد للاستخبارات والمهام الخاصة al-Mōsād lil-Istikhbārāt wal-Mahāmm al-Khāṣṣah), is the national intelligence agency of Israel. It is one of the main entities in the Israeli Intelligence Community, along with Aman (military intelligence) and Shin Bet (internal security).
The Mossad is responsible for intelligence collection, covert operations, and counterterrorism, as well as bringing Jews to Israel from countries where official Aliyah agencies are forbidden, and protecting Jewish communities. Its director reports directly to the Prime Minister.
The Directorate of Military Intelligence (Hebrew: אגף המודיעין, Agaf HaModi’in — lit. “the Intelligence Section”, often abbreviated to Aman) is the central, overarching military intelligence body of the Israel Defense Forces. Aman was created in 1950, when the Intelligence Department was spun off from the IDF’s General Staff (then, Agam: אג”ם); the Intelligence Department itself was composed largely of former members of the Haganah Intelligence Service (HIS). Aman is an independent service, and not part of the ground forces, navy or the Israeli Air Force.
It is one of the main entities in the Israeli Intelligence Community, along with Mossad (national intelligence) and Shin Bet (general security). It is currently headed by Major General Aviv Kochavi. It has a staff of 7,000 personnel (1996 estimate). Its special forces and field-reconnaissance unit is Sayeret Matkal.
Sherut haBitachon haKlali (Hebrew: שירות הביטחון הכללי, General Security Service), better known by the acronym Shabak (Hebrew: שב״כ, IPA: [ʃaˈbak], Arabic: شاباك), in English as the Israel Security Agency (ISA) or the Shin Bet (a two-letter Hebrew abbreviation of the name), is Israel’s internal security service. Its motto is “Magen VeLo Yera’e” (Hebrew: מגן ולא יראה, lit. “Defender that shall not be seen” or “The unseen shield”). It is one of three principal organizations of the Israeli Intelligence Community, alongside Aman (military intelligence) and the Mossad (foreign intelligence service). Shin Bet’s special operations unit is Yamas.
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The U.S. Justice Department this month moved to confiscate roughly $1.2 million held in major multi-national banks which prosecutors believe passed through a network of companies in Africa that are allegedly tied to Hezbollah, the Shia militant organization and political party in Lebanon.
The legal action reinforced long-running efforts by the United States to dry up sources of funding for Hezbollah, a participant in Syria’s civil war that American officials also blame for a string of deadly terrorist attacks stretching back to the 1980s.
Though it contained no formal allegations of wrongdoing against any bank, the complaint filed in a Washington federal court called attention to internal anti-money laundering practices at HSBC, Deutsche Bank and Wells Fargo as well as the North Carolina-based lender Branch Banking & Trust.
The movement of the funds violated federal trade sanctions and money laundering statutes, according to the Justice Department.
Prosecutors say Kassim Tajideen, a 60-year-old Lebanese businessman, came forward to claim the funds. The Treasury Department has placed Tajideen on a sanctions list of global terrorists, identifying him as an important Hezbollah fundraiser along with members of his family.
Lawyers for Tajideen told 100Reporters that he denies any link to terrorism, and said they had not been notified of the Justice Department’s forfeiture actions this month.
Banks are required to check whether their clients are suspected terrorists and report any suspicious banking activity to the U.S. government. As money from the drug war and sanctioned organizations has coursed through the international financial system, HSBC, Wells Fargo and Deutsche Bank have in recent years all faced legal and regulatory action in the United States and Europe.
Wells Fargo, the world’s largest bank by market value, agreed to a Treasury Department consent order as recently as November. Regulators rebuked the bank for a failure to remedy previously-identified problems involving measures by its wholesale banking group to assess customer risk and prevent money laundering. The wholesale banking group provides services to large clients such as companies and governments.
The Obama and Bush administrations have made money laundering and sanctions violations mainstays of a broader crackdown on terrorism, aimed at choking sources of financing since the Sept. 11, 2011 attacks on the United States.
In the court papers filed this month, prosecutors said that a North Carolina exporter of frozen meat, identified only as “Company A,” sent nearly seven million pounds of goods to Angola for delivery to Sicam Ltd., a company owned by Kassim Tajideen, between December 2013 and June 2015.
In return, International Cross Trade Company, a separate Tajideen company in the United Arab Emirates, wired $460,800 from UAE banks to Company A’s account at Branch Banking & Trust, or BB&T, allegedly in violation of federal statutes on money laundering and trade sanctions.
Cynthia Williams, a spokeswoman for BB&T, said her bank was examining the matter and had no further comment.
“As you know, BB&T is not a party to this suit and we were unaware of it until your email yesterday,” she wrote.
After receiving the payments from Tajideen, Company A then transferred the money to Wells Fargo, where it was seized in June, according to prosecutors.
Richele Messick, a spokeswoman for Wells Fargo, said the bank did not violate any regulations or laws in the Tajideen forfeiture case.
“We have already made significant enhancements in our compliance program and continue to dedicate considerable resources to this area,” she said by email.
“We have strong processes in place but are prohibited from sharing what we do to detect and monitor — both by the law and to preserve the effectiveness of those processes.”
In court papers, the Justice Department’s efforts to win the forfeiture of the funds were supported by the sworn statement of a Drug Enforcement Administration task force agent, suggesting that the forfeiture case is connected to a federal investigation into suspected drug trafficking.
Spokesmen for the DEA and Justice Department declined to comment, but American officials have long accused Hezbollah of trading in South American cocaine, specifically linking them to the Colombian drug trade and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC.
According to European and UN officials cited by The New York Times, Hezbollah and sympathetic Lebanese émigrés helped Colombian traffickers meet rising demand for drugs in Europe and the Middle East by moving cocaine from South America to West Africa, Syria and Lebanon. A Hezbollah strategist quoted in the article denied narco-trafficking.
The court documents say Tajideen also moved $600,000 from accounts in Angola to banks in Germany, South Africa and Brazil between 2009 and 2010, but these funds were frozen by Deutsche Bank compliance officials as they transited correspondent accounts in the United States and were later seized.
A Deutsche Bank spokeswoman declined to comment.
Correspondent banking allows banks to transfer funds internationally by maintaining accounts at foreign banks so that depositors may make payments in foreign currencies. Such transactions can present a high risk of money laundering if senders and recipients are not properly identified by the bank.
During similar correspondent account transfers through the United States between 2012 and 2014, compliance officials at HSBC seized more than $100,000 in Tajideen funds moving from accounts in France and Gambia and intended for recipients in Switzerland, China and Thailand, according to prosecutors.
Tajideen family entities will have been familiar to HSBC compliance officials. HSBC had already paid a fine of $32,400 in 2013 after failing to catch $40,166 in transfers between 2010 and 2011 tied to Husayn Tajideen, another of Kassim Tajideen’s brothers.
The bank in 2012 reached a watershed $1.9 billion settlement with US authorities for deliberately banking the proceeds of drug cartels and moving money for sanctions-barred countries.
According to a leaked report from an outside monitor cited by Bloomberg, internal auditors in 2014 questioned HSBC’s decision to continue doing business with banks with potential ties to terrorism, including a Saudi bank that had once wired funds to two hijackers involved in the attacks of September 2001.
The Justice Department reported last year that the outside monitor — the former prosecutor Michael G. Cherkasky — had found that in 2014 senior managers’ dealings with auditors had been “marked by combativeness […] and a basic lack of cooperativeness.”
Nevertheless, Rob Sherman, an HSBC spokesman, told 100Reporters that the Justice Department had found that the bank had made “material progress” toward improving its compliance efforts.
“We remain firmly committed to putting in place a robust AML and sanctions compliance program, and are making steady progress toward that objective and appreciate the monitor’s ongoing work,” he wrote in an email, using the industry acronym for anti-money laundering.
Last year, Kassim Tajideen’s alleged ties to Hezbollah drew him into the middle of federal lawsuits filed by former FARC kidnapping victims.
A federal court in 2010 awarded $318 million in damages to the family of Thomas Janis, an American pilot, and to Keith Stansell, Marc Gonsalves and Thomas Howes. FARC forces captured the men — who were civilian contractors flying surveillance over FARC territory — when their plane crashed in 2003. Janis and another crew member were immediately executed, while Howes, Stansell and Gonsalves were held captive until their rescue in 2008.
When collecting damages from the FARC — which has few U.S. assets to seize if any — proved difficult, lawyers for the men went after funds held by alleged FARC associates, moving to seize assets held by the Tajideen brothers and their companies. Since Hezbollah had profited from distributing FARC cocaine and laundering the proceeds, the lawyers argued, FARC victims could collect Hezbollah-linked funds.
The matter remains pending before a federal judge in New York. However, in an affidavit in the FARC case, Kassim Tajideen denied all of the plaintiff’s allegations and said he was fighting the Treasury Department’s designation of him as a terrorist.
Any business connections to his brother Ali, the alleged Hezbollah commander, had in fact been limited to a “matter of corporate formality,” he said.
“I am unequivocally opposed to terrorism and other acts of political violence,” Tajideen said. “I am unequivocally opposed to narcotics trafficking and related criminal enterprises.”
Tajideen said he had no connection to Hezbollah and had worked to avoid any “unnecessary entanglements” with the organization “despite the challenges of doing so while conducting business in Lebanon.”
Tajideen’s attorneys at the powerhouse firm WilmerHale have also sought to undermine claims that Hezbollah and the FARC are truly in cahoots.
Ibrahim Warde, a Tufts University business professor and paid expert for the Tajideen legal team, submitted a sworn statement saying he believed any business dealings between FARC and Hezbollah were at most “indirect and tangential.”
If Hezbollah is a tool of any entity, he said, it is the Islamic Republic of Iran, not “a comparatively minor, geographically distant, culturally dissimilar, and politically unrelated organization such as the FARC.”
David Bowker, an attorney for Tajideen, said the Justice Department had yet to notify him of its latest action.
“As you may know, we do not believe there is any basis to designate Mr. Tajideen and, accordingly, we have been contesting OFAC’s designation of him for many years,” he said in an email.
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No Specific Threat to American Jewish Community, Despite Recent World Events
5 pages
For Official Use Only
February 8, 2012
(U//FOUO) This Joint Intelligence Bulletin (JIB) provides law enforcement and private sector safety officials with an evaluation of potential terrorist threats to Jewish organizations, facilities, and personnel in the United states. The information is provided to support the activities of DHS and FBI and to assist federal, state, local, tribal, and territorial government counterterrorism and first responder officials to deter, prevent, preempt, or respond to terrorist attacks in the United States.
…
(U) Threat overview
(U//FOUO) Heightened tensions between Israel, Iran, and the United States-stemming from threats against Israeli or Jewish targets in Asia and Europe attacks on Iranian nuclear scientists; global economic sanctions against Iran; and press reporting of Israel’s possible intent to attack Iran’s nuclear facilities-have contributed to the perception of an increased threat to the Jewish community worldwide from Iran or its surrogates. Hizballah’s longstanding interest in exacting retribution for the February 2008 death of Imad Mughniyah–a senior founding member of Hizballah who was killed in Syria–may also be fueling these concerns. We have no information, however, to indicate that these recent events have significantly increased the threat to Jewish organizations, facilities, and personnel in the United States.
– (U) On 3 February 2012, Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei publicly threatened to retaliate against economic sanctions levied on his country and to support militant groups who oppose Israel.
– (U) On 24 January 2012, the Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff publicly remarked that terrorist groups are trying to conduct attacks against Israeli targets abroad, according to a respected Israeli newspaper, and some Israeli consulates in the United States have reportedly circulated letters warning of escalating threats to Israeli and Jewish facilities. Additionally, letters containing an unidentified, non-toxic white powder were recently mailed to various Israeli consulates in the United States, Europe, and Canada, according to open source reporting.
– (U) Three Azerbaijanis allegedly linked to Iranian intelligence were arrested for plotting to attack the Israeli Ambassador to Azerbaijan and the leader of a local Jewish school, according to late January international media reporting.
– (U//FOUO) An alleged Hizballah plot to attack Israeli or Jewish targets in Asia was reportedly disrupted in Thailand last month, although the targets and timing of the operation are unclear; press reporting suggested a similar threat existed in Europe, but we have no information to indicate that similar plots were directed at the Homeland.
(U//FOUO) Jewish organizations, facilities, and personnel in the United States have been a focus of violent extremists in the past and we assess that they will likely remain a target of violent groups and individuals in the future.
Yesterday, on Yom Kippur, the holiest day for world Jewry, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, stood before the nations of the world as a respected speaker at the United Nations General Assembly in New York.
Not since ancient times—when Queen Esther foiled Haman’s genocidal designs—has a threat this serious to the future of our people emanated from that land.
And it is not just about nuclear weapons.
Long before the current nuclear crisis, Tehran’s blood feud against Israel, her people and her Judaic traditions were a centerpiece of the mullahtocracy ever since the Ayatollah Khomeini seized power.
In his new Simon Wiesenthal Center report,Iran Targets Israel: The Fateful Confrontation, historian Dr. Harold Brackman outlines the multifaceted scope of the Iranian regime’s existential hatred for the Jewish State.
