Leaked – The Internal FBI Files On Semion Yudkovich Mogilevich – Original Document

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Semion Yudkovich Mogilevich (Ukrainian: Семе́н Ю́дкович Могиле́вич, romanized: Semén Júdkovych Mohylévych [seˈmɛn ˈjudkowɪtʃ moɦɪˈlɛwɪtʃ]; conceived June 30, 1946) is a Russian coordinated kingpin. He immediately fabricated an exceptionally organized criminal association, in the method of a conventional American mafia family. In reality, a large number of the association’s 250 individuals are his relatives. He is depicted by organizations in the European Union and United States as the “boss of the bosses” of most Russian Mafia organizations in the world, he is accepted to coordinate a tremendous criminal domain and is portrayed by the FBI as “the most perilous mobster in the world.” He has been blamed by the FBI for “weapons dealing, contract murders, coercion, drug dealing, and prostitution on a global scale.”

Mogilevich’s epithets incorporate “Wear Semyon” and “The Brainy Don” (in light of his business acumen). According to US strategic links, he controls RosUkrEnergo, an organization effectively engaged with Russia–Ukraine gas questions, and an accomplice of Raiffeisen Bank.

Mogilevich as of now lives openly in Moscow, and has three youngsters. He is most firmly connected with the Solntsevskaya Bratva wrongdoing bunch. He has close partnerships with political figures including Yury Luzhkov, the previous Mayor of Moscow, Dmytro Firtash, and Leonid Derkach, previous top of the Security Service of Ukraine. Oleksandr Turchynov, who was assigned as acting President of Ukraine in February 2014, showed up in court in 2010 for supposedly annihilating records relating to Mogilevich. Russian FSB deserter Alexander Litvinenko, in the blink of an eye before his death, guaranteed that Mogilevich had a “great relationship” with Vladimir Putin since the 1990s.

William Sessions, previous FBI Director from 1987 to 1993 during the Presidencies of Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush, was Mogilevich’s lawyer in the United States until Sessions’ demise on June 12, 2020.

Continue reading “Leaked – The Internal FBI Files On Semion Yudkovich Mogilevich – Original Document”

The Indictment Against The Gambino Mafia Family Revealed – Original Document

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Frank Cali's killing is a reminder the mob is alive. Just not as flashy -  CNN

Carlo Gambino

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Continue reading “The Indictment Against The Gambino Mafia Family Revealed – Original Document”

Non-Prosecution Agreement Between The City Of Palm Beach Police Department & Jeffrey Epstein – Original Document

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Epstein: Neue Dokumente zeigen, wie seine Sex-Partys abliefen | STERN.de

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Revealed – The Indictment Against The Mexican Mafia In Los Angeles – Original Document

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Die 10 brutalsten Gangs der Welt - Blick

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Court Papers About Jeffrey Epstein – Original Document – Part 3 – The Bail

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Epstein-Skandal: Unternehmer soll bis kurz vor Tod Minderjährige  missbraucht haben | Politik

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This Indictment Arrested More Than 40 Genovese, Gambino, Luchese & Bonanno Crime Families Members – Original Document

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1991 chart of the Gambino family capos | Crime family, Organized crime,  Capos

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Read the indictment that led to the arrest of more than 40 alleged mobsters from Genovese, Gambino, Luchese, and Bonanno crime families by federal officials.

Exposed – The Adriaenssens Report About Sexual Abuse By Roman Catholic Clergy in Belgium – Original Document

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Harrowing details of some 300 cases of alleged sexual abuse by Roman Catholic clergy in Belgium have been released by the Church investigator Adriaenssens.

Peter Adriaenssens said cases of abuse, mostly involving minors, had been found in nearly every diocese, and 13 alleged victims had committed suicide.

Two-thirds of victims were boys but 100 girls also suffered, he said.

Belgian media have accused the Church of seeking to hide abuse despite prosecutions of abusers.

While the commission he headed had found no indication that the Church had systematically sought to cover up cases, Mr Adriaenssens said its findings were a “body blow” to the Church in Belgium.

The child psychiatrist, who has worked with trauma victims for 23 years, said nothing had prepared him for the stories of abuse, which multiplied as former abusers gave testimony.

“We saw how priests, called up by the commission and asked to help seek the truth, were willing to set up the list of 10, 15, 20 victims they abused during boarding school while the commission knew only of one,” he said.

Many alleged victims came forward to testify to the commission after the Bishop of Bruges, Roger Vangheluwe, resigned this year, admitting to having sexually abused a boy before and after becoming a bishop.

Mr Adriaenssens announced his commission’s findings after an appeals court ruled on Thursday that a raid by police 10 weeks ago to seize the commission’s files was illegal, and the files could not be used by prosecutors.

The commission shut down after the raid. The Church is due to announce on Monday how its investigations may be continued.

The commission was never able to finish its enquiries but even so its findings make grim reading, the BBC’s Jonty Bloom reports from Brussels.

It reveals that abuse was at its worst in the 1960s when it was so extensive that it was going on in almost every diocese and at every Church-run boarding school.

Assaults on boys usually ended by their 15th year but abuse of girls could continue into adulthood, the report found.

People, Mr Adriaenssens said, should realise that the sexual abuse was “very bad”, which was why victims were still suffering decades later.

One alleged victim told the commission of being abused at the age of two.

A female victim testified that she had been abused at the age of 17 by a priest and had tried to seek help from a bishop in 1983.

“I told him ‘I have a problem with one of your priests.’ He told me: ‘Ignore him and he will leave you alone’,” she said.

In addition to those who killed themselves, six alleged victims attempted suicide.

The commission found that the level of abuse had declined in the 1980s.

Our correspondent say this is perhaps because by then there were fewer priests and they were less involved in the education system.

Half of those accused are now dead, the commission said.

The commission also stressed that sexual abuse happened within all religions and organisations.

It recommended punishing abusers who did not come forward and setting up a solidarity fund for victims, to which abusers should contribute.

Victims, the commission concluded, deserved “a courageous Church which is not afraid to confront its vulnerability, to recognise it, to co-operate in finding fair responses”.

Thursday’s court verdict is being seen as a serious blow to prosecutors, who have yet to bring charges in the current abuse investigation.

A number of Belgian priests have been successfully prosecuted for the sexual abuse of minors in the past decade.

Court Papers About 30 Suspected Rape Cases Of Jeffrey Epstein In Florida – Original Document – Part 2

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Die Spur Der Mörder Von Journalistin Daphne Caruana Galizia Führt Nach China

Daphne Caruana Galizia: Urteil nach Mord an Journalistin in Malta: 15 Jahre  Haft - Politik - Westfälische Nachrichten
Daphne Caruana Galizias Arbeit zur Aufdeckung von Korruption in Malta befasste sich mit Visa-zum-Verkauf-Programmen, Energieverträgen und karibischen Offshore-Unternehmen, die für maltesische Politiker gegründet wurden. Eine Untersuchung hat nun ergeben, dass all diese Geschichten zusammenkommen - in China.

Wichtigste Ergebnisse:

Macbridge, ein mysteriöses Unternehmen, das im Rahmen eines von Daphne Caruana Galizia untersuchten Kickback-Programms benannt wurde, ist mit einem chinesischen Berater verbunden, der einen wichtigen Energievertrag in Malta ausgehandelt hat.
Macbridge wurde von der Schwiegermutter des Beraters Chen Cheng gegründet, einem leitenden Angestellten der chinesischen Niederlassung des multinationalen Beratungsunternehmens Accenture.
Sowohl Chen als auch seine Schwiegermutter sind mit Unternehmen und Geschäftsleuten verbunden, die den Verkauf von maltesischen Aufenthaltsvisa in China erleichtern.
Chen bat einen anderen Verwandten, eine Firma zu gründen, die eine Zahlung von einer Million Euro von 17 Black erhielt, einer Firma, die bekanntermaßen dem maltesischen Tycoon Yorgen Fenech gehört, der wegen Mordes an Caruana Galizia angeklagt ist.



Mord an Journalistin - Weitere Anklagen im Fall Daphne Caruana Galizia -  Wiener Zeitung Online
Der Tatort des Mordes

Für ein winziges Land hat die Mittelmeerinsel Malta eine Vielzahl von Korruptionsskandalen ausgelöst - und die maltesische investigative Journalistin Daphne Caruana Galizia hat die meisten davon in ihrem Kreuzzugsblog Running Commentary behandelt.

Sie war eine der ersten, die über 17 Black berichtete, eine mysteriöse Firma in Dubai, von der sie glaubte, dass sie mit hochrangigen maltesischen Beamten in Verbindung steht. Sie befasste sich auch mit zweifelhaften Umständen im Zusammenhang mit einer Vereinbarung von 2014, eine größere Beteiligung an Maltas einzigem Elektrizitätsunternehmen an ein chinesisches Staatsunternehmen zu verkaufen, und einer verdächtigen späteren Investition in einen Windpark in Montenegro. Und 2016 griff sie einen chinesischen Medienbericht auf, in dem behauptet wurde, Malta würde Aufenthaltsvisa an wohlhabende chinesische Bürger verkaufen - ohne Fragen zur Quelle der Mittel der Antragsteller.

Aber Caruana Galizia hat das Ende dieser Geschichten nicht erlebt, obwohl ihre Arbeit dazu führte, dass sie in Malta zu wichtigen politischen Themen wurden, was zu mehreren Korruptionsfällen und sogar zu Strafanzeigen gegen Mitglieder der politischen Elite des Landes führte.

Im Oktober 2017, nur wenige Stunden nach der Veröffentlichung eines letzten Blogposts - „Es gibt überall Gauner, wo man jetzt hinschaut“ - warnte Caruana Galizia durch eine Autobombe. Ihre Ermordung löste einen Skandal aus, der Korruption im Herzen der maltesischen Regierung aufdeckte, ihren Premierminister stürzte und Schockwellen in der gesamten Europäischen Union auslöste.

Im Zusammenhang mit dem Mord wurden seitdem drei Personen inhaftiert. In einem Gericht in Valletta sagte einer von ihnen, ein angeheuerter Killer, Caruana Galizia sei getötet worden, weil sie "einige Details" zu einem nicht näher bezeichneten Thema veröffentlichen wollte. Der mutmaßliche Vordenker des Bombenanschlags, der maltesische Tycoon Yorgen Fenech, befandt sich im Gefängnis und wartete auf den Prozess, wurde nun aber wieder freigelassen.

Yorgen Fenech. Photo: Mark Zammit Cordina

Yorgen Fenech

Jetzt sind Journalisten von OCCRP und Partnern einer Spur von Hinweisen gefolgt, die Caruana Galizia von Malta nach China entdeckt hat, wo sie zwei Personen entdeckten, die diese Geschichten, die sie verfolgt hatte, miteinander verbinden - den 17-Korruptionsskandal der Schwarzen, die zweifelhaften Energieverträge und die Residenz Visa-for-Sale-Programm.

"Durch diese Skandale wurde deutlich, dass sie immer wieder zur Beteiligung derselben Personengruppen führen", sagte ihr Sohn Matthew Caruana Galizia gegenüber OCCRP, nachdem er die Ergebnisse der neuen Untersuchung überprüft hatte.

"Es ist ein klarer Hinweis darauf, wie es einigen Einzelpersonen in kürzester Zeit gelungen ist, den gesamten Staatsapparat eines EU-Landes zu übernehmen und ihn zu ihrem eigenen Vorteil in ein Piratenschiff zu verwandeln."
Nachdem Caruana Galizia getötet worden war, rannten Journalisten auf der ganzen Welt, um sich mit den Themen zu befassen, die sie behandelt hatte, darunter 17 Schwarze. Sie hatte wiederholt über das Unternehmen geschrieben und vorgeschlagen, dass es an Spitzenpolitiker gebunden sei, aber es gelang ihr nie, die Behauptung zu beweisen.

Im Jahr 2018 enthüllten Reuters und die Times of Malta, dass 17 Black im Besitz von Fenech war, einem auffälligen lokalen Geschäftsmann mit einem angeblichen Geschmack für Kokain und Rennpferde. Er stand einigen der mächtigsten politischen Persönlichkeiten Maltas nahe - darunter Premierminister Joseph Muscat und sein Stabschef Keith Schembri - und leitete ein Konglomerat, das Teil eines Konsortiums war, das 2013 eine große Konzession für den Bau eines 450-Millionen-Konzerns erhielt. Euro-Kraftwerk.

Fenech benutzte offenbar 17 Black, um Bestechungsgelder an Politiker weiterzuleiten. Die Geschichte zitierte einen kritischen Beweis: eine durchgesickerte E-Mail von 2015, die von der maltesischen Wirtschaftsprüfungsgesellschaft Nexia BT gesendet wurde und besagt, dass 17 Black voraussichtlich bis zu 2 Millionen US-Dollar an Shell-Unternehmen senden wird, die von zwei hochrangigen maltesischen Politikern in Panama gegründet wurden: Schembri und Energieminister Konrad Mizzi.

Was jedoch nicht allgemein berichtet wurde, war, dass in der E-Mail ein anderes mysteriöses Unternehmen als Geldquelle für die Unternehmen von Mizzi und Schembri genannt wurde. Es wurde in der Presse nur als "Macbridge" bezeichnet.

Die 2015 von Nexia BT an die panamaische Anwaltskanzlei Mossack Fonseca gesendete E-Mail über die Gründung von Shell-Unternehmen für Keith Schembri und Konrad Mizzi.

Caruana Galizia hatte sich ebenfalls leise in das Unternehmen eingegraben, nachdem sie 2016 von derselben E-Mail erfahren hatte und von einer Quelle gehört hatte, dass Macbridge und 17 Black laut ihrem Sohn und Aufzeichnungen ihrer Arbeit, die von Reportern gesehen wurden, „entscheidend für die Entschlüsselung des Webs“ waren .