In the report, you will learn about the:
• Evolution of Holocaust Denial and Jew hatred as the cornerstone of Iranian statecraft
• Ayatollah Khomeini’s overthrow of the Shah four decades ago
• Iran’s terror network stretching from Syria and Lebanon to North Korea to Argentina and now in Venezuela
• The current Iranian nuclear threat
Iran Targets Israel: The Fateful Confrontation indicates that there are no easy answers posed by the Iranian regime’s bombast and threats. The only certainty is that to do nothing—retreating into wishful thinking and anti-Israel scapegoating, will produce unspeakable catastrophic results for the Jewish state and all countries in the Middle East and beyond.
Ahmadinejad: “Israel will be eliminated” – United Nations, September 2012
“Iranian President Ahmadinejad should not be speaking from a podium at the UN General Assembly. Instead, he should be in the dock of the International Court of Justice in the Hague for planning and inciting the destruction of Israel, a UN member state in good standing, and genocide against the Israeli people,”
In this piece of video IRGC’s aerospace force commander makes crucial statement. He is saying we are not going to go to a technical war with our advanced adversary, instead, we have designed specific targeted attacks and scenarios for specific places we would want to hit without hesitation with huge amount of missiles — then the report shows a test attack with mid range and ballistic missiles on a “one-to-one” size “American” base in Kuwait which its specifies obtained by UAVs and “local posts” and explains how the air defense systems will be evaded with simple targeted techniques instead of huge all purpose arsenals.
The page contains references to Iranian military official quotes that they will hit U.S navy carriers in case of a war using missiles and UAVs. At the end of the page there is a Video taken by some of these UAVs. They get close to U.S carriers and “identify” the model of air planes it is carrying or the planes that take off including F-16s.
Considering Iran does not have stand-alone Satellites to have a reliable C4ISR for wide area wars, including the type of operations that is being discussed — there are serious questions whether Iran is exploiting U.S. owned satellite communications for its own purposes under cover of commercial or emergency services? U.S. army’s C4ISR is highly dependent on services such as the ones offered by ViaSat or Inmarsat and there is absolutely no other remotely comparable infrastructure. Adding the Iranian attack on lockheed martin’s “Monster” there are debates within Satellite and ISR production engineers whether Iranians are actually using U.S.’s own “wide area ISR model and technologies” in their attacks?
There are hints given to us that BGAN, the 4th generation of Inmarsat infrastructure, that claims military grade security have been exploited several times recently by Hezbollah operative’s in Syria and Russian ISR battleship floating around that same area since many inter-operations between NATO elements and U.S. army is based on BGAN. Public documents are available on Inmarsat’s government services site, last I checked. BGAN services are reported accepted and working — source is a reporter just came back from Tehran’s NAM, she broadcast live Video feed using BGAN. We have experiences with Iran that shows when they cannot control or monitor something, they do their best on jamming and disruptions. They are not even officially shy about it anymore. We believe there might be a serious dark hole in U.S.’s infrastructure and least we can certain about it Hezbollah (=Iran) and Russians have the capabilities to exploit these types of holes.
“Farsnews” is one of Iran’s semi-official News Agencies that has tight ties with Power elements, including IRGC and MOIS .
The page is reporting IRGC’s aerospace commander, General Hajizadeh, said in an interview tonight “We consider American bases as a part of American Soil, not as a part of Qatar -Bahrain and Afghanistan”. The interview ends with this statement: “we will attack these bases in case of a war, no doubt”.
Iranian official says an in interview that starting from tonight up until undetermined time, Google’s services including Gmail will be Filtered in Iran. He added that the decision was made due to huge number of calls people made to remove contents related to recent insults on Prophet Mohammad. Youtube, Twitter, Facebook, Blogspot and wordpress were already Filtered in Iran for a couple of years.
Refer to peyvandha.ir. If you go to the site from Iran, it resolves to an IP in the
famous Iranian "national internet" with IPs starting with 10.10.X.X. The IP and
website belong to the Ministry of Islamic Guidance. Therefore, not only Police and
Intelligence can monitor online behavior, through this trick, another entity that is
involved in Iran's internet infrastructure can monitor and learn who goes to filtered
websites or make attempts to communicate with those sites.
More interestingly is below. The stupid staff who registered the IP and domain are
using Gmail and Yahoo accounts to maintain their access to the domain. Since I happen
to know getting into someone's Yahoo account is easier than drinking water (no need
for showing the tech here), there is opportunity for rogue elements to monitor Iranian
user's behavior, partially and ironically, the people who are forcing people to use
"local national" email systems such as mail.iran.ir, are using Gmail and Yahoo
themselves. :)
root# whois peyvandha.ir
domain: peyvandha.ir
ascii: peyvandha.ir
remarks: (Domain Holder) Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance
remarks: (Domain Holder Address) No. 229, Ministry of Culture and Islamic, Kamalolmoke
St., Baharestan Sq.,, Tehran, Tehran, IR
holder-c: mi151-irnic
admin-c: mi151-irnic
tech-c: mk168-irnic
nserver: a-ir1.hostiran.net
nserver: b-ir1.hostiran.net
last-updated: 2011-02-23
expire-date: 2016-04-06
source: IRNIC # Filtered
nic-hdl: mi151-irnic
org: Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance
e-mail: ahajitorab@gmail.com
address: No. 229, Ministry of Culture and Islamic, Kamalolmoke St., Baharestan Sq.,,
Tehran, Tehran, IR
phone: +98 21 38513104
fax-no: +98 21 33966068
source: IRNIC # Filtered
nic-hdl: mk168-irnic
person: Mostafa Khademolmele
e-mail: mkhadem61@yahoo.com
source: IRNIC # Filtered
What are Tehran’s goals in a confrontation with Israel? Why have the Iranians been prepared to fight for so many years? A special analysis by Colonel (Res.) Ronen Cohen
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (Photo: AP)
“The IDF is ready to move against Iran the minute it receives the green light,” declared IDF Chief of Staff, Lieutenant General Benny Gantz in an interview broadcast on Israel’s 64th Independence Day. “The Iranians are determined to build a nuclear weapon while they continue to dupe the international community,” Minister of Defense Ehud Barak added the following day.
Israel’s leaders face a series of existential questions: should Israel attack Iran or pursue the diplomatic track? When, if ever, is the right time to launch an attack? How should it be executed? How will Iran’s leaders react to an attack on their nuclear facilities?
The day after
The most likely day-after scenario, as the international media sees it, is a devastating Iranian response based mainly, though not entirely, on its long-range missile arsenal. This attack would be coupled with terrorist strikes against Jewish and Israeli targets abroad, and backed by Hezbollah – Iran’s proxy in Lebanon.
On the international front, Iran could wreak havoc on the global economy through fluctuations in oil prices, even though this could also ultimately harm Iran (it is unclear whether Iran or the West would suffer more in an oil war).
Iran could respond with a four-way campaign with long-ranged counter-fire against Israel, terror activity on Israel’s borders, attacks on Israelis and Jews overseas, and a limited conflict in the north of Israel.
Israel is fully aware of the implications of the day after, but senior political-security figures have increasingly alleged that Iran’s response capabilities are limited due to international constraints and its distance from Israel. From our perspective, Israel could withstand an Iranian retaliation, just as it has withstood missile attacks in the past.
In his Independence Day speech, the chief of staff threw the proverbial ball into the political decision-makers’ court, taking careful aim at the prime minister and minister of defense. The question is whether Israel is up to the challenge of a day-after scenario that is different from the one the media projects.
If Israel initiates a military strike and Iran responds, Israel will face a security challenge of a magnitude that it has never experienced. It will be the first time in history that Israel faces a non-Arab state with an entirely different culture, mentality, and historical legacy. The same is true for the Iranians – for the first time they will be confronting Israel and the West.
Furthermore, Israel has never carried out a military attack against a state on the brink of nuclear capability. An attack against Iran would be far different than the bombing of the nuclear reactor in Iraq or the air strike against the reactor in Syria (attributed to Israel). For Israel, the element of surprise is already gone, which in effect, has already enabled the enemy to carry out a series of steps. These steps range from instilling a state of awareness into their nation, political-strategic maneuvering, and preparations for both an offensive and defensive military response.
Presenting a regional objective
When we examine the rationale behind an Iranian response, we should assume that the regime in Tehran will make every effort to cause the “Zionist entity” such severe damage that it would restore the Islamic Republic to the lofty position of a regional superpower. Iran’s choice of targets and its method of attack will be a regional and international display of Iranian strategy and military might. Iran cannot allow the campaign to end with it appearing ruined and humiliated. Another Iranian goal will be to safeguard its nuclear project so that it can quickly resume operations if damaged.
An Iranian strike would probably be directed against Israel’s population centers, since the Iranians believe that Israel would be hard-pressed to cope with a protracted campaign of attrition that weakens the home front.
Upon examining these goals against the scenario established by the media, we can see that the scenario the media portrays would not attain Iran’s objectives. What then is the modus operandi that Iran will choose to meet its goals?
A different kind of society
To understand how the Iranian leadership operates, we must go back to the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq War. Despite the extreme differences between that war and a possible Israeli-Iranian confrontation, it would be worthwhile to look at the way the Ayatollah regime, still in its infancy, waged its first war.
At the time, following a break in relations with the US, the Iranian regime was isolated and bereft of superpower backing. Iraq received lavish military assistance from the Soviet Union, while Europe exerted pressure on Iran for disrupting the flow of oil caused by the war. During the long and bitter conflict, Iran’s Republican Guards displayed a high degree of patience, endurance, and determination. The nation proved that it could weather massive attacks from unconventional weapons (poisonous gas) and retain its trust in its leadership. This is the heritage that Khomeini bequeathed to the Iranian people: fighting and winning against all odds.
Those that believe Iran’s geographical distance from Israel will limit the Iranian response (the Iranians will mainly engage in long-range counter fire) fail to take into account the Iran-Syria-Hezbollah axis that enables Iran to bridge great distances. Republican Guard ground forces could be deployed along Israel’s northern border and even engage the IDF in a protracted guerilla campaign.
On the frontlines
Israel must also take into account Hezbollah’s role in such a scenario, since Israel could be tested in an unprecedented event.
For the first time, Hezbollah would be completely subordinate to Tehran’s leadership and the Iranian military command even though it is a Lebanese organization supported by the country’s Shiite population. In an Israeli-Iranian war, Hezbollah would take orders from Iran in its first and perhaps only real opportunity to repay the enormous debt that it owes to Iran for building up its military strength.
Another possibility is that Iran could launch a preemptive strike and place responsibility on Hezbollah, since Tehran has no interest in becoming entangled in hostilities prior to an Israeli attack.
After an Israeli strike, the scope of Hezbollah’s rocket fire into Israel’s depth could parallel the developments in the fighting between Israel and Iran. Israel should not be surprised if this time the rocket and missile fire is entirely different from the past. Instead of gradual escalation at the outset, Hezbollah could unleash a massive missile barrage into the heart of Tel Aviv.
Not today or in a few days
Israel has to proceed with great caution in light of Iran’s policy and culture. A long and bitter guerilla struggle may ensue, one that could last for a year or a number of years against Iranian combat units on Israel’s northern border.
These scenarios are not the product of an imagination run wild, but logical directions that Iran could take as it aspires to realize its goal to become a regional superpower.
***
The article was published in IsraelDefense Issue #8
Terror attack in Bulgaria: the number of casualties in yesterday’s terror attack against the tourist bus in the airport in Burgas, Bulgaria, has risen to eight. One of the wounded persons died of his wounds at the hospital in the early hours of the morning. Six of the casualties are Israelis. Hercules helicopters belonging to the Israeli Air Force (IAF) have begun the operation to evacuate the wounded for hospitalization in Israel.
A team of Israeli doctors departed to Bulgaria over the night, in order to assist local medical teams in dealing with the large number of wounded persons, which currently stands on more than 30. Some of the wounded are suffering from burns and injuries that are characteristic of terror attacks.
The investigation of the event is continuing. Bulgarian Prime Minister Boyko Borisov told local media that despite previous assessments, the attack was carried out by a suicide bomber, and not a remotely-operated explosive charge. According to Borisov, a US passport was found on the terrorist’s body, apparently forged. Representatives of the CIA and FBI US intelligence agencies are involved in investigation of the attack.
Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu blamed Iran yesterday as being behind the terror attack. Israel’s Minister of Defense clarified that “we will do everything to reach the perpetrators and those that sent them.” The White House published an announcement by US President Barack Obama that stated that the US will cooperate with Israel in investigating the attack, and expressed his condolences over the attack.
Released for publication: the Shabak, in cooperation with the Israeli Police’s section for special duties in the Jerusalem district, have uncovered a terror squad in Northern Jerusalem’s Issawiya neighborhood. The squad is suspected of throwing stones at security forces and aggravated assault against local residents.
A gun and magazines were found during the investigation, which one of the squad members used in various activities carried out in the neighborhood on behalf of the Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP). In addition, another operative admitted to acquiring and possessing a gun.
Popular terror activity is routinely carried out in the Issawiya neighborhood, which includes throwing stones and incendiary bombs as well as physical attacks against Israeli citizens and security forces entering the neighborhood or locations near it.
One of the arrested suspects being investigated is Medhat Tariq Ahmad Muhammad, known as a senior DFLP official in Jerusalem, who was previously arrested for carrying out a shooting attack.
The defining event that changed the face of firefighting in Israel was the December 2010 fire in the Carmel Mountains. Forty-four people died, and 6,177 acres of woods were destroyed.
Four months after the devastation, the air force established a firefighting squadron whose six aircraft are presently maintained by Elbit Systems. In addition, Israel Fire and Rescue Service ordered 88 firefighting vehicles. “There are several types of firefighting vehicles,” says Fire Service Commissioner, Chief Shahar Ayalon.
“Some of the vehicles are undergoing supply processes and need to undergo several changes. We’ve also published a tender worth 12 million NIS for personal fireman protection equipment including fireproof proximity suits, helmets, shoes, and coats. Additionally, we bought equipment from around the world, and are working with four to five international companies. We’re going to change the firefighter uniform, and even have a new symbol for the firefighters. We are also currently testing the simulators that exist around the world, and have allocated a sum of more than $10 million. In addition, we are constructing a new instruction facility in Rishon LeZion.
Following the 2010 fire, Shahar Ayalon came to head the Fire Service after serving in the Israeli Police as district commander and deputy inspector general. According to Ayalon, the far-reaching changes within the fire service are also intended for firefighters participating in mass disaster relief, such as wide-ranging missile attacks and natural disasters.
In his opinion, the situation is far from satisfactory. Ayalon notes that during the 2011 rocket attacks from Gaza, it was impossible to send a vehicle from Ashkelon to handle a fire that burst out in the nearby town of Gan Yavneh, which was a result of administrative problems (the town belonged to the more distant district of Rehovot). It took a fire vehicle no less than 20 minutes to make it from there. According to him, there remains a severe shortage in firefighting stations across the country.
“We’ve conducted a threat reference with Israel’s Technion and the National Emergency Authority on how many firefighting vehicles and how many firefighters are needed to provide a response for Israel,” says Ayalon. “The interim statement indicates that an additional 40-60 stations are needed on top of the 100 that already exist. We want to lower the response time. In 2010, our average response time was 14 minutes. In the US, the standard is five minutes for the first team, and an additional five minutes for a second team. In Europe, it’s between 8-10 minutes – we want to approach this time.”
“Our current budget is 700 million NIS. I assume that after the reform, the budget will cross the one billion NIS mark. There won’t be any choice but to construct 50 more stations, and this will have to be planned in the framework of the multi-year budget.”
War Scenarios
“The firefighting system responds to 80,000 situations a year, nearly half of which are tied to rescue and extraction missions,” explains Ayalon. “We have 15 urban rescue units that can enter wreckage sites and rescue people from buildings, including two new units in Be’er Sheva and Netanya. These units are comprised of young and well-trained firefighters. We conduct the courses with RESQ1, a company of military veterans who have run these training exercises around the world for years.
“We also send 15 fighters each year to France to undergo advanced studies in rescuing people trapped in stormy weather. The scope of rescue is the same as the scope of firefighting, even though people think we only extinguish fires. In reality, we engage in rescues, deal with dangerous substances, and also fight fires.”
What will happen during a war? After all, it’s the IDF’s Rear-Area Headquarters that primarily deal with search and rescue.
“In a period of emergency and war, the Rear-Area HQ is also responsible for the Fire Service. The threat to the home front switched to a threat of missiles, and we are preparing for a state of demolished buildings in which the firefighters will have to handle both fires and structural collapses.
“We also take into account damage to strategic factories that house dangerous materials, and we intensively practice situations of container and fuel reserve impacts. We carry out risk assessments with the factories and introduce them to the forces. We have an organized doctrine that is also suitable for missile scenarios.
“We built an operations branch that works, practices, and immediately responds to events, reinforces units, and does all the required operations that are similar to a military system.
“For emergency scenarios, we purchased 24 containers equipped with clothing, food, and water. It costs a lot of money, but we placed these types of emergency containers at each station. As soon as there’s a war, we can increase our number of fire departments and our launches by 40% by taking out fire trucks to all sorts of launch points, thus bringing the firefighters closer to response locations. We settle in well-known locations and are capable of emergency deployment that increases manpower by having 1,200 firefighters in the reserve forces join the regular military.
“In emergency scenarios, we are the first ones alerted and the first to reach the scene. If it’s wreckage, we focus on rescuing lives and extracting whoever we can out of the rubble. Once the Rear-Area HQ’s rescue unit arrives, we pass the responsibility on to them and leave the scene. We are the immediate response for the golden hour – the time when the chances of finding survivors is the highest.”
** Photos: The fire extinguishing squad by Fire Service; Chief Shahar Ayalon by Fire Service
Silver Shadow will present a new weapon prototype during the Eurosatory exhibition in Paris.
A new player in the arsenal of Israeli weapons? Silver Shadow, the manufacturer of the Israeli-produced Gilboa assault rifle, will soon be presenting another product from the Gilboa line of weapons.
The product is a new assault rifle, with a double barrel – a unique and first of its kind among Israeli-produced weapons. The new weapon increases firepower and has improved marksmanship, but still takes standard ammunition.
The company will present the new weapon at the Eurosatory exhibition in Paris during June 2012. The exhibition is one of the most prominent exhibitions in the world for the fields of defense and security, and takes place every two years in France.
The largest defense companies in the world present their products at the exhibition; the Israeli pavilion, which will feature dozens of companies, is considered one of the most prominent ones at the show.
Israel is trying to discover the extent to which the Iranian announcement regarding the development of a new UAV named “Shaparak” is true.
According to the Iranians, the UAV has a take-off weight of 100 kg and can carry a payload weighing up to 8 kg. In addition, the statement says that the UAV has an endurance of 3.5 hours in altitudes of up to 4 km.
In recent years, Iran has invested considerable efforts in developing UAVs. However, Israel is assessing that its achievements are few.
Currently, Iran is exploiting situations in other countries in order to garner operational experience with their UAVs. As was previously revealed in IsraelDefense, there is proof that Iran has operated UAVs on behalf of the Syrian regime.
According to reports from sources following Iran’s involvement in the Syrian Civil War, an Iranian Pahpad UAV was sighted in the past few weeks in the skies near Homs, Syria, which is considered the most advanced in Syria’s arsenal.
In the past, Tehran has claimed that the UAV possesses stealth qualities. While Western elements doubt this claim, they say that it is undoubtedly an advanced UAV, at least with regards to its aerodynamic configuration.
Iran has previously supplied Hezbollah with self-produced UAVs, and the country has previously developed various basic UAVs as well, including the Ra’ad and Nazir. Four years ago, Iran’s defense minister claimed that his country successfully developed a UAV with a flight range of approximately 1,000 km.
Israel has experience with simple Iranian UAVs launched from southern Lebanon by Hezbollah towards Israel’s northern region. In June 2006, the IAF intercepted a suicide UAV carrying a payload of explosives. The Ababil UAV is a copy of a Russian UAV that is produced in Iran. It first breached Israel’s borders on November 7, 2004, and circled for five minutes over the region of Nahariya, photographing the area with a basic photographic system installed onboard. The Ababil UAV has a flight speed of nearly 300 km/h and has a maximum range of 240 km.
Israel is assessing that advanced Iranian UAVs have already been transferred to Hezbollah. The operation of the Iranian UAV in Syria is part of Tehran’s assistance fo Assad’s regime, as well as an Iranian opportunity to operate it in real conditions.
Over the past few months since the conclusion of the Shalit exchange deal, the Shabak has been working to ensure that the prisoners released in the framework of the deal have not returned to terror activities. Two examples from recent months prove that not all of them have decided to abandon the path of terrorism, and have instead, returned to their previous terror activities.
Shabak announced that at the end of March 2012, the Judea Military Court sentenced Daoud Hilo, a Ramallah resident and one of the prisoners released in the Shalit deal, to 44 months in prison. Hilo was convicted based on his admission of guilt for attempting to trade war equipment in January 2012. This was a month after his December 8, 2011 release in the framework of the second phase of the Shalit deal.
Having been previously sentenced to 40 months in 2010 (for which he spent 23 months in prison), Hilo’s conviction cancelled the mitigation he received (approximately 17 months) in the framework of the Shalit deal, and now he will return to serve the entire duration of his sentence. Along with a fine of 2,000 NIS, Hilo was also sentenced to 12 months probation for three years from the day he is released, for the felony he was sentenced for in this case or any other firearms felony.
Another example of a Shalit deal prisoner returning to terrorism was found when the Shabak revealed the attempts of Omar Abu-Sneineh, a Hamas operative from Hebron, to recruit operatives in the Judea and Samaria region for the purpose of an abduction attack. Having been banished to the Gaza Strip in the framework of the deal, Abu-Sneineh’s planned abduction was intended for bargaining for the release of prisoners. A Fatah operative serving a life sentence for murder, he crossed the lines into the ranks of Hamas while in prison.
Abu-Sneineh, who was released in October 2011, sent a memory card to his family in the Judea and Samaria region that contained detailed instructions on how to carry out the abduction attack. His intent was to have it later reach the hands of the operatives he would recruit.
The memory card, which was obtained by Shabak, included, among other things, instructions for the operatives on how to behave after abducting an Israeli. The card contained instructions such as: “refrain from hiding (the abducted person) in abandoned areas, caves, or groves, unless it’s a body or the head of the abducted person. If dealing with a live person, which needs to be reached at least once a week in order to bring food and water, it’s best to hide him in a house, an agricultural farm, a work place, or someplace similar.” Abu-Sneineh also listed instructions for obtaining firearms and for recruiting operatives into the service of the terror organizations.
Shabak has stated that the organization “will continue its mission to foil intentions to carry out terror attacks against Israeli targets, And will do everything in its power to bring those involved in terrorism to justice. This includes all the prisoners released in the deal for the freeing of Gilad Shalit that have returned to terror activity.”
The heightened tension with Iran over its nuclear program is forcing the Israeli Air Force (IAF) to rethink its special needs.
Colonel Shlomo Nissim, head of the IAF’s Aircraft Engineering Department, says, “Our goal is to be at the forefront of technology. We have outstanding people with brilliant ideas, whose professionalism is their calling. Their dedication is expressed in achievements in every field.”
One of the department’s recently completed projects is flexible fuel tanks that extend the range of Yasur (Ch-53 Sea Stallion) and Yanshuf (UH-60 Black Hawk) helicopters. The IAF designed the fuel tanks, and an Israeli company manufactured them.
The project has aroused considerable interest, especially after the announcement of the establishment of the IDF Depth Command, headed by Major General (Res.) Shai Avital. This command is officially charged with planning and implementing long-range, multi-arm special operations in the enemy’s strategic depth. This requires special operational and tactical equipment, and one of the basic tools is extended-range cargo helicopters.
Col. Nissim’s department is constantly improving the performance of IAF planes and helicopters, but not only in the Iranian context. One of the department’s developments that elicited considerable international attention is called the “smart patch.” The patch is glued to a smooth surface in an aircraft suspected of suffering from rapid structural fatigue. The band-shaped patch has microelectronic components that track the structural fatigue and relay the data to mechanics, thus eliminating the need to disassemble the aircraft for examination.
The engineering department is also working on a computerized system that will collect all the flight data from IAF helicopters for analysis. “Today, pilots fill out a questionnaire on their extreme flight maneuvers. However, the method is cumbersome, irksome, and inaccurate. This system will facilitate a new way to track aircraft fatigue. When development is completed, the system will be installed in all IAF helicopters,” Col. Nissim says.
Nissim also explained the IDF’s reasons for purchasing new Hercules transportation planes. “The IAF chose the lengthier model of the C-130J because it has an enhanced storage capacity. Naturally, we’ll be installing a number of our own systems in the aircraft, but the less I speak about them, the better.”
In addition to the procurement of new planes, the older Hercules, which has been in IAF use since the 1970s, will get a new lease on life.
According to Nissim, “The main section of the wings will be replaced to prevent dangerous cracking. Israel Aerospace Industries will put on new wings that will guarantee the planes have many more years of flight.” As new Hercules turboprop transport planes enter operational service, and some of the older ones continue flying, others – mainly the C-130Es – will be deactivated.
The Yasur helicopter has been in the IAF for many years, perhaps it too needs to be retired?
“There are no current alternatives to a heavy helicopter. We keep our Yasur fleet in top working condition through constant maintenance and upgrading. The Yasur will be flying at least until 2024. Nevertheless, the IAF is looking at the Sikorsky CH-53K helicopter, which is still in the planning stages in the US. However, it won’t be ready for export until 2019, which is only one of its problems. The price tag per aircraft is over $100 million.”
A new system that recently joined the Yasur fleet is the automatic hovering system. This system, a product by DRS, is connected to all of the helicopter’s sensors that monitor the aircraft’s altitude, speed, and other data. When a pilot reaches the desired altitude, he activates the hovering system and removes his hands from the flight control system. From that moment on, the system takes control, and the helicopter is as stable as a rock. The IAF played a key part in the system’s development.