Macbridge war jedoch schwerer zu finden als 17 schwarze und maltesische Beamte, die sich geweigert haben, Fragen zur Existenz des Unternehmens zu beantworten. Als der damalige Finanzminister Edward Scicluna letztes Jahr von einem Reporter gefragt wurde, dem Macbridge gehörte, erwiderte er: "Sehen Sie, wenn Sie sensationell sein wollen, fahren Sie fort." Journalisten glaubten, es handele sich um ein Unternehmen der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate wie 17 Black, aber dort wurde nie eine Spur davon gefunden.

Dies liegt daran, dass die Wurzeln des Unternehmens tatsächlich auf der halben Welt liegen. OCCRP und seine Berichtspartner haben dies in Hongkong entdeckt. Das Unternehmen ist dort als "Macbridge International Development Co Ltd" registriert, zusammen mit einem chinesischen Namen, der die Zeichen für "Malta" und "China" kombiniert.

Reporter stellten außerdem fest, dass 17 Black Mitte 2016 1 Million Euro an ein anderes Unternehmen in Hongkong, Dow's Media Co Ltd, sandte, das eine sehr ähnliche Struktur und Struktur wie Macbridge aufweist.

Dow’s Media wurde im Oktober 2014, nur wenige Wochen nach Macbridge, unter Verwendung des gleichen in Hongkong ansässigen Formationsagenten und der gleichen registrierten Adressen in Hongkong und Shanghai gegründet. Beide Unternehmen wurden im Januar 2019 innerhalb einer Woche voneinander aufgelöst.

Die Ermittler in Malta suchten 2018 im Rahmen einer Untersuchung zu „möglicher Korruption und Geldwäsche“ nach Einzelheiten zu beiden Unternehmen aus Hongkong und China.

Macbridge und Dow’s Media sind so eingerichtet, dass es schwierig ist festzustellen, wem sie tatsächlich gehören. Sie werden von Shell-Unternehmen auf den Seychellen bzw. den Marshallinseln kontrolliert.

Reporter stellten jedoch fest, dass beide von Vertretern mit familiären Bindungen zu einem Mann geleitet werden: einem chinesischen Berater, der im Mittelpunkt wichtiger Geschäfte mit dem von Maltas Regierung unterstützten Energieversorger Enemalta steht.

Caruana Galizia hatte ausführlich über diesen Mann, Chen Cheng, einen Geschäftsführer der chinesischen Energiesparte des globalen Beratungsunternehmens Accenture, geschrieben. Chen war einer der Hauptakteure bei den Verhandlungen über einen Deal 2014 für Chinas staatseigenes Unternehmen Shanghai Electric Power, ein Drittel von Enemalta zu kaufen.

Das Geschäft hatte einen Wert von 320 Millionen Euro, die größte Auslandsinvestition des Landes, wurde jedoch in Malta und auf dem Blog von Caruana Galizia kritisiert, weil es dem chinesischen Unternehmen zu günstigen Konditionen gewährt hatte.

Accenture hat Shanghai Electric Power bei dem Deal beraten, und Chen hat ihn in den chinesischen Medien als wegweisendes Belt-and-Road-Projekt angepriesen, das vom chinesischen Ministerpräsidenten Li Keqiang gebilligt wurde.

Caruana Galizia berichtete, dass eine Quelle ihr sagte, Chen sei "dem Energieminister Konrad Mizzi besonders nahe", der die Verhandlungen auf maltesischer Seite beaufsichtigte. (Bei einer anschließenden Untersuchung wurden E-Mails zwischen Chen, Mizzi und anderen über einen Plan zur Gründung einer Agentur in China im selben Jahr zur Förderung von Investitionen in Malta aufgedeckt.)

Sie enthüllte auch ein wichtiges Detail über Chen: Als die Wirtschaftsprüfungsgesellschaft Nexia BT Schembri und Mizzi half, Geheimfirmen in Panama zu registrieren, gründete sie auch eine Firma für Chen auf den Britischen Jungferninseln.

Was Daphne jedoch nicht wusste, war, dass Chen im Zusammenhang mit dem Kickback-Skandal, den sie entwirrte, auch mit den Offshore-Unternehmen verbunden war - und mit den Aufenthaltsvisa-Systemen, über die sie seit langem Verdacht hegte.

Macbridge und Dow's Media wurden beide ungefähr zur gleichen Zeit in Hongkong gegründet, als Chen an dem Enemalta-Deal arbeitete, und zwar von zwei seiner Familienmitglieder: Tang Zhaomin, seiner 65-jährigen Schwiegermutter, und Wang Rui, seiner Cousine der Schwiegermutter.

Reporter verfolgten Wang in die ostchinesische Stadt Nanjing, wo sie und Tang eine Firma besitzen, die lokale Niederlassungen der Fast-Food-Kette KFC betreibt.

In einem Telefoninterview sagte sie, Chen habe sie gebeten, Dows Medien zu öffnen, weil die Verbindung zu einem chinesischen Staatsunternehmen es ihm "unpraktisch" machte, dies selbst zu tun. Sie sagte, sie wisse nichts über die Geschäftstätigkeit oder den Erhalt von 1 Million Euro von 17 Black.

Tang konnte nicht für einen Kommentar erreicht werden. Die neuen Beweise, die das von ihr geleitete Unternehmen Macbridge mit ihrem Familienmitglied Chen verbinden, deuten jedoch darauf hin, dass der chinesische Geschäftsmann eine Rolle bei der Weiterleitung von Geldern an die geheimen Panama-Unternehmen Schembri und Mizzi gespielt hat.

Geld von was? Es ist unklar, aber nach der erfolgreichen Investition von Shanghai Electric Power in Enemalta wurde Chen einer der Hauptförderer einer anschließenden Investition von Enemalta 2015 in das Windparkprojekt Mozura in Montenegro.

Laut einer internen Enemalta-Untersuchung hat Accenture diese Investition im Dezember 2014 beraten, wobei Chen Enemalta in einer PowerPoint-Präsentation die Idee vorstellte.

Die Untersuchung warf ernsthafte Bedenken hinsichtlich des Deals auf, bei dem auch Fenech eine Rolle spielte.

Seine 17 Black halfen heimlich dabei, den Kauf einer Mehrheitsbeteiligung an Enemalta im Dezember 2015 für 2,9 Millionen Euro über ein Darlehen an einen Seychellen-Vermittler namens Cifidex Limited zu finanzieren. Das Unternehmen, das Chen in den Deal einbezogen hatte, verkaufte seine Projektanteile nur zwei Wochen später für 10,3 Millionen Euro an Enemalta und erzielte einen enormen Gewinn.

Cifidex hat das Darlehen dann an 17 Black zurückgezahlt, zusammen mit einem Gewinn von 4,6 Millionen Euro aus dem Deal. 17 Black wiederum schickte von Mai bis Juli 2016 ungefähr zur gleichen Zeit 1 Million Euro an Dow's Media.

Obwohl OCCRP keinen endgültigen Beweis dafür gefunden hat, dass dies dasselbe Geld war, deuten die neuen Beweise darauf hin, dass Chen nicht nur an der Erleichterung geheimer Geldflüsse für maltesische Spitzenpolitiker beteiligt war, sondern auch von der 17 Black-Pipeline profitierte.

Ein Sprecher von Enemalta sagte per E-Mail, dass der interne Bericht über das Abkommen zwischen Montenegro und Mozura „an die Polizei weitergeleitet wurde, um bei Ermittlungen behilflich zu sein. Weitere Kommentare zu diesem Zeitpunkt wären unklug. “

In einer Erklärung zu Chens angeblichen Aktivitäten im Zusammenhang mit Energiegeschäften und Offshore-Unternehmen sowie zu seinen offensichtlichen Interessenkonflikten sagte Accenture: „Wir nehmen diese Angelegenheit sehr ernst und prüfen diese Anschuldigungen sorgfältig, da sie sich auf einen unserer Mitarbeiter beziehen. Wir halten uns in jedem Markt, in dem wir tätig sind, an die höchsten ethischen Standards und tolerieren keine Abweichungen von diesen Standards. “ Chen selbst antwortete nicht auf Anfragen nach Kommentaren.

Mizzi sagte per E-Mail, dass er "keine Informationen" über Macbridge oder irgendjemanden habe, der damit verbunden sei, und fügte hinzu, dass er "die Behauptung, dass eine direkte oder sonstige Verbindung besteht", zwischen seinem Unternehmen und Macbridge "konsequent zurückgewiesen" habe.

"Ich lehne auch den Vorschlag ab, Geschäftspläne mit Macbridge zu haben oder ein persönliches Interesse an einem öffentlichen Projekt zu haben", sagte er. "Ich kenne Chen Cheng als Berater, der [Shanghai Electric Power] bei mehreren Initiativen unterstützt, und meine Interaktionen mit ihm fanden in diesem offiziellen Kontext statt."

Schembri antwortete nicht auf eine Bitte um Kommentar. In den letzten Tagen haben maltesische Staatsanwälte ihn, seinen Vater und neun Geschäftspartner, darunter Mitarbeiter von Nexia BT, wegen Betrugs und Geldwäsche in einem nicht verwandten Fall angeklagt.

Chen und seine Schwiegermutter sind nicht nur an Offshore-Unternehmen und Energiegeschäften beteiligt. Reporter stellten fest, dass sie auch Verbindungen zu einem der größten Unternehmen Maltas haben: dem Verkauf von Staatsbürgerschafts- und Aufenthaltsvisa an wohlhabende Ausländer, die die Insel als Hintertür in die Europäische Union nutzen können.

Diese Verbindungen laufen über einen Geschäftsmann aus Shanghai, der den Verkauf von maltesischen Aufenthaltsvisa in China effektiv kontrolliert - über dieselbe Firma, die Caruana Galizia in ihrem Blogbeitrag 2016 hervorgehoben hat.

Zu dieser Zeit hatte sie kaum mehr zu tun als einen einzigen Medienbericht und ein Foto, das eine Unterzeichnungszeremonie für den Start des Malta Residence and Visa-Programms in China zeigt, das von Konrad Mizzis Frau Sai Mizzi Liang geleitet wird. Aber „Instinkt, Erfahrung und die Nase für eine Geschichte“ sagten ihr, dass die Situation mehr zu bieten hatte.

Ein Foto von der Eröffnungsfeier 2016 des MRVP-Programms. Sai Mizzi Liang, die Frau von Konrad Mizzi, steht im Hintergrund, vierte von rechts.
„Der nächste Schritt, der hier unternommen werden muss - bitte, andere Journalisten steigen in diesen ein -, besteht darin, einen Weg zu finden, um die Beteiligungen und Beteiligungen dieses Unternehmens in China zu überprüfen, was sehr schwierig, aber notwendig sein wird. " Sie schrieb.

Caruana Galizia hatte Recht, dass es schwierig ist, Unternehmen in China aufzuspüren. Obwohl das Land über ein Unternehmensregistrierungssystem verfügt, sind die darin enthaltenen Informationen häufig unstrukturiert oder unvollständig und können nur von Personen navigiert werden, die fließend Chinesisch sprechen.

Nach monatelangen Nachforschungen stellten Reporter jedoch fest, dass die Shanghai Overseas Exit-Entry Services Co. Ltd., die die offizielle Konzession für den Verkauf von Visa für maltesische Aufenthaltsgenehmigungen in China besitzt, von einem Geschäftsmann namens Mao Haibin, auch bekannt als Kevin Mao, betrieben wird.

Chinesische Aufzeichnungen zeigen, dass Mao Verbindungen zu Chen und seiner Schwiegermutter hat - der Frau, die Macbridge leitet.

Mao und Chen waren Partner in mindestens zwei Unternehmen, darunter Shanghai Visabao Network Technology Co. Ltd., die in mehreren großen chinesischen Städten tätig ist und chinesischen Bürgern bei der Beschaffung von Visa im Ausland hilft.

Chens Schwiegermutter ist Managerin und Aktionärin einer von Mao kontrollierten Werbeagentur in Shanghai, die wiederum ein wichtiger Sponsor der Veranstaltungen des Malta Residence and Visa Program in China war.

Mao, der nicht auf Anfragen nach Kommentaren geantwortet hat, hat mehrere andere Geschäftsinteressen im Zusammenhang mit der Erleichterung chinesischer Investitionen im Ausland - und speziell in Malta.

Aldo Cutajar (zweiter von rechts) und Mao Haibin (ganz rechts) sind bei einem Treffen im Jahr 2018 in den Büros von Shanghai Bangyi zu sehen, einem von Mao kontrollierten Unternehmen.

In den letzten Jahren hat er eine wichtige Rolle bei Maltas Bemühungen gespielt, wohlhabende chinesische Staatsangehörige für sein Visa-Verkaufsprogramm zu gewinnen. Er trat bei mehreren Veranstaltungen in Shanghai auf, um für das Programm zu werben, zusammen mit hochrangigen maltesischen Vertretern wie John Aquilina, Maltas Botschafter in China, und Aldo Cutajar, Maltas ehemaligem Generalkonsul in Shanghai. Einige dieser Veranstaltungen beinhalteten aufwendige Bankette, an denen hochrangige maltesische Diplomaten teilnahmen, mit zahlreichen warmen Zeugnissen über Maltas Status als „Schlüsselknoten“ in Chinas „Seidenstraße“.

Die maltesische Staatsbürgerschaftsbranche wurde jedoch kontrovers diskutiert. Im August 2020 wurde Aldo Cutajar von den maltesischen Behörden festgenommen und beschuldigt, illegal vom Verkauf von Visa in China profitiert und den Erlös gewaschen zu haben. Bei einer Durchsuchung seines Hauses fanden sie mehr als 540.000 Euro in bar und vier Rolex-Uhren. Im folgenden Monat wurde Schembri ebenfalls verhaftet, weil er angeblich Rückschläge vom Verkauf maltesischer Pässe an wohlhabende Russen erhalten hatte.

Mao hat mehrere andere Visa- und Immobilienunternehmen, die sich an wohlhabende chinesische Bürger richten, die im Ausland investieren möchten. Einige davon überschneiden sich mit seiner Arbeit, maltesische Aufenthaltsgenehmigungen zu verkaufen. Dazu gehören Shanghai Bangyi, ein Unternehmen für Visa- und Einwanderungsdienste, und Grandstone Investment, das Vermögensverwaltungsdienste für chinesische Staatsangehörige anbietet, die Geld ins Ausland transferieren möchten.