The hovering system is being integrated into Yanshuf helicopters. “We test every system that can improve mission performance,” says Col. Nissim.
**Yasur brought back to service, Photo: Ofer Zidon
In 2011, Iran expanded its nuclear program, and continued to enrich uranium and develop its nuclear facilities – thus stated a report from the CIA that was presented to the US Congress.
According to the report, Iran has successfully produced approximately 4,900 kg of low-level enriched uranium, and continued its development of the nuclear facilities constructed throughout the country, as well as is heavy water research. The report determined that Iran’s actions were carried out in contrast to the UN decisions that Iran must halt their nuclear activities.
The CIA further determined that Iran has continued the development of the underground facilities in Natanz, and even developed more advanced centrifuges, which were already tested at an unknown destination in the country. Iran’s stockpiles possess approximately 80 kg of enriched uranium at a level approaching 20% (a level suitable for a nuclear bomb).
The report also noted that while the number of centrifuges in Iran’s possession has dropped from 8,900 to 8,000, the number of active centrifuges has skyrocketed from 3,800 in August 2010 to a present figure of 6,200.
In addition, according to the report, one of the most important facilities in Iran’s nuclear program is the Fordo facility near the city of Qom, where Iran is enriching uranium at a level of “nearly 20%.”
The CIA is also stating that while the Bushehr nuclear reactor started producing nuclear fuel last year, it is still not acting at full capacity. However, it should be noted that the report does not deal with the topic of Iran’s military nuclear program. While it provides figures of the country’s uranium stockpiles, it does not associate this stockpile, or any other, with the Islamic Republic’s plans for developing military nuclear capabilities.
The agency also determined that Tehran is continuing the development and expansion of its missile program. They are continuing the development of short and medium-ranged missiles, and focusing on the ability to launch missiles into space as well – so that they can develop missiles with exceptionally long ranges.
Israel: The chief task facing the newly appointed Head of the IDF’s Planning Branch, Major General Nimrod Shefer, is to restart the debates in the General Staff for consolidating the IDF’s new multi-year plan, codenamed “Halamish.”
The plan was supposed to enter effect at the start of 2012 and be implemented at least by the end of 2016. However, its implementation was postponed by a year due to the arguments over the defense budget and the upheavals in the Middle East.
The arguments began as a result of the summer protests and the need to allocate budgets for implementing the recommendations of the Trachtenberg committee.
As with all the IDF’s previous multi-year plans (the last one, Tefen, which was intended for 2007-2011, was the first in decades to be materialized in its entirety, without being cut in the middle), the Halamish plan is based on “reference scenarios.” This essentially refers to the worst scenario, to which the IDF builds its forces accordingly. However, this doesn’t necessarily mean that the IDF is preparing for the worst-case scenario.
When Halamish was launched, back when Amir Eshel was still the Head of the Planning Branch (Eshel will soon be appointed the Air Force Commander), the Middle East truly seemed different. The peace agreements with Egypt were stable, even if the risk of war with Iran, Syria, Hezbollah, and Hamas was already discernible over the horizon.
The strengthening of the threat posed by the “Iranian Axis,” in parallel to the strategic change in the southern arena, demanded that the assumptions of the Halamish plan be examined from the ground up. However, the suitable conditions for that don’t exist now. Due to a gap of at least six billion NIS between the defense establishment’s budgetary demands and the budget as it exists on paper (at least for the time being), the defense establishment is largely managing from hand to mouth at the moment, like a family going through hardships, or a business with financial problems maneuvering payments to its suppliers.
Merkava, with No End
Take the affair of the Merkava project as an example. The project was worthy of an in-depth examination concerning the question of whether the IDF should invest most of its allocated ground resources in a heavy armored vehicle, or in lighter vehicles with active protection. An examination is actually being done by a special committee, which includes the economist Liora Meridor and the former commander of the Combat Corps Headquarters, Major General (Res.) Emanuel Sakal.
According to the decisions made in the framework of the previous plan, Tefen, the IDF invests approximately two billion NIS annually over a ten-year period for construction of tanks and APCs. Nearly half of the sum is funded by the US taxpayer, in the framework of the Namer production efforts being done in the US. The other half is in NIS, providing a livelihood to approximately 200 factories involved with the Merkava tank, and a much smaller number of factories providing Namer components.
Several weeks ago, the Ministry of Defense completely halted new orders in the framework of the Merkava tank and APC project. In the past few days, it seems that the most predictable thing happened: small factories, most of them in the periphery, reached the brink of collapse. An uproar came from the heads of the periphery municipalities, including Kiryat Shmona, Nahariya, Sderot, and Netivot.
On Wednesday, the Director General of the Ministry of Defense, Udi Shani, approved the freeing of 50 million NIS for orders from 15 factories facing the most distress. The rest of the factories are still crying out for orders (primarily those that don’t have orders many years in advance). An essential debate concerning the fate of the project is sluggishly taking place (due to previous commitments, its closure could end up costing even more money in the coming years than its continuation).
There are no differences of opinion in the defense establishment concerning the necessity of the new tanks and APCs. The chief question is whether or not the ordered amount is excessive, and if the budgets can’t be utilized in a more efficient manner.
The political echelon is urging that the number of APCs intended for production in the coming years be cut by half. The Chief of Staff, Lt. Gen. Benny Gantz (who didn’t hesitate when it came to slashing the armored ORBAT while he was Ground Force Commander, prior to the Second Lebanon War) would apparently be happy to make the significant cut to the project. The problem is that the Ministry of Defense committed to GDLS – which constructed a Namer assembly line in the US city of Lima. In the contract, it stipulated that a minimal number of APCs be produced in two stages. The IDF is considering canceling the second stage, but it’s doubtful that they could do it, from a legal perspective.
The Southern Danger
Despite the cuts, the IDF is very much operating these days in an eve of war atmosphere. Even if there won’t eventually be a war with Iran in the summer, there’s a possibility that a significant front will erupt in 2012 against the Gaza Strip or in the north against Hezbollah. A conflict with Syria is neither fictitious.
The solemn atmosphere was also sensed at the forum of hundreds of operational commanders that gathered this week at the IDF’s Glilot base. In contrast to the mood in the IDF, the public finds it preferable to repress things. Even during tension-filled times, it is the nature of the media to deal with short, specific events more than with fateful processes that occur over time.
One example of this is the rocket fired at Eilat this week – an episode that will soon be forgotten. The rocket was a result of the Egyptian military’s difficulty in controlling events in Sinai, and the presence of numerous terrorist groups throughout the vast peninsula.
The Muslim Brotherhood’s decision last weekend to run for elections for the presidency of Egypt is an example of a far more significant event. However, it’s doubtful that even a small percentage of the Israeli public noticed it. This is a surprising decision, from many aspects, as the previous assessment was that the Brotherhood would avoid a direct conflict over the regime in the coming years. The movement’s very decision to run for office has a considerable significance. Have you considered a scenario in which the Muslim Brotherhood wins the elections, selects a religious president in Egypt, and de-facto cancels the peace agreement with Israel? This is not farfetched. The IDF, which decreased its forces in the south during the stable period during the Egyptian peace process, must prepare for that scenario as well.
The SIBAT Convention: No Party
The eve of Passover is a period for meetings and proposing toasts. Such was the atmosphere at the conference held on Thursday morning by SIBAT, the Ministry of Defense’s defense export and cooperation division, which saw the participation of senior officials from the Israeli defense industries.
SIBAT is the branch tasked with promoting Israel’s defense exports. The more that the Israeli defense industries sell overseas, the more they can afford to develop additional developments for the IDF at a lower cost.
However, there is no festive mood in the defense export arena. The cuts to the defense budgets in Western countries, primarily in the US, are leaving their mark. Data for 2011 has yet to be completely compiled, but it is likely that defense exports saw a specific decline compared to 2010 (although it is still high – nearly $7 billion).
The combination of global budgetary cuts (the US companies, now hungrier than ever, have increased the competition against Israeli companies in East-Asian markets) and the frugality of the Ministry of Defense is no simple matter. Elbit has already started cutting hundreds of employees from its manpower quotas (a process expected to continue after the holiday). Rafael and IAI have stopped recruiting new employees. Plasan Sasa is suffering from the decline in vehicle protection orders for the US Army. Moreover, the situation is even more complicated in small and medium-sized companies, which have fewer layers of fat to trim.
Eyes Towards the Comptroller
After the holdiday, Lt. General (Res.) Gabi Ashkenazi, Minister of Defense Ehud Barak, and the other heroes of the Galant document affair will submit their references to the State Comptroller’s draft report on the affair.
In addition, a full report will be published after the holiday on another issue: the conduct of the political echelons and the defense establishment concerning the flotilla of the Turkish ship Marmara in May 2010. An interesting topic will be addressed in the report – should the Head of the National Security Council take an active part in the sensitive deliberations of the security cabinet, as stated in the NSC law? Or should he be compartmentalized out of some of these debates, as is actually taking place?
Elbit Systems has decided to define the field of cyber warfare as one of its primary expansion goals for the coming years. Dozens of experts have already been recruited to the cyber department headed by Brigadier General (Res.) Yair Cohen, former commander of the central collection unit 8200 in the IDF’s intelligence branch.
“The cyber field completely blurs the distinctions between the classic defense field, the military-defense sector, and the civilian sector,” Cohen said during the Central Cyber Session in December 2011. The session was held in the framework of the Globes Israel Business Conference, sponsored by IsraelDefense and the Yuval Ne’eman Science, Technology, and Security Workshop at Tel-Aviv University.
“Even if we come from the incorrect assumption that Israel’s air force branch is completely sealed, it still needs to receive water and electricity from external sources, and if the Mekorot water company or the Israel Electric Corporation (IEC) were to be stopped, it would affect them as well. You can unleash an unparalleled catastrophe upon a powerful country and military,” he said.
“In Brazil, there are constant attacks against the electric grid. There is a very high probability that these are cyber-attacks, which resulted in 60 million Brazilians being cut off from electricity in November 2009. I don’t want to think about what would happen in the Tel Aviv Metropolitan Area in Israel if there was no electricity for two hours,” Cohen added.
In order to prevent such scenarios from happening in Israel, Elbit and the IEC are preparing for the construction of an extensive defense layout aimed at covering all of the company’s facilities and computer systems. The intent is to replicate this layout in the future and suit it for other large entities in Israel and around the world.
The IEC is considered one of Israel’s essential national infrastructure organizations, with dozens of sites across Israel. The company’s Chairman, Major General (Res.) Yiftach Ron Tal, even recently revealed that the company identified several cyber-attack attempts, which were unsuccessful.
Is Israel maintaining airbases in Azerbaijan? “Foreign Policy Magazine” is reporting that Israel has obtained permission from the Azerbaijani government to use four abandoned air force bases, located close to Iran’s border.
According to US sources, these are abandoned bases from the soviet era in the country. A former US intelligence senior official told the magazine, “It’s not certain that there’s a signed agreement between Jerusalem and Baku. However, I’m sure that if Israel wants to use those bases as part of an attack on Iran – no one in Azerbaijan would have an issue with it. After all, the countries have had strong ties for two decades.”
“We are following the developments between Israel and Azerbaijan,” said another source in the US administration, “and we are not happy over them.” A source in the CIA told the magazine that in his opinion, Israel would not use the airbases in the framework of the initial attack of Iran’s nuclear facility. Rather, they would be used in the event of another attack.
Russia recently unveiled its new Kornet EM missile that can launch at least two antitank missiles simultaneously. There is concern that the weapon might be transferred to Syria, and then make its way to Hezbollah in Lebanon
Russia unveiled its new Kornet EM antitank missile at a recent exhibition. This missile is an advanced variant of the veteran Kornet missile, and is meant to be easier to operate against a wider range of targets.
Israel is concerned that quantities of the advanced missile might be transferred from Russia to Syria, and then might end up in the hands of Hezbollah.
The new missile has a greater level of precision with a range of up to 10 km, compared to the previous missile’s range of 5 km.
One of the missile’s advantages is that it can be used in the “natural reserves” in south Lebanon, since it can be assembled on various mobile light platforms.
In addition, the system allows for the simultaneous firing of two missiles, which may pose a risk to the IDF’s armored vehicles.
Israel has been concerned since the start of the popular uprising in Syria that the Assad regime is transferring quantities of weapons to Hezbollah to preserve the strength of its regional ally.
How the phone-phreaking Badir brothers ran rings around Israel‘s telcos for six scam-filled years.
Inside the chintz-filled living room of the Badir family’s neat and modest home, a feast of freshly roasted chicken, saffron rice, and seasoned vegetable stew perfumes the air. Friends and relatives pour through the front door to congratulate 27-year-old Munther “Ramy” Badir. He’s just been released from prison after serving 47 months for computer-related crimes. Outside, Islamic prayers resonate from speakers on a truck moving slowly down the dusty streets of Kafr Kassem. Everyone in this Israeli village – populated mostly by Arabs – appears ecstatic to have Ramy back.
But he does not see their smiles. Ramy, along with two of his three brothers, has been blind since birth due to a genetic defect. He and his sightless brothers have devoted their lives to proving they can out-think, out-program, and out-hack anyone with vision. (Their sighted brother, Ashraf, is a baker with no tech leanings.) They’ve been remarkably successful. Ramy says dryly, “A computer that is safe and protected is a computer stacked in a warehouse and unplugged.”