Die Website bietet ein Portal für direkte Anträge auf das Malta Residence and Visa Program. Er ist sogar Miteigentümer eines maltesischen Unternehmens, Asiatica Corporate Services Ltd, zusammen mit Mizzis persönlichem Anwalt, Aron Mifsud Bonnici, der auch eine Rolle bei der Aushandlung der Windparkinvestitionen von Enemalta spielte. Auf Fragen antwortete Mifsud Bonnici, er kenne Mao “in seiner Eigenschaft als CEO der Shanghai Overseas Exit Entry Services” und habe in seiner Rolle als Anwalt Visumanträge über offizielle Einwanderungssysteme bearbeitet. Mifsud Bonnici sagte, Asiatica sei eröffnet worden, um Visumantragstellern Unternehmensdienstleistungen anzubieten, habe aber nie ein Geschäft generiert. “Daher hat es nie funktioniert und steht jetzt vor der Liquidation”, sagte er.

Er sagte, er kenne Chen als Berater von Shanghai Electric Power und habe ihn “einige Zeit nach meiner Amtszeit als Enemalta-Vorstandssekretär” getroffen. Im Jahr 2019 gründete Maos jüngerer Bruder Mao Haichun zwei maltesische Unternehmen zusammen mit Roderick Cutajar, dem ehemaligen Leiter der Malta Residence Visa Agency, die den weltweiten Verkauf von Aufenthaltsvisa überwacht. Eines ihrer Joint Ventures verkauft seinen Wohnsitz in Malta und anderen europäischen Ländern an chinesische und internationale Käufer. Das andere ist ein verbundenes Immobilienunternehmen. Roderick Cutajar sagte Reportern, dass die Visafirma immVest nicht mit Mao Haibins Shanghai Overseas Entry Exit Service Ltd. verbunden ist.

“Meine Beziehung ist ausschließlich mit immVest International”, sagte er. “Darüber hinaus können Sie sicher sein, dass ich weder mit Aldo Cutajar, Chen Cheng noch mit Macbridge eine persönliche oder geschäftliche Beziehung habe.” In einer Rede, die im Januar dieses Jahres in chinesischen Videoblogs veröffentlicht wurde, äußerte sich Roderick Cutajar lyrisch über Maltas Bestreben, weiterhin chinesisches Kapital und neue Bürger anzuziehen. Er behauptete, China über 40 Mal besucht zu haben und sagte, das Geschäft boomte.

“Unsere Absicht ist es, weiter zu wachsen”, sagte er.

In einer Welt außerhalb Chinas trauert die Familie von Caruana Galizia immer noch um ihren Verlust und sucht nach Gerechtigkeit. Matthew Caruana Galizia sagte, seine Mutter wäre über die neuen Informationen über das Nest der Unternehmen, die sie untersucht hatte, zufrieden gewesen. „Die neuen Enthüllungen bestätigen, was sie wusste und versucht hatte, andere zu erkennen – dass die kriminelle Verstrickung politischer und geschäftlicher Interessen ein wesentliches bestimmendes Problem unserer Zeit ist. Korruption kostet Leben, genauso wie es meine Mutter kostet “, sagte er. “Ich denke, wenn sie am Leben wäre, um dies zu sehen, würde sie ein Gefühl der Erleichterung empfinden, dass ihre Arbeit bestätigt wird und dass sie in ihrem Kampf nicht allein ist.”

Video shows Lukashenko’s Luxurious Lush Life – Cars, Castles, Planes, Watches, Women – Harem

The largest investigation into the hiding places of Alexander Lukashenko – the “cleanest” President in the world. Expensive real estate, own car and air fleet, watches and even gold pens, and in the declaration – “hicks”. Inside, schemes, plans, documents, eyewitness accounts and bare facts about the luxurious life of a dictator. The NEXTA team has put together everything – both well-known and previously unpublished materials about the Lukashenka family, his wallets and clever ways of mutually beneficial cooperation with the wicked oligarchs. To be continued.
00:00 About the film
00:53 Announcement
04:29 List and types of residences
06:55 Secret government communications line
08:10 Independence Palace - Temple of Vanity
14:44 "A couple of heifers are sitting in the back seat", or a car fleet worth € 4 million
21:26 Smuggling and seizure of cars at customs
23:24 Does Europe sponsor the regime?
29:31 Blue light: who entertains the dictator and for how much?
32:01 The closest oligarch to Lukashenka
34:25 How did the 17th residence burn down?
37:28 China allocated a loan to Belarus, but not to Belarusians
40:51 Secrets of the (un) state aircraft fleet
46:15 The most popular president in the world
49:12 Little things in life: personalized gold pens and expensive clothes
54:09 Devils from the snuff box: Topuzidis, Aleksin and company
1:00:19 Special harem for Lukashenka
1:05:54 An unpleasant fact for Kolya Lukashenko
1:08:07 Where does the family live now?
1:10:34 Something from the insides: the plan of the bath and the Vostok residential complex
1:15:56 Why is everyone silent?
1:20:36 I almost forgot ...

Sergei Korolev – First Deputy Director Of The Federal Security Service (FSB) – Ties To Russian Mafia

Federal Security Service - Cheka 2.0 | Warsaw Institute

Vladimir Putin had a meeting with Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, Director of the Foreign Intelligence Service Sergei Naryshkin and Director of the Federal Security Service Alexander Bortnikov. 

The Kremlin, concerned that Alexei Navalny could be an additional source of friction in a system already beginning to grind and groan, is looking for ruthless enforcers. Recently, Russian President Vladimir Putin designated a man named Sergei Korolev as first delegate head of the Federal Security Service (FSB), the country’s fundamental security office.

Preceding acquiring this significant level position, Korolev headed the FSB’s Economic Security Service, and before that, the office’s Directorate of Internal Security. That is the place where the authority variant of his life story closes.

Yet, iStories talked with Korolev’s colleagues — who can’t be named in this story for security reasons — and analyzed records from a few prominent criminal cases in which his name showed up.

Incidentally, he has individual associations with a few notable heads of the Russian criminal hidden world who have been blamed for kidnappings and agreement murders. Despite the fact that a few insights regarding these connections have showed up in the press, this appeared to have no impact on his vocation. In fact, his associates’ regard for him appears just to have developed.

Korolev was brought into the world in 1962 in Frunze, the Soviet name for the Kyrgyz capital of Bishkek.

As per a few of his colleagues, he came from a military family with great associations: His late dad was chasing pals with Viktor Zubkov, who worked with Vladimir Putin in the St. Petersburg city hall leader’s office in the mid 1990s, later filled in as head administrator, and now seats the leading group of the state oil goliath Gazprom.

Korolev’s previous partners, just as individuals from other law implementation organizations who encountered him, say that, notwithstanding his associations, Korolev’s own profession was based on being “a keen usable” — a high type of recognition in law requirement circles.

In any case, Korolev’s vocation has likewise been interspersed by numerous public disclosures that he has associations with hidden world figures. On the off chance that these clearly affected his ascent to the top, he may have Putin’s group of friends to thank for it.

One such emergency happened in 2004. That March, criminal agents from the St. Petersburg police confined Oleg Makovoz, a financial specialist from Irkutsk, an area in Siberia, who introduces himself as an individual of note and lawmaker. He even ran for parliament at a certain point. Yet, as indicated by the police examination, Makovoz was an individual from a criminal gathering situated in his home area.

The gathering Makovoz had a place with was established in the city of Bratsk in the Irkutsk district, however after some time it extended to different areas of Russia, including St. Petersburg. Russian media, including state outlets, distinguished its chief as a money manager named Vladimir Tyurin — nicknamed “Tyurik.” The United States endorsed him for his crimes in 2017.

In St. Petersburg, Makovoz ran a security firm that utilized previous uncommon powers faculty who had been associated with a progression of prominent agreement murders. (He was subsequently condemned to 23 years in jail for seizing, exotortion, and the homicide of another criminal chief.)

At the time the relationship arose, Korolev was working in the FSB’s Economic Security Service for St. Petersburg and the encompassing area, where his undertakings included battling coordinated wrongdoing and administering law implementation organizations. However, police agents discovered he was additionally speaking with Makovoz during this period. The relationship had all the earmarks of being a commonly valuable one.

With all due respect, Korolev’s associates say that Makovoz was an important wellspring of data, and that the connection among agents and their sources is quite possibly the most perplexing, even philosophical, parts of insight work. To get significant data, one should offer something as a trade off — and it’s not in every case simple to adhere to a meaningful boundary in the perfect spot.

Also, sources said, the Makovoz case was important for a bigger conflict of impact between the police and the FSB in St. Petersburg. At that point, they said, Korolev was fighting with Vladislav Piotrovsky, who headed the city’s criminal police power. In such conflicts, it’s basic for rival sides to dishonor each other by intentionally misrepresenting current realities or introducing them in an uneven manner.

Regardless, because of the Makovoz case, Korolev was moved to the Federal Tax Service. Its head at the time was Anatoly Serdyukov — the child in-law of Korolev’s dad’s old chasing accomplice, Viktor Zubkov. Afterward, Serdyukov became safeguard pastor and Korolev turned into his counsel. Be that as it may, as additional occasions appeared, Korolev kept up his binds with the criminal hidden world of St. Petersburg.

In 2008, Spanish police directed an enormous scope exceptional activity called Troika that brought about the capture of “heads of the Russian mafia,” as the Spanish media portrayed them. Among those captured was Gennady Petrov, a notable St. Petersburg money manager.

In 2010, Spanish specialists delivered Petrov on bail. A brief timeframe later, he and another suspect, Leonid Khristoforov, got back to their local St. Petersburg for clinical treatment and never returned to Spain, regardless of promising to do as such. They were put on a worldwide needed rundown, however the case flamed out. Russian specialists answered to the Spanish court that they don’t had anything to accuse them of, and they were never compelled to return.

Russian law implementation had their purposes behind not aiding their Spanish partners, as indicated by insightful materials seen by columnists.

As per wiretaps of Petrov’s telephone discussions, the supposed coordinated wrongdoing figure was in contact with a portion of Russia’s most elevated positioning authorities, including then-Prime Minister Viktor Zubkov, Defense Minister Anatoly Serdyukov, and numerous others. In his discussions, Petrov alluded to Zubkov and Serdyukov naturally as “Vitya” and “Tolik.”

Petrov was likewise on close footing with high-positioning law implementation authorities. One champion among them was a man who shows up in the wiretaps simply by the epithets “Boltai-Noga” or “Gulai-Noga” (which could be interpreted as “Shakefoot” or “Wanderfoot”).

As indicated by wiretaps distributed in 2019 by The Insider, this strange Shakefoot worked for Defense Minister Serdyukov, and worked with him to help Petrov push through the arrangement of specific individuals to key government positions.

For instance, Petrov effectively examined with his conversationalists the arrangement of Alexander Bastrykin to seat the Investigative Committee, Russia’s top law authorization body. In 2007, the day Bastrykin’s nomination was affirmed by the Federation Council, Petrov called Leonid Khristoforov, who had been captured alongside him in Spain:

“The man has been selected,” he said. “Keep in mind, I advised you? So that is it — he’s been designated. Exceptionally high up,” Petrov boasted.

“Gracious, great!” Khristoforov answered.

Around the same time, Petrov got a call from a man alluded to as “Nikolaevich.”

“You found out about Sasha [Alexander Bastrykin], right?” Nikolaevich advised him. “That is it, they’ve designated him.”

“Great, my gosh,” Petrov cheered.

This “Nikolayevich” ended up being Nikolay Aulov, at that point a senior Interior Ministry official. Materials from the Spanish criminal case show that a similar Shakefoot had helped Aulov himself get advanced. The year after this discussion occurred, in 2008, Aulov became representative overseer of the Federal Service for Drug Control.

So who was the puzzling and powerful Shakefoot, who assisted Petrov with getting individuals delegated to the most noteworthy government positions? The Insider proposed that he was, indeed, Sergei Korolev. This end depended on a few bits of proof:

Like Korolev, Shakefoot filled in as a counsel to Defense Minister Anatoly Serdyukov.

Like Korolev, Shakefoot’s first name is Sergei.

Like Korolev, Shakefoot was associated with the FSB: Petrov reminded his child not to neglect to compliment Shakefoot on December 20, State Security Agents’ Day.

Like Korolev, Shakefoot’s birthday is July 25.

iStories discovered extra pieces of information that the man behind the moniker “Shakefoot” could be Korolev. In November 2007, Gennady Petrov called his child Anton:

“Recently I went to see Shakefoot. There was this… Minaev, a shooter, a rifleman,” Petrov said to his child.

“That is his appointee,” Anton Petrov reacted.

“Ok, I didn’t have the foggiest idea. I asked him: ‘Is he a general?’ He says: ‘No, a rifleman.'”

“He chooses a ton of things for him. His right-hand man. They say he knows nothing about the work, yet he’s his correct hand,” Petrov’s child said.

In this discussion, Gennady Petrov in all likelihood stirred up the last name of the individual he met when he saw Shakefoot. Scarcely any individuals fit the depiction of the marksman he met just as Igor Medoev, who filled in as Sergei Korolev’s delegate in the Defense Ministry. Before that he had procured popularity as probably the best expert sharpshooter in the country as an individual from the FSB’s Special Purpose Center, a counter-psychological oppression unit.


Sergei Korolev

Shakefoot was a wary man. He liked to determine issues in eye to eye gatherings with Petrov, not on the telephone. In any case, on one event, Spanish law authorization specialists figured out how to record his voice. In July 2007, as indicated by the wiretap distributed by The Insider, the more youthful Petrov called his dad, at that point gave the collector to Shakefoot so he could actually welcome him to his birthday celebration:

“Good tidings, Sergei,” Petrov advised him. “I have a major solicitation, that for my 60th birthday celebration, you should be there.”

“I will be there,” Shakefoot answered.