Israeli authorities agree. The 44 charges leveled against Ramy, Muzher, and Shadde Badir in 1999 included telecommunications fraud, theft of computer data, and impersonation of a police officer. The brothers’ six-year spree of hacking into phone systems and hijacking telephone time ended when they were convicted of stealing credit card numbers and breaking into the Israeli army radio station’s telephone system to set up an illicit phone company. Unwitting customers – mostly Palestinians on theWest Bankand Gaza Strip – paid the fake telco for long distance calls that were billed to the radio station. A lawyer close to the case said that the Badirs’ scams pulled in more than $2 million.
Ramy, the leader and most technologically savvy of the brothers, was the only one sentenced to prison. Muzher, 28, was ordered to perform community service for six months; Shadde, 22, received a suspended sentence – not because he was innocent, the judge made clear, but because of his age.
Those targeted by the Badirs feel less charitable. Yekutiel “Kuty” Lavi, a security specialist at Bezeq International,Israel’s largest telco and a frequent victim of the Badirs, angrily complains, “Every day people try to steal from us, but nobody has ever stolen from us the way the Badirs did. When they dial, they use the middle finger.”
The Badirs pulled off Mamet-worthy phone cons, employing cell phones, Braille-display computers, ace code-writing skills, and an uncanny ability to impersonate anyone from corporate suits to sex-starved females. On the phone, the brothers morph into verbal 007s, intimidating men, seducing women, and wheedling classified information from steely-voiced security personnel. The phone phreakers’ term for this is social engineering: using a combination of brains and guile to obtain codes for trespassing into systems to rejigger them via strings of touch-tone code. Combine this talent with supersensitive hearing – the brothers can dissect an international connection the way wine expert Robert Parker pulls notes from a glass of Bordeaux – and you have what BernieS, a legendary phreaker and contributor to the hacking journal 2600, calls “a formidable skill set.”
At one point during my visit with the Badirs, I pull out my cell phone and make a call. Before it even connects, Shadde, who is sitting across the room, recites all 12 digits perfectly.
Ramy smiles at the parlor trick. “It used to be disgusting to be blind,” he says. “Today, you scare people. You possess skills that those with sight cannot possibly understand.”
Two hours into an afternoon-long interview with the Hebrew-speaking Badirs, my translator’s lips lock. He shrugs and tells me that the Badirs have shifted into a secret code. Ramy later explains that as kids he and Muzher developed their own language – reordering letters in mathematically complex ways – after they discovered that other boys were snooping on their conversations. “People said that God cursed our mother by giving her three blind sons,” recalls Ramy. “Children beat us on the backs of our legs. Those abuses left scars on our hearts. But they also forced us to grow stronger.”
The young Badirs closed ranks and vowed that their blindness would never be an impediment. They taught themselves to take apart telephones, to mimic voices and verbal tics, and to get around Tel Aviv without canes or guide dogs. They became obsessed with technology and telephones. After encountering their first computer, in 1989, at Tel Aviv’s Center for the Blind, Ramy and Muzher became enchanted with the IBM clones. They hung aroundTelAvivUniversitywhile working, with little success, as software and telephone consultants; their early crimes were the phreaker equivalent of shoplifting a Hershey bar.
But Ramy was too ambitious to stop there. “I taught myself to program in all the languages: C, C++, Basic, Java, HTML, PHP, CGI. I built my own black boxes, blue boxes, and red boxes,” which, respectively, circumvent billing, generate tones to place free calls, and simulate pulses triggered by money dropped into a pay phone. “I used those boxes to get into and decode phone systems.”
In 1993, Bezeq technicians caught the Badirs snagging telephone time for their own use. Things quickly escalated when the brothers obtained the codes to break into PBXs – private branch exchanges – belonging to Bezeq and to the Israeli headquarters of Comverse, Intel, Nortel, and others. PBXs are the computerized nerve centers that operate phone systems; they are designed to be repaired, updated, and altered remotely by technicians using touch-tone codes.
“The Badirs regularly called Bezeq, pretending to be engineers in the field,” recalls Eyal Raz, who worked in the telco’s international antifraud unit from 1994 to 1999. “They called secretaries and said,
‘I need to get in to do a repair. You need to give me the number and password.’ Sometimes they succeeded, or else they’d get only the number and try to break the password by using proprietary programs.” At other times, a secretary would simply key in the code, providing what seemed like onetime access but actually enabling the brothers to hear touch tones and translate them into numbers they could then use whenever they pleased.
The three used their access to devise an elaborate moneymaking scheme. According to Raz, during the mid-1990s the brothers made a deal with a phone sex outfit based in theDominican Republic. They would be paid for driving calls to the service. The Badirs made the calls themselves, but the lines were rigged so that Comverse and Nortel were billed by the phone sex service.
At the time there were no computer crime laws inIsrael, so Bezeq took it upon itself to try to short-circuit the Badirs. “At one point I asked an engineer to block three lines that the Badirs had opened up for themselves,” recalls Raz. “They knew that I had put the blocks on. So a couple days later, one of them phoned the engineer and said, ‘This is Eyal Raz. Please unblock those three lines.’ The engineer, who knew my voice, believed it was me. He unblocked the lines.” Raz shakes his head, showing grudging admiration. “These are very clever boys.”
In 1995, the Badirs turned their attention to a business closer to home. Their target was Israeli phone sex mogul Ben Zion “Bency” Levy, who maintained a database of thousands of customer credit card numbers. Ramy and his brothers went to work on Levy’s secretary, patiently convincing her to provide the information that would allow them to unlock the credit card numbers and PINs.
“We knew to approach her gently and break through her psychological barrier,” says Muzher. ” We had her tell us clues that would lead to the password of her boss’s computer.”
“I figured out the personality of her boss, learned the numbers that were meaningful to him, and used those numbers to get into his system remotely,” says Ramy. In the end, the Badirs seized some 20,000 credit card numbers – and, after being confronted by Levy, caused all of his telephones to ring continuously with no caller on the other end of the line.
In 1996, Levy reported the scam toIsrael’s National Fraud Unit. The following year, a file of Badir-related complaints – including Levy’s – landed on the desk of David Osmo, an investigator withIsrael’s national police force. Osmo met with Ramy and recalls being amazed at the speed of the young man’s fingers on a phone keypad when he made a call. “I told him he is a smart person who should use his intelligence for good things,” Osmo says. “Return back to society,” he urged.
Ramy remembers his response to Osmo: “You can chase me for 20 years and you will not find anything to convict me on.”
The Israeli Army Radio Station is guarded as if it were a military base. Occupying four floors of a dirty white building on a busy two-lane street in Jaffa, the station is protected 24/7 by a half-dozen armed recruits. In 1998, the brothers joined forces with a group of Jewish and Arab scam artists and targeted the station, intending to hijack phone lines and sell call time on them.
Though they were convicted of participating in the scheme, the brothers deny they were involved. Ramy is nonetheless willing to speak knowledgeably about the con. “These were among the most protected lines in theMiddle East,” says Ramy. “They had a lot of scrambling, and big technology is required in order to get in.”
Why an army outpost? “Those lines cannot be tapped by the police, so there is no monitoring,” explains Ramy. “These are the safest lines on which to do something like this.”
Authorities maintain that Ramy broke into the army radio station’s phone system and activated a dormant function called direct inward systems access, which allows long distance calls to be placed remotely and charged to that particular phone account. He structured the DISA so that as many as 281 people would be able to make telephone calls simultaneously on that single line.
Once the long distance access was in place, the Badirs’ partners set up a switchboard inside a shack in an orange grove inJaffa. Voilא, instant phone company. Customers placed calls from kiosks along the Gaza Strip, from cloned cell phones, or directly from their homes; these were routed from the switchboard to the radio station’s DISA. The Badirs and their partners billed customers for the calls, while the actual costs were absorbed by the radio station.
It wasn’t long before the station realized its bills were excessive and contacted Bezeq. The company’s security specialists joined with the Israeli national police in an investigation. They raided the orange grove, arresting several low-level workers at the shack. Only after one of them mentioned that the lines had been set up by blind technicians, says one source close to police, did the probe turn to the Badirs.
At the time, Ramy and his brothers were already in the crosshairs. Suspects in numerous telecommunication crimes, their home phone was frequently tapped by the national police. They reviewed the tap transcripts and spent a year investigating the brothers, hoping to find incontrovertible links between them and the pirate phone company. An intense cat-and-mouse game developed: the Badirs on one side, with fraud investigator David Osmo and prosecutor Doron Porat on the other.
While Porat was working on the case, his car’s GPS system and email were repeatedly hacked. “There was a message waiting for him with his password in it,” says Ramy, sounding quite pleased. “After that, he changed his password every hour before giving up on email altogether and using a typewriter.” The brothers reportedly contactedIsrael’s DMV and registered Osmo’s car under another name, causing embarrassing problems for the investigator when he tried to sell his vehicle.
“The police experienced bad luck,” notes Ramy. “Their telephone systems went down, their computers developed bugs. Osmo got big bills for calls that he hadn’t made. He believed we were always listening in on him. Sometimes Osmo spoke on the telephone and other calls came across the line as he tried to talk.” Ramy smiles devilishly. “He found that to be very annoying.”
Ironically, even as they knew the degree to which they were being pursued, the Badirs did not show a lot of restraint over the telephone. “This was our mistake,” admits Ramy, who believed that some of his phone lines were secure. “We knew the police were chasing us and trying to catch us. Our overconfidence led us to think they would never do it.”
On June 14, 1999, 14 police officers raided the brothers’ home in Kafr Kassem. Though they found a safe containing more than $14,000 worth of Jordanian dinars, investigators did not uncover an expected treasure trove of hardware, software, and notes in Braille. “It’s all in our heads,” asserts Ramy. “The police took my laptop, which contained programs for running through thousands of numbers very quickly, but I had it designed to erase everything on the hard drive if it was opened by somebody other than me. They lost all the material.”
Ramy, Muzher, and Shadde were arrested on a variety of charges relating to computer fraud in connection with their hacks of the radio station and Bency Levy’s phone sex operation. Police took them from their home in wrist and leg cuffs, but even in custody, they could not help but show off by conversing in their secret language and announcing telephone numbers that were being keyed in by law enforcers. “When Doron Porat stood next to me,” adds Ramy, “he took the battery out of his cell phone.”
Ramy was jailed throughout the trial, which dragged on for 27 months and took the prosecutors way beyond their depth of technological expertise. Porat and his team eventually quit trying to explain how the Badirs did what they’d been charged with and focused instead on simply proving they did commit acts like breaking into a phone company switchboard.
In her November 2001 ruling, judge Saviona Rotlevi went easy on Muzher and Shadde but found Ramy guilty of 20 counts concerning Israeli cyberlaw, 4 counts of telecom law violation, and 15 counts of other crimes. The judge sentenced him to 65 months in prison. Among his restrictions: All of his calls were to be made with the assistance of a guard so that he would never touch a telephone keypad.
After nearly four years behind bars, Ramy was released when a judge ruled he’d served enough time. He marks his second day of freedom by repairing with Muzher and Shadde to a small cafי on the edge of Kafr Kassem. Inside, the brothers order bottles of orange juice and three water pipes. They puff deeply, releasing plumes of fruity-smelling tobacco smoke.
Despite his years in prison, Ramy appears to have no financial worries. Upon arriving home, he promptly ordered a $20,000 Braille-display computer fromGermany. He also spent a couple of hours checking on the construction of his new four-story house. Workers broke ground on it while he was still in prison; completion was scheduled to coincide with his original release date. It’s a sprawling, solid-looking place, situated on a prime corner lot in the center of Kafr Kassem. The top floor will be a high tech penthouse where Ramy can hatch his next move.
And what will that be? Ramy claims a couple of juicy software programs that he began developing in prison are in the pipeline. “I am inventing a PBX firewall,” he says. “I know all the weakest spots of a telephone system. I can protect any system from infiltration.”
Ramy insists there are major companies interested in his new software. He talks about big money and big meetings. But he refuses to show what he’s working on and won’t name anybody who’s backing him. One person who sounds perfectly game to be involved is the brothers’ old nemesis Eyal Raz. “If he can build that, he’ll become a billionaire,” predicts Raz, who now works for a Tel Aviv-based phone security firm called ECtel. “The Badirs know so much and are so talented that I would happily use them as consultants.”
Ramy insists he has outgrown the scams: “I am going to the other side, coming up with devices that will keep the phreakers out.”
You want to believe him, you really do. Maybe it’s the truth. Or maybe it’s a sweet bit of social engineering designed to generate positive press and position the Badir brothers for their next spree.
MITsy International Ltd., the largest and most experienced Israeli company in the field of data-storage reconstruction and data recovery, is presenting a new, fast, and very efficient Hebrew version of Foresee digital forensic software. ForeSee can trace data that has been deleted from any platform, including hidden files.