Columnists played this chronicle to two individuals who know Korolev, and both affirmed decisively that it was his voice on the tape. They said that Korolev and Petrov keep on imparting right up ’til the present time, “as all of St. Petersburg knows.”

In 2018, Austria removed to Russia a man named Aslan Gagiev, who is blamed by Russian law authorization for heading a coordinated criminal gathering and requesting murders. As per Russian agents, “the criminal association made and headed by Gagiev started its exercises in 2004 and had in excess of 50 members. Because of crime, 60 individuals were slaughtered in Moscow, the Moscow locale, and the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania.”

Notwithstanding, as Novaya Gazeta detailed in 2018, Gagiyev’s gathering was not a commonplace criminal affiliation. Calling themselves “The Family,” they considered themselves to be an arm of the equity framework that filled in when Russian law implementation organizations didn’t take care of their responsibilities. A few individuals from the “Family” even truly accepted that they were a characterized unit of the FSB.

They did in some cases give a type of equity — though vicious and extrajudicial — to casualties of wrongdoings overlooked by the state. For instance, the Family focused on individuals from a posse that kidnapped youngsters in North Ossetia during the 2000s. The head of this pack was politically associated, which clearly loaned them a level of assurance from law authorization. In any case, when the Family took up the case and began killing gangsters, the kidnappings halted.

In any case, they didn’t just execute rough crooks. Spectators and individuals made up for lost time in monetary debates were additionally focused by The Family. Gangsters likewise turned on one another, dreading disloyalty from the inside.

In any case, Gagiev was famous and regarded in North and South Ossetia, where he was known as Big Brother. He participated in the raging of the school seized by fear mongers in Beslan in 2004, battled close by his “Family” in the 2008 conflict in Georgia, and accomplished cause work.

At the point when Russia looked for his removal from Austria, Gagiyev and his legal advisors demanded that he would be in extraordinary peril there on the grounds that he had been recently tormented by FSB agents. (An autonomous Austrian master affirmed this subsequent to inspecting Gagiyev’s wounds).

There is just a single positive reference to a Russian government employee in Gagiyev’s declaration to the Austrian court. Gagiyev didn’t give his last name, however depicted the man with appreciation and regard.

Aslan Gagiev

“I was removed from Russia by the top of the 10th help of the FSB. He said there was no way to help me. He said: ‘There is an answer.’ He gave me 10,000 dollars and concluded that this was the solitary thing he could assist me with,” Gagiev told the Austrian court, as per records acquired by journalists.

By the “10th help” of the FSB, Gagiyev doubtlessly implied the Directorate of Internal Security, which at the time was going by Korolev. A few sources affirmed to correspondents that Korolev and Gagiev knew each other well.

For what reason would Korolev help Big Brother? As indicated by sources, Korolev owed something to Gagiyev, who once helped him in a basic circumstance. The idea of that circumstance is obscure, however Gagiyev frequently took a chance with his life to save others. For instance, on one event he intentionally submitted himself as a prisoner to Chechen contenders who had captured a young lady to acquire a payoff from her family. The guerrillas let the young lady go, and Big Brother sat in a pit for ten days until they were paid off.

The FSB initiative knew that Gagiev and Korolev knew one another. At the point when the Gagiev case was being examined in the media, Korolev was purportedly brought by the head of the FSB, Alexander Bortnikov, as per one of Korolev’s associates.

“Another person would have begun to mess about, to attempt to create something, however [Korolev] clarified everything clearly. He acted like a man,” his associate reviewed proudly.

Furthermore, this is the primary secret of Korolev’s character. At whatever point his bargaining associations became visible, he appeared to pull off them, however emerged from the circumstance with a far and away superior standing among his partners.

While chipping away at this story, columnists more than once asked Korolev’s associates: “How is it possible that he would be designated representative FSB chief while having such countless associations among hidden world pioneers?”

Both Korolev’s companions and previous adversaries addressed generally similarly: “Who isn’t without wrongdoing? In any event [Korolev] has never sold out anybody. The president likes such individuals.”

In this sense, Putin’s work force strategy bears little likeness to the standards of law and order. Maybe, it all the more intently takes after the rationale of criminal supervisors, for whom faithfulness is a competitor’s principle advantage.

Korolev didn’t react to demands for input.

Colombia Sentences Guerilla Killer of 3 El Comercio Journalists to 29 Years in Prison

Colombia Identifies Bodies Of Murdered El Comercio Staff | News | teleSUR  English

A Colombian court tracked down an individual from a guerilla bunch blameworthy of taking part in the abducting and the homicide of a writer team and sent him in the slammer for almost 29 years, the country’s Prosecution Office reported.

Journalist Javier Ortega, picture taker Paúl Rivas and driver Efraín Segarra were revealing for the El Comercio paper when they were confined in 2018 in the Ecuadorian region of Esmeraldas by individuals from “Oliver Sinisterra,” a group that split from the FARC guerrillas in 2016, the year that agitator bunch marked a harmony manage the Colombian government.

The court condemned Jesús Vargas Cuajiboy, false name Reinel, an individual from the “Olivier Sinisterra,” to 28 years and 8 months in jail, Javier García Trochez of the Prosecution Office’s coordinated violations office said at a public interview.

Reinel watched the casualties during the kidnapping until nom de plume Guacho, the then head of the dissenter structure, requested their murdering. The groups of the three were discovered days after the fact.

Confronted with overpowering proof, Reinel acknowledged his duty regarding the killings and appologized to the casualty’s families from the Cómbita greatest security jail in Boyacá.

The case will probably see more suspects in court, including Gustavo Angulo Arboleda, moniker Cherry, and Gustavo Ospina Hernández, false name Barbas.

Government Sentencing Memorandum Versus Samuel Cohen aka Mouli Cohen

Samuel “Mouli” Cohen (born April 8, 1958) is an Israeli-American entrepreneur, venture capitalist, and convicted fraudster who claimed to have held the positions of president, chairman, and CEO of several public and private video game companies which, according to Cohen, “have generated over $3 Billion in shareholder value”. The companies Cohen has been involved in since the 1980s include: Playnet Technologies, Voltage Capital, LAMIA, Aristo International and Ecast. In April 2012, Cohen was sentenced to 22 years in federal prison for a conviction on 15 counts of wire fraud, 11 counts of money laundering and three counts of tax evasion. He is currently serving a 22-year prison sentence at Terminal Island Federal Correctional Institution.


Some like the notorious “Gomopa & Co. ” are doing it already in the aftermath of the Stasi’s affection for surveillance and computers but now UN officials warn that many criminal syndicates turn to cybercrime.

COVID-19 transformed the global economy. While governments fought over scarce medical supplies, much of the world’s population sat at home. As workplaces stood unattended and malls lay empty, the massive resulting increase in internet traffic brought with it an inevitable explosion in illegal online activity.

Just three months after the World Health Organization declared a state of global emergency, UN officials were reporting a growth in email-delivered malware of more than 600 percent, and by October ransomware attacks against private companies and vital public institutions alike had surged by upwards of 40 percent on the previous year.