“Files, emails, and online communication plays an important role in all aspects of life, and tracing data deleted by criminals is therefore, vital for many investigations,” explains Avner Sharon, MITsy’s CEO. “The new, improved version of MITsy allows the police to work faster and in a more precise manner during the investigation, and prevents unpleasantness if the suspect isn’t guilty – or accelerate his conviction if he broke the law.”
The software itself is a unique product, specially adapted to the requirements of Israeli entities and authorities – the police, Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Defense, law offices, and legal departments in organizations. Foresee 2012 includes swift tracing and reconstruction of word strings and files on drives of all kinds, 32 and 64-bit system support, a more convenient and user-friendly interface, a search tool for specific words in deleted files, and improved Russian and Arabic support.
Mahammad Hasin Awad Abu-Aadra was arrested trying to infiltrate Israel through the Sinai. He confessed that he sought to implement a suicide attack in Eilat, planned by Hamas
Shabak released a statement that they arrested Mahammad Hasin Awad Abu-Aadra, a Rafah resident, at the end of February, while he was attempting to infiltrate Israel through the Gaza border.
Abu-Aadra is suspected of planning to abduct an Israeli soldier, as well as planning a suicide attack in Eilat. Abu-Aadra is the son of a well-known Rafah family of Hamas operatives.
During the investigation, Abu-Aadra admitted that he escaped from Gaza to the Sinai a year ago via a tunnel, due to criminal entanglement. After several months in the Egyptian peninsula, Abu-Aadra was approached by Yunes Shluf, a Rafah resident and Hamas operative. According to Abu-Aadra, Shluf is the commander of the organization’s artillery layout and responsible for the Hamas observation layout in the Sinai.
He asked Abu-Aadra to work for Hamas in the Sinai, carry out observations, and photograph Israeli positions along the Egyptian border with the purpose of carrying out a terror attack.
Abu-Aadra understood from Shluf that there were other elements in the Sinai conducting intelligence collection in order to carry out terror attacks backed by Hamas. Some of the operatives even received considerable sums of money for this activity.
After agreeing to work for Hamas in the Sinai, Abu-Aadra was smuggled through a tunnel by Hamas operatives.
Abu-Aadra underwent a comprehensive military debriefing in Gaza, and was informed that the purpose of the intelligence collection was for examining targets and destinations for carrying out terror attacks. He was also told that his relative, Rashdi Jama’a Mousa Abu-Aadra, a Hamas military operative, would accompany him for collecting intelligence for attacks in Sinai.
In August 2011, both of them carried out most of the observations while equipped with sophisticated cameras and a GPS device, which they used to mark the targets they observed. Local Sinai residents additionally aided them.
It should be noted that the Taba border crossing was one of the targets for which they were collecting information, with emphasis on examining the security forces and the guard stations at the crossing. The two also collected intelligence about military outposts spread out across the border with Israel, as well as several civilian targets within Israel, with emphasis on targets in the city of Eilat. Both of the men infiltrated into Israeli territory as part of their activities, with the objective of collecting better intelligence about targets and ways to reach them.
After completing the observations, Mahammad and Rashdi transferred their information to the Gaza Strip, where it was examined by senior Hamas operatives. They later received follow-up missions and precise briefings regarding the information and the targets for which they needed to collect intelligence.
Near the end of 2011, Mahammad Abu-Aadra was asked to reach the Gaza Strip. Upon his arrival, he was taken along with Rushdi Abu-Aadra and Yunes Abu Shluf to a meeting with Ra’ed Atar, commander of Hamas’s military brigade in Rafah.
Mahammad Abu-Aadra agreed to carry out fire attacks towards military and civilian targets on the Sinai-Israel border, as well as fire rockets from Sinai towards Israel. Ra’ed Atar explained to Mahammad Abu-Aatra that the purpose of the attack would be the abduction of an Israeli soldier, and that another attack was planned.
In the additional attack, a squad of suicide bombers would be inserted into the city of Eilat in order to carry out a suicide attack.
Mahammad Abu-Aadra admitted during his interrogation that he agreed to set up the suicide squad in Eilat. He added that Yunes Shluf told him the training of the terrorists for the suicide attack squad had been completed, and that the infrastructure for their transport had been prepared in Sinai, but they were currently waiting for the right conditions to commence the attack.
An indictment have been presented to the Be’er Sheva regional court against Abu-Aadra, on charges including: contact with foreign agents, membership in an illegal organization, conspiracy to commit murder, conspiracy to commit abduction, intent to harm national security, and more.
A year after the eruption of the Syrian uprising, Lieutenant Colonel Dr. Mordechai Kedar examines the continuation of the struggle, and claims that Assad will fall sooner or later
This week marked a year since the start of the Syrian uprisings. However, despite assessments that claimed his regime would end within several months, Assad remains in power, and the final results of the internal Syrian conflict are still unclear.
According to Lieutenant Colonel (Res.) Dr. Mordechai Kedar, Assad will eventually be defeated. Even if it takes more time, he will eventually vacate his position, whether if it happens in the framework of an agreement, or due to defeat at the hands of the rebels. “He will bleed, he will kick, but it’s the end. People will not agree to continue with him after massacring 10,000 people, even if it happens in a month, two months, or a year. He’s in a state similar to a terminal illness – he can take all sorts of measures to bring calm for a period, but he will eventually be subdued.
“The situation has completely changed. The Kurds can almost smell their freedom, and they’re waiting for the Arab factions in Syria to do all the work – the more they slaughter each other, the more the Kurds’ situation will improve.
“Assad will be toppled when the military units direct the tank barrels towards him. Officers, soldiers, and even small units have defected so far, but they are few. We’ve yet to see tank regiments defect, along with their ammunition bases and logistical layout. As soon as units with large combat forces defect and turn against Assad, that will mark the end. It’s heading in that direction – the question is if it’s going in that direction fast enough. The West is not interfering because it fears Russia and China, and Syria is not Libya. The Russians didn’t have a port in Libya, whereas they have three ports in Syria – Latakia, Tartus, and Baniyas. These are their only ports on the Mediterranean Sea, which means that from their perspective, losing Syria poses a strategic problem. Furthermore, the fall of Syria would greatly anger Iran, which may result in Iran causing problems in the gulf.
You don’t see a scenario in which Assad subdues the rebels, and as a result, ends up strengthened?
“Even if that were to happen, the riots would eventually erupt again at some point. You can’t turn back time, and when it erupts again, it will be even stronger. What we are seeing in the Youtube videos is nothing compared to what they are actually experiencing there – women are being viciously raped and people are being massacred everywhere. Members of a military unit break into the house of the head of a village, seize his eldest daughter, and rape her.”
**Dr. Mordechai Kedar is an expert in Middle Eastern affairs, a Lt. Colonel reservist, and research associate at the BESA Center for Strategic Studies at Bar-Ilan University.
Mossad, CIA agree Iran has yet to decide to build nuclear weapon (Ha’aretz):
Israel’s intelligence services agree with American intelligence assessments that there is not enough proof to determine whether Iran is building a nuclear bomb, according to a report published Sunday in the New York Times.
The newspaper said that senior American officials believe there is little disagreement between the Mossad and U.S. intelligence agencies over Iran’s nuclear program, despite the fact that Israeli political leaders have been pushing for quick action to block Iran from becoming what they describe as an existential threat.
The report further quoted one former senior American intelligence official who states that the Mossad “does not disagree with the U.S. on the weapons program,” adding that there is “not a lot of dispute between the U.S. and Israeli intelligence communities on the facts.”
U.S. Faces a Tricky Task in Assessment of Data on Iran (New York Times):
Mossad, Israel’s intelligence service, agrees with the American intelligence assessments, even while Israeli political leaders have been pushing for quick, aggressive action to block Iran from becoming what they describe as an existential threat to the Jewish state.
“Their people ask very hard questions, but Mossad does not disagree with the U.S. on the weapons program,” said one former senior American intelligence official, who, like others for this article, would speak only on the condition of anonymity about classified information. “There is not a lot of dispute between the U.S. and Israeli intelligence communities on the facts.”
In trying to evaluate the potential perils of Iran’s nuclear program, the United States’ spy agencies have spent years trying to track its efforts to enrich uranium and develop missile technology, and watching for any move toward weaponization — designing and building a bomb.
…
The United States and Israel share intelligence on Iran, American officials said. For its spying efforts, Israel relies in part on an Iranian exile group that is labeled a terrorist organization by the United States, the Mujahedeen Khalq, or M.E.K., which is based in Iraq. The Israelis have also developed close ties in the semiautonomous region of Kurdistan in northern Iraq, and they are believed to use Kurdish agents who can move back and forth across the border into Iran.
American intelligence officials, however, are wary of relying on information from an opposition group like the M.E.K., particularly after their experience in Iraq of relying on flawed information provided by the Iraqi National Congress, an exile group run by Ahmad Chalabi.
“I’m very suspicious of anything that the M.E.K. provides,” said David A. Kay, who led the C.I.A.’s fruitless effort to find weapons program in Iraq. “We all dealt with the Chalabis of the world once.”
Just as in 2010, new evidence about the Iranian nuclear program delayed the National Intelligence Estimate in 2007, the last previous assessment. Current and former American officials say that a draft version of the assessment had been completed when the United States began to collect surprising intelligence suggesting that Iran had suspended its weapons program and disbanded its weapons team four years earlier.
The draft version had concluded that the Iranians were still trying to build a bomb, the same finding of a 2005 assessment. But as they scrutinized the new intelligence from several sources, including intercepted communications in which Iranian officials were heard complaining to one another about stopping the program, the American intelligence officials decided they had to change course, officials said. While enrichment activities continued, the evidence that Iran had halted its weapons program in 2003 at the direction of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was too strong to ignore, they said.
One former senior official characterized the information as very persuasive. “I had high confidence in it,” he said. “There was tremendous evidence that the program had been halted.”
And today, despite criticism of that assessment from some outside observers and hawkish politicians, American intelligence analysts still believe that the Iranians have not gotten the go-ahead from Ayatollah Khamenei to revive the program.
“That assessment,” said one American official, “holds up really well.”
Former head of the Counter-Terrorism Bureau, Nitzan Nuriel, is calling on Israelis in Turkey to operate cautiously in light of information that terror elements are seeking to carry out attacks against Israeli targets
The Counter-Terrorism Bureau increased its existing travel alert for Turkey yesterday (Tuesday), following intelligence information that terror elements intend to carry out attacks against Israeli or Jewish targets.
In a special interview for IsraelDefense, the former head of the Counter-Terrorism Bureau, Nitzan Nuriel, explained that behind the bureau’s decision was “a coalition of jihadists, and it makes no difference if it’s Hezbollah, the Revolutionary Guard, or anyone else who is identifying Turkey as a convenient place to operate. The country has a shared border with Iran and Syria, and the anti-Israeli sentiment is very extensive.”
He continued, by saying, “The truth needs to be said – there is a sort of cooperation between the terrorists and the local security forces in Turkey.” This morning the Turkish media reported that Turkey’s Prime Minister, Tayyip Rajab Erdogan, sent a warning to Iran in which he warned the Revolutionary Guard against hurting Israelis or Jews. Nuriel believes that this was only “lip service.” “They just don’t want to find themselves arresting Iranians for the moment, so they prefer to hint that they not reach them.” He added that so far, no one has demanded that the terrorists that have already operated in Turkey answer for their actions. “Turkey knows who carried out the May 2011 attacks (in which several people were wounded in what was apparently an attempt to hurt the Israeli consul), and have yet to punish those responsible. The terrorists are operating in a convenient arena, in which there are many targets, and they know they will not pay a price for it.”
According to Nuriel, there are three possible targets for terrorists in Turkey – the Jewish community, Israeli diplomats, and business people from Israel that reside in the country. “With regards to the Jews, the Turkish government is responsible for protecting them, as they protect other populations in the country. The diplomats are secured by Israel. The business people, however, are the most vulnerable targets at the moment, which is why the travel warning was escalated.
“Business in Turkey might be good for the Israeli economy, but business people must be offered several ways to reduce their risk of danger. It’s recommended that the same cab driver not be taken more than once; meet in central and bustling areas, not in remote locations; it’s best to go to a meeting with two people, and carefully inspect every businessman you are invited to meet for the first time, regardless of how tempting and lucrative his proposal may be,” Nuriel explains.
Facebook Warnings
Nuriel said that the Counter-Terrorism Bureau launched a Facebook page two weeks ago that publishes travel warnings for Israelis overseas. It was made especially for Israeli backpackers and those residing overseas for long durations who are not up-to-date regarding news events in Israel.
“Travelers, especially youths, go to distant locations in the world and upload their photos to Facebook in real-time. What they don’t realize is that they’re making a doubled mistake. They’re essentially telling anyone looking at the page, ‘Hey, I’m here, and I’m an Israeli.’ It’s better to upload photos from the trip a week later after leaving the place.”
The new Major General in the IDF’s General Staff, Nitzan Alon, was considered to be the “enemy of the settlers” when he served as former commander of the Judea and Samaria division.
Today, Alon began his role as head of the Central Command. He was promoted to the rank of Major General in a ceremony held last Thursday at the Kiriya in Tel Aviv.
The Minister of Defense, Ehud Barak, and the Chief of Staff, Lt. Gen. Benny Gantz, attended the ceremony along with the members of the General Staff and the families of the commanders.
Maj. Gen. Nitzan Alon is replacing Maj. Gen. Avi Mizrahi who served as head of Central Command for the past three years and is expected to leave to study in the US. Mizrahi is competing for the role of next Deputy Chief of Staff against Maj. Gen. Gadi Eizenkot, the former head of Northern Command.
On Thursday, the Minister of Defense told Maj. Gen. Mizrahi: “Avi, you brought along tremendous experience and left your mark on the command, the military units, and their readiness for war, as well as on the complicated fabric of the region.”
He told the new Major General: “Nitzan, today you are entering a far more complex reality than you’ve experienced in the past two years, and today you’re receiving comprehensive responsibility for it. I would like to wish you the best of luck.”
The outgoing head of Central Command, Maj. Gen. Avi Mizrahi, said, “This is the most challenging, complicated, and difficult role I’ve held throughout my service. I’m glad for the opportunity that was given to me, to take part in shaping the future of the state of Israel.”
The incoming head of the Central Command, Maj. Gen. Nitzan Alon, thanked the Minister of Defense and the Chief of Staff for their trust in choosing him for the role, saying, “I am grateful for the trust in choosing me for this role, and I will make every effort to meet the trust.”
Before his appointment, Maj. Gen. Nitzan Alon served as commander of Sayeret Matkal.
Why was Netanyahu forced to have a spokesperson describe the meeting with Obama? Why are the US presidential elections the most important in Israel’s history? Why is IMI only a “scapegoat” in the Indian affair? And will Barak surprise with new appointments pertaining to Udi Shani and Yoav Galant?
The fact that the new head of Netanyahu’s publicity layout, Liran Dan, had to explain in the media that Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu and US President Obama had a “good meeting” regarding the Iranian issue, is not a good sign in itself.
If Netanyahu and Obama were really deeply coordinated, then the events following the meeting should have gone down more or less as follows: none of the heads of states would have said a word about the Iranian issue (and would have thus increased the pressure in Tehran); within a few weeks or months, upon the exhaustion (and near certain failure) of the economic sanctions, the US and its allies would have declared a naval and aerial blockade in the Persian Gulf. If the blockade wouldn’t have helped halt Iran’s progress towards a nuclear bomb – that’s when the assault stage would have arrived, be it Israeli or international.
Although that it is not what happened, the meetings that took place this week have historical significance nevertheless. Two very important things can be understood from Obama’s words after the meetings: Obama does not trust Netanyahu or Ehud Barak not to instruct the Israeli air force to attack Iran. Thus, he operated in order to effectively “lock” them by publicly announcing that the US believes that it’s too early for an attack.
At the same time, Obama announced an unprecedented commitment to Israel’s protection, and essentially promised Israel that the US is taking all the responsibility for halting the Iranian bomb. Obama announced that it is a US interest. This is no trivial matter. Yet, can his promise to halt the bomb be trusted? Not necessarily. November will see the most fateful elections in Israel’s history (in which the next US president will be elected). After the elections, Obama may change his skin, or a Republican president will be elected, one that will not be bound to Obama’s statements. Therefore, it’s entirely possible to agree with Netanyahu’s words in this context: that Israel is obligated to protecting itself by itself.
A Man of Words
Netanyahu is a person who attributes great significance to words. Each and every word he said this week in the US was measured. Netanyahu is also obsessed with his image (hardly an exclusive for this column, it’s rather well known). He arrived to the US directly from Canada. It’s possible to remember another occasion in which he also arrived from Canada, on May 30, 2010 (though that day is chiefly remembered due to the events onboard the Mavi Marmara, and less because of the US visit).
During that trip in 2010, Netanyahu first achieved the historic commitment which was also proclaimed this week, that the US will guarantee Israel’s safety (it occurred following behind-the-scenes efforts by the head of Israel’s National Security Council at the time, Uzi Arad).
After that visit, the Israeli media published the (incorrect) report that Obama had promised that Israel be approved construction of nuclear reactors for peaceful purposes. The US was furious, and the accusation for the leak was cast within the Prime Minister’s office on Uzi Arad – yes, the same Uzi Arad, who’s already been outside of the Prime Ministers office for a year, and who verbally attacked the Prime Minister last week over the same affair.
Gifts for Restraint
So what did we have this week? At the bottom line, an obvious warning coming from the direction of the US that Israel must not attack (even if it wasn’t an explicit prohibition). Furthermore, a more-than-implied US promise that it will take full responsibility for stopping the Iranian bomb, even if the possible Israeli window-of-opportunity for an attack (until the coming summer) is not utilized. And lastly, as according to Israeli tradition, there was a shopping list, but we cannot know if it was granted.
A “shopping list” is a tradition in which Israeli prime ministers arrive to the US with a request for a gift from the US, in exchange for any Israeli step, in the defensive or political field. Israel usually gains weapons or other gifts in exchange for concessions with regards to the peace process with the Palestinians or with regards to countries in its neighborhood. According to reports, Israel requested refueling aircraft from the US this time, which will enable it to increase the air force’s flight range, as well as additional bunker-penetrating bombs. The reward would not necessarily be an explicit commitment that it not attack. In any case, according to publications, Israel’s Minister of Defense, Ehud Barak, also met with President Obama during his US visit from more than a week ago, and discussed these “gifts” with him. Even if the request was truly granted, it can be assumed that the US will not provide it to Israel at a date that will allow it to use the new measures in the imminent period.
Ashkenazi Is in the Bunker
While an Israeli option to attack Iran was apparently postponed in Washington, monumental efforts were invested this week in the local front, in the battle between the Minister of Defense, Ehud Barak, and former Chief of Staff, Lt. Gen. Gabi Ashkenazi, following the State Comptroller’s interim statement on the Harpaz Affair.
The current situation picture near the weekend in this front: after several utterances in which he took partial responsibility for the affair and cast a greater responsibility on Barak, Ashkenazi descended into the bunker, where he spends his time with his lawyer and prepares the response to the Comptroller. Barak and his people are heavily bombing the bunker, and will continue to do so, though it’s doubtful that it’ll be effective. Both Barak and Ashkenazi are in a bad place with regards to public opinion – at least with regards to this affair.
Interestingly enough, from this week’s developments was the demand by Brigadier General Imad Fares to be returned to the IDF, due to the things stated in Barak’s official announcement, which stated that Ashkenazi had wronged him. Logic dictates that if the Minister of Defense says such things, then there’s allegedly a “case” for the demand coming from Fares. However, will the current Chief of Staff, Benny Gantz, really bring the dismissed officer back into service? It doesn’t seem to be the case.
By the way, Barak claimed that Brigadier General Moshe (Chico) Tamir was also wronged by Ashkenazi, who dismissed him due to the affair in which his son drove a military-issued ATV. Gantz can be at ease when it comes to this issue: there’s no chance that Brigadier General Tamir will ask to return to service. He’s making great success (and money) as VP of Defense and Homeland Security for Gilat Satellite Networks (read the special interview with him in the coming issue of IsraelDefense, which will be published next week).
IMI on India’s Blacklist
On another matter: employees working at the various defense industries in Israel know to appreciate the considerable amount of work that they receive from India, which has been a tremendous market for the defense industries for more than 15 years. The collective scope of the sales there nearly reaches the figure of $10 billion.
The Indian issue rose to the headlines this week following the reports that Israel Military Industries (IMI) is still on the Indian Ministry of Defense’s blacklist of companies with which they are not to do business. IMI entered the list several years ago, due to an investigation in India into the actions of Indian businessman Sudhir “Bunny” Choudhrie. Choudhrie represented the company in a deal, in which it was supposed to establish a munitions factory on Indian soil at an investment of $240 million.
If Tamir and Fares are “victims” of Ashkenazi, according to Barak, then IMI is a “scapegoat” in a sense, as Choudhrie previously represented nearly all the Israeli defense industries in India, including Israel Aerospace Industries and Rafael. Furthermore, he was even a shareholder in both Aeronautics and Soltam (presently a part of Elbit Systems). The Israeli defense establishment can live with the ban on IMI, so long as no more bans are imposed upon other, larger companies as well.
Galant for the Ministry of Defense?
While we’re mentioning IAI, it’s hard to know the seriousness of the rumor in the defense establishment, that the current chairman of the Ministry of Defense, Major General (Res.) Udi Shani, will be IAI’s next CEO (following the anticipated retirement of Itzhak Nissan, the current CEO, in October). The same goes for the chances that Major General (Res.) Yoav Galant, who was dropped from the race for the position of Chief of Staff, will replace Shani as chairman. All this is according to a “master plan” attributed to Barak, one which was not written down in any document, such as the forged “Harpaz document.”
Arie Egozi Arie Egozi is a seasoned reporter in the defense industry and in military and civilian aviation. He has worked closely with the Israeli daily Yedioth Ahronoth, and written for international journals in both the aviation and defense fields.
The speeches were amazing, truly a school of state speeches, fluent and sweeping. The applause from the good Jewish Americans at the AIPAC convention was genuine and loud. So far, so good. However, there’s a very large problem behind the scene. Perhaps a twofold problem.
It’s an election year in the United States, and the US doesn’t need a war in the Middle East. Israel, on the other hand, has reached the conclusion that the sanctions barely tickle the whiskers on Ahmadinejad’s face, and that the nuclear facilities need to be attacked. So the US solved its problem with Jerusalem, but those in Jerusalem have forgotten something; It’s the Israeli home front that will suffer the Iranian response, and the home front is in no way ready for an attack.
A home front can’t really be prepared for a missile attack, but not even the smallest effort has been taken in Israel; no shelters, no NBC protective masks for the populace, no element to coordinate the activities in the areas that will be hit. In short, a typical Israeli mess. The home front has simply been abandoned, and it seems that Jerusalem’s forgotten this. There is clearly a tremendous problem here.
After the applause in Washington fades, someone will have to examine the situation, and it’s a grim one. Having just two Arrow batteries, as well as all the deficiencies listed earlier, is a recipe for a heavy blow to the home front. Not the 500 casualties (a number that Minister of Defense Ehud Barak plucked from the confidential files), not “tolerable damage” – but the paralysis of the home front, mass casualties, widespread destruction, and a joint attack from Iran, Syria, Hezbollah, and Hamas.
Everyone will take part in the attack, but Israel is simply not ready. The Merkava Mark IV tanks and the sophisticated UAVs will not help here. Nor will the smart and precise weapons. The Israeli home front is relatively small and unprepared for a barrage of missiles and rockets. Our leaders need to remember this before they make any decisions.
The problem is not what will be said in the White House, the problem is what will happen to us here. I’m not at all certain that this is being taken into consideration in Jerusalem.
To paraphrase Bibi Netanyahu’s words in Washington: If it looks like a mess, sounds like a mess, and walks like a mess, then it’s a mess.
Major General (Res.) Yadlin during a lecture at the Tel Aviv University
Major General (Res.) Amos Yadlin, the former Head of the Directorate of Military Intelligence and current head of the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), believes that an Israeli strike against Iran’s nuclear facilities will result in regional stability in the Middle East.
In an article written by Yadlin for the New York Times, he says, “Others claim that an action will destabilize the region. However, a nuclear Iran could lead to far worse: a regional nuclear arms race without a red phone to defuse an escalating crisis and Iranian aggression in the Persian Gulf.”
“An ironclad American assurance is needed to prevent a nuclear Iran, and if President Obama will not do so, Israel may well choose to act while it still can,” Amos continued.
In his opinion, Israel will require support from Washington in case of an attack. “The US could carry out an extensive air campaign using stealth technology and huge amounts of ammunition, beyond what Israel can achieve.”
Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu will depart today for a formal visit to Canada, from where he’ll continue to Washington DC for a meeting with US President Barack Obama. The two are expected to discuss the topic of Iran’s nuclear program.
At the same time, Bloomberg news is reporting that the US army is practicing for an attack on Iran’s nuclear facilities. The US Air Force Commander, General Norton A. Shwartz, said during a discussion with reporters in Washington that the US Army has prepared military options in case it might need to attack Iran’s nuclear facilities.
“You wouldn’t want to be in the area,” Shwartz reportedly said. Senior Pentagon officials told a network reporter that the US is considering, among other things, assisting the Israeli Air Force in refueling its aircraft on the way to an attack on the Iranian facilities.
Another option that’s also being considered is a US Army attack against the headquarters of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard.
Danny Yatom Major General (ret.) Danny Yatom is Chairman and CEO of GSG Ltd. He was a Member of Knesset (Israeli Parliament), Head of the Mossad and chief of staff to the prime minister
Much has recently been discussed on the need to attack Iran’s nuclear facilities. One thing should be made clear in advance: the implications of such an attack and Iran’s response, including missiles and rockets fired from the north, would be far less destructive than if Iran unleashed a nuclear bomb on Israel.
Some people are voicing sharp opposition to a military strike against Iran, claiming it would signal a regional war of unforeseen magnitude. This is their perspective, and there is nothing wrong with public discourse on the issue. However, it is imperative to recognize that Israel will pay a heavy price for an attack on Iran, regardless of the aggressor’s identity. If sanctions and other restrictions do not convince Iran to halt its race for nuclear power, then the question of a military strike will rise to the top of Israel’s agenda.
We must not allow Iran to obtain a nuclear weapon that poses an existential threat to Israel—a situation in which we will wake up every morning wondering whether a nuclear bomb will fall on us because somebody in Iran got up on the wrong side of the bed. The damage from a nuclear bomb on Israel would be catastrophic.
We are not dealing with a rational regime that makes sound political decisions. It is a regime headed by a spiritual leader who acts according to his personal interpretation of the Koran. What’s more, Ahmadinejad repeatedly calls for erasing Israel off the map. Who can guarantee that when he secures a nuclear bomb, he won’t use it on us?
We cannot gamble on our future by relying on the assessments or wishful thinking of those who believe that diplomatic pressure will force the Iranians to relinquish their quest for nuclear capability. These assessments assume that Iran is a rational regime, which is not the case. In the meantime, recent Western-led sanctions against Iran’s financial institutions seem to only “itch” the Islamic Republic, and Russia and China, two countries with close commercial ties to Tehran (including weapons sales) are opposed to crippling their Middle Eastern economic partner.
After Iran is attacked, we will suffer through the consequences, which might include rocket barrages from Lebanon and Gaza. However, our retaliation will be so painful and so devastating that, in my opinion, the enemies’ aggression will quickly come to an end. Likewise, although we will have to strike civilian infrastructure and public facilities throughout Lebanon and Gaza, rockets will no longer threaten the citizens of Israel.
The world must realize time is running out. As of now, everything depends on the Iranian’s decision to produce a bomb. They already have the knowledge and material—it is only a matter of time (a year at most) from when they give the green light. Therefore, from my point of view, sanctions—no matter how harsh—will not bring the desired results. In the same way, secret operations like the mysterious explosions at Iranian bases and the assassination of scientists and senior figures from their missile program will not deter Iran’s leaders, for they are determined to attain a nuclear weapon. An attack on Iran’s nuclear facilities should only be done as a last resort. Assuming that sanctions and other efforts will fail to stop the Iranians, the only alternative will be to strike.
The world must understand that this is a global problem and not just Israel’s problem—Israel should not have to be forced to initiate a military strike. Still, we must make it clear that if the world is unwilling to intervene, then Israel has a moral obligation to protect itself.
Arie Egozi Arie Egozi is a seasoned reporter in the defense industry and in military and civilian aviation. He has worked closely with the Israeli daily Yedioth Ahronoth, and written for international journals in both the aviation and defense fields.
Israel needs to begin a cyber counterattack; the cooperation between IAI and Boeing creates a large profit potential; will autonomous systems that open fire on their own be positioned along the Egyptian border?
There’s no doubt that the persons capable of dealing with cyber attacks against Israel are the individuals in the IDF’s elite units who deal with advanced computerization. There is an assessment that the recent attacks against banks and hospitals are merely a rehearsal for the real thing; if this is true, then these units need to be prepared not just for a defensive operation, but also an offensive operation.
While it is still unclear who developed and sent the worms that infected Iran’s nuclear facilities, this is the kind of offensive action Israel needs to take. We must severely damage the infrastructure of hostile states, as the large attacks against Israel will be conducted by states, not by groups of young anarchist hackers.
Though Israel is not ready for this kind of war, in the meantime, it can at least respond with highly effective counterattacks.
A Strategic Maneuver
The expansion of the cooperation agreement for ballistic missile defense between Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) and Boeing was presented as another step of industrial cooperation between two companies with advanced technology. However, this is not exactly the case.
A deal was signed with Boeing nearly a decade ago to obtain more Arrow-2 missiles. IT manufactures part of the missiles in an Arizona-based plant that are purchased for the IAF with US foreign aid funds – a convenient arrangement for all sides.
Yet, something happened along the way. Israel is the only country in the world in possession of an operational system for defense against ballistic missiles. The US is positioning systems against intercontinental missiles, but that is another story. Boeing understood that aside from sub-contracting, there is still greater potential in this area.
The signing of the agreement for expanding the cooperation represents a genuine change. Today, Boeing is largely involved in the development of the upgraded Arrow-3 missile. However, that is not where the issue ends.
I have no doubt that the threat posed by ballistic missiles to an increasing number of countries is generating a demand for defense systems. The cooperation between IAI and Boeing could result in the sale of these systems to several countries.
Independent in the Field
Will the IDF use autonomous systems capable of opening fire on their own accord in the near future? The decision is tactical rather than technical, as the technology already exists with both ground and naval tools.
The question is one of human “operational code.” What now seems unacceptable may soon become acceptable, especially along a border like the Egyptian one. When the never-ending work of erecting the Egyptian border fence is complete, someone will have to back the metal wires from which it was made.
It is along such an extended fence that autonomous tools that can identify and eliminate will provide effective solutions. The IDF will have to consider all aspects of using this technology. It will not be an easy decision, but the changing situation necessitates a renewed and comprehensive analysis.
A Foretold Failure
The last-minute cancellation of a deal signed by Israeli UAV manufacturer Aeronautics and a foreign country once again raises the question as to the way Israeli defense export deals are made. Supposedly, all the elements and mechanisms needed to prevent unsuitable deals already exist.
So how do mishaps such as these still occur? The best example is the economic “parallel market.” Essentially, these formal exporters operate in semi-secrecy alongside importers, and not always in conjunction with them. Primarily, these are former senior officers utilizing connections from their military service to make a profit.
All attempts to overcome, regulate, and end this phenomenon have so far failed.
Alone in Battle
IsraelDefense readers already know that during Gen. Dempsey’s visit ten days ago, the state of the discussions carried out with Israel’s Chief of Staff and other senior defense officials was far from the “family picnic” official spokespersons tried to portray.
Over the weekend, an interview with the US Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff exposed what was said during his visit. There is no agreement between the US and Israel on the Iranian issue. Gen. Dempsey arrived here in an attempt to prevent an independent Israeli operation, and the discussions, at least in part, were acrimonious.
This means that the Americans don’t want a mess during an election year, that Israel is alone in this battle, and that Israel will have to make tough decisions in the near future.
Government Suckers
Thousands of words have been written about the Tal law and the attempt to extend it. This time I wish to speak about other “suckers,” and not those that go into the reserve forces every year. The Prime Minister and the Minister of Defense are the suckers. Either they are not listening to their media consultants, or those consultants don’t understand a thing.
If Netanyahu and Barak had decided long ago to end the massive evasion from IDF service, they would have gained enough support to render the partnership with the religious parties pointless. Therefore, they are in fact the suckers.
They don’t understand the depth of the fury among the secular populace over the discriminatory law; they would have made a name for themselves in an unprecedented manner had they demonstrated valor as veterans of combat units and done the right thing.
However, their instincts are not what they used to be during their military service. Now, of all times, those instincts would have benefited them, as evasion from service is a dangerous enemy.
Iraqi Pilot Munir Redfa 1966 Left & 1998 Right (Mossad Archive Photo) Munir Redfa (1934 – 1998) was an Iraqi Fighter Pilot, of Assyrian origin, who defected to Israel in 1966 by flying a MiG-21 of the Iraqi Air Force. In what is considered as one of the Mossad’s most successful operations, Redfa’s entire extended family was smuggled safely out of Iraq to Israel. The MiG-21 fighter was evaluated by the Israeli Air Force and was later loaned to the United States for testing and intelligence analysis. Knowledge obtained from analysis of the aircraft was instrumental to the successes achieved by the Israeli Air Force in its future encounters with Arab MiG-21s.Redfa’s defection was the subject of the movie Steal the Sky.Redfa was born Munir Habib Jamil Rufa in 1934 to an Assyrian family belonging to the Syriac Orthodox Church from Mosul. He was the second of nine children. Like many other Assyrians, his family fled to Iraq as part of the Christian migration from southeast Turkey and Iran’s northwestern mountains (specifically Urmia, fleeing the upheaval of World War I in what is known as the Assyrian genocide).At the time of Redfa’s defection, a press conference was held during which he indicated that he had suffered from religious and ethnic discrimination in Iraq and that he did not feel that it was his home and requested asylum in the United States.Although he was reunited with his family in Israel he did not re-emigrate to the US, contrary to his declaration, and he received Israeli citizenship. He and his family shortly thereafter moved to another western country.Redfa died in 1998 of a heart attack.
THE inside story of a daring mission to steal a Russian MiG21 jet fighter from Iraq has emerged in Israel as the country prepares to mark its stunning victory in the six-day war 40 years ago this week.
The secrets of the plane, which was flown to Israel by its decorated Iraqi pilot Munir Redfa, laid the foundation for a triumph by Israeli pilots during the 1967 war, in which the MiGs flown by the Egyptian, Syrian and Iraqi air forces were crippled.Last week Zeev Liron, the pilot who persuaded the Iraqi to defect, recalled how the whole mission had nearly unravelled when Redfa’s wife, who had been told nothing, threw a fit in Paris on hearing the news that she was going to live in Israel.In 1966 Redfa was a 32-year-old pilot in the Iraqi air force. He was frustrated that his Christian background was blocking prospects of promotion and outraged that he had been ordered to attack Iraqi Kurds. He was beginning to doubt whether he had any future in Iraq.Joseph Shamash, one of Israel’s top agents in Baghdad, befriended Redfa and his wife Betty and persuaded them to join him on a Greek island holiday during which they were introduced to Liron. They knew him only as Josh.“Josh can help you to leave Iraq,” Shamash whispered to Redfa.
“When Munir heard what we wanted – to fly his MiG from Iraq to Israel – he almost fainted,” said Liron. “‘My MiG? To Israel? Are you guys out of your minds?’” He pointed out that his tanks carried insufficient fuel to reach Israel and that he would be shot down as soon as he tried to head for the border.Speaking as a fellow pilot, Liron pulled out a map and showed Redfa that his plan could work. “Finally Munir was convinced,” Liron said, “but by the morning he’d got cold feet.”Urgent action was required. Mossad consulted Yitzhak Rabin, the army’s chief of staff and future prime minister, who ordered: “Bring him to Israel. Show him where he’ll land and let him fly in one of our jets.”Redfa was given an Israeli passport in the name of Moshe Miz-rahi and touched down with Liron in Tel Aviv, where he was taken to the airfield where he would land the MiG. Before he left Israel, Redfa asked Liron not to tell his wife anything about the plan. “I’ll prepare the ground,” he promised. But he did not – and it almost derailed the operation.Back in Baghdad, Redfa was assigned to a long-haul flight and he convinced his ground staff to add an extra fuel tank to his MiG.Meanwhile, the Israelis arranged for Redfa’s entire family to leave Iraq for their summer holiday. The last to leave were Betty and their two children, aged three and five, who flew to Paris.When Liron met her there ina Mossad safe house and told her they were about to fly to Israel, she had hysterics. “Forget it!” she screamed. “Israel? Are you mad? And who are you anyway? I’m going straight to the Iraqi embassy.”“Only then did I realise Munir hadn’t said her a word to her about going to Israel,” said Liron.
Eventually he calmed Betty down, persuaded her not to expose the plot to the authorities, gave her an Israeli passport and got her onto a flight to Tel Aviv. Several hours after they landed, Redfa and his MiG21, escorted by an Israeli Mirage, landed at the airbase.With Redfa’s help, the Israelis immediately began to unlock the secrets of the Russian plane. Their pilots tested it to its limits. They fought mock dogfights with their Mirages and learnt the tactics needed to beat it.After the 1967 war, Redfa and his family left Israel. Betty had told her husband that living with the enemy was out of the question. Mossad arranged for them to adopt new identities – as the proprietors of a petrol station in the West.The MiG was lent to the US, which tested it in the Nevada desert, and it helped develop a new generation of American fighters. In return, for the first time, the US began to supply Israel with modern jets. Redfa died of a heart attack in 1998.
Israel’s Minister of Defense Ehud Barak and the senior officials of the Israeli defense establishment inaugurated the Israeli pavilion at the Singapore Air Show on Tuesday morning. The Israeli delegation arrived accompanied by heavy security, due to the event that occurred yesterday near the embassy in New Delhi, India, and the attempt to harm the Israeli embassy in Georgia.
Barak referenced the events at the inauguration of the Israeli pavilion, saying, “Israel is dealing with defense challenges. The attack in India and the event in Georgia did not come from Denmark or Belgium. Responsibility for the events comes from the same elements.” Barak held Iran and Hezbollah responsible, saying, “They are continuing to focus on avenging and causing casualties. We will have to continue operating against the terror front.” Barak also spoke of the defense export’s contribution to the security of Israel.
Miki Federman, the owner of Elbit Systems, said during the inauguration ceremony that cooperation between the industries and the defense establishment is widening. “The ministry is helping us by promoting the defense export in any way possible,” Federman noted.
The Singapore Air Show is considered one of the most important defense exhibitions of the year, and features guests and buyers from across the world, but primarily from Southeast Asian countries. SIBAT, the defense assistant division of the Israeli government, set up an Israeli national pavilion – which includes large companies such as IAI, IMI, Rafael, and Elbit Systems, alongside smaller companies such as Eromaoz and Kanfit.
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