The ever-increasing distribution of child pornography online has drastically accelerated amid the pandemic: U.K. police arrested 4,760 people over alleged online child sex abuse in the country’s first lockdown alone. There’s also been a boom in dark-net vendors selling snake-oil cures for the virus, and a plethora of fraudulent sites claiming to sell desperately needed medical equipment.

COVID-19 has proven a windfall for veteran cybercriminals, and authorities know that the most sophisticated new scams and attacks are being orchestrated by the online professionals. More surprising, and equally troubling, is the increasing number of other, less-specialized criminal elements now moving portions of their enterprises online.

“Cybercrime and cyber-enabled crimes are going to offer enormous potential for criminal groups of all sizes and scales to replace lost income elsewhere [being] constrained by virus-control conditions,” think-tank Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime warned.

Herb Stapleton, section chief of the FBI’s cybercrime division, told OCCRP he saw the number of complaints to his department more than triple within six weeks of the pandemic reaching the U.S. The majority of incidents involved phishing attacks, in which fraudsters send emails containing false backstories or threats of harm, so that they can extort money or valuable information from victims.

Automated phishing kits — software packages that let criminals send scam messages to email addresses scraped, by hackers, from legitimate websites — are now available via the dark web for as little as US$50. Some marketplaces are even offering discounts, to cash in on the growth in demand. With ongoing disruption to other criminal interests worldwide, such software offers easy and effective ways for the world’s cartels, mobs, and mafias to make up for income drops elsewhere.

“There’s definitely been an increase in cybercriminal activity by criminal elements who don’t have sophisticated technical skills, and one of the things that has made that possible, really, is the rise of malware as a kind of service,” Stapleton explained.

Tamara Schotte, a cybercrime specialist with Europol, the European policing body, said the new generation are often people who might not previously have gravitated towards internet-enabled criminality. “The more we headed into the middle of the crisis, the more we saw the wannabe scammers, as they started to realize there’s quite some profit to be made in the area of cybercrime,” she said.

Phishing scams generally play on pervasive public fears, which have grown amid the outbreak. For example, some emails have threatened “to infect every member” of a victim’s family with COVID-19 unless they pay up, while others have spoofed government and financial institutions to trick people into believing their COVID-19 support loans are in jeopardy.

“They simply haven’t held back on any of the means that are now available to them,” Tonia Dudley, an adviser with cybersecurity firm Cofense, told OCCRP, adding that crooks have even preyed on worker fears over job security.

“When companies started having to cut back on their workforces, we also saw phishing attacks leveraging the HR theme of, ‘I’m sorry to let you know that your job has been eliminated,’” she said.

Another common ploy is the so-called Business Email Compromise scam, in which cybercriminals gain access to a company’s internal servers to masquerade as senior employees, later requesting cash transfers to accounts held outside the firm.

“Especially in the early weeks of the pandemic, so many people were just hungry for information about what was going on,” Stapleton said. “So of course scammers were creating links that read ‘click here for the latest today,’ and which looked like they were from perfectly legitimate government or academic institutions.”

As we enter the new year, an end to the pandemic may finally be on the horizon, with successful clinical trials now leading to vaccination rollouts, and business slowly coming back to life in certain countries.

What remains to be seen, once things return to normal, is whether old-school criminal groups will abandon their newfound technological toolboxes and return fully to their conventional revenue streams, or whether they’ll remain online.

As Europol’s Schotte puts it: “Those groups that didn’t see any prospects [on the internet] before the pandemic, they’ve definitely seen them now.”


Nikola Petrović, Friend Of Serbian President Linked To Mafia

Bildergebnis für Nikola Petrović
Nikola Petrovic

The shadow of Stanko Subotić has long stalked Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić. Allegations of links between the businessman with ties to organized crime and the country’s top politician have often been levelled, but never proven.

Subotić, convicted of large-scale cigarette smuggling in 2011 and handed six years in prison, before being controversially cleared a few years later, has insisted he only ever backed Vučić at the ballot box, never financially.

While opposition politicians and media allege there are deeper ties between the politician and businessman, always without proof, the two steadfastly deny any connection. Such ties would be problematic for the president because of Subotić’s former convictions (since reversed) for criminal activities, and evidence of ties between Subotić and regional drug lord Darko Sarić.

In Serbia and several other Balkan nations, the “best man,” or kum, is an important social role with no real equivalent in English. A kum might literally be a groomsman at a wedding, but it also refers to someone who is as close as family, like a blood brother.

But despite Vučić’s moves to distance himself from Subotić, OCCRP and its Serbian member center KRIK have found that Nikola Petrović — a man known to be very close to the president who describes himself as Vučić’s “best man,” or kum in Serbian — has in fact done business with Subotić.

Petrović established a shell company in Luxembourg in early 2019 through which he ran various Serbian business ventures, including interests in air transport, solar energy, and pharmaceuticals. A closer look into some of these holdings by OCCRP’s Serbian member center KRIK offers the first documented evidence tying Subotić’s network to the president’s inner circle.

“I am not a public figure,” Petrović told reporters when asked about his business dealings. “I do not need to answer your questions and you absolutely don’t have the right to ask me questions. I will report you for harassing me.”

Petrović is, despite these protestations, a well-known and influential figure in Serbia.

So important is his role that he was named in a letter sent by five U.S. members of Congress to then-Vice President Joseph Biden in September 2015, days before Vučić visited the U.S. The legislators were concerned, they wrote, that a small group led by Vučić’s brother Andrej, and including Petrović, had “consolidated their influence and interest in energy, telecommunications, infrastructure and all major businesses in Serbia.”

In October 2018, Subotić moved his holding company, Emerging Markets Investments (EMI), from Denmark to Luxembourg. Initially, he based the company in the capital city, Luxembourg, at the address of Auditex, a tax consulting firm. When Auditex later moved to Leudelange, a small town in the southwestern part of the country, EMI moved with them.Credit: Stevan Dojcinovic/KRIKDrug trafficker Darko Sarić is seen at a hearing.

Petrović established his own company, Fabergé Advisors, months later in January 2019. Although its structure is complex — Fabergé Advisors was founded by a company based in the U.K., with its last known main shareholder a Cyprus-registered company — Petrović is listed as the beneficial owner.

Fabergé Advisors, as it turns out, uses the same directors and the same address as Subotić’s holding company, EMI. That address is the offices of the parent company of Auditex, the tax consulting company used by Subotić.

The connection is not definitive because more than 400 additional companies are also registered at the same address, indicating it may be in use by a registration agent. The shared directors are likely proxies — individuals from France and Belgium who appear as managers in numerous companies in Luxembourg.

But there are more direct business relationships. Petrović and Subotić share an interest in aviation.

In October 2020, Petrović branched into the sector by using Fabergé Advisors to buy the air transport firm Air Posh for what appears to be a knockdown price of 100,000 euros, a contract shows. The seller was Subotić, using a subsidiary of EMI. Subotić had established Air Posh through a series of companies just a year and a half earlier, in April 2019.

While under Subotić’s ownership, Air Posh had bought a Cessna 550 aircraft from a New York company. The airplane alone is worth between 700,000 and 1.3 million euros, according to websites that advertise such prices, indicating that for 100,000 euros, Petrović may have bought Air Posh at a huge discount. (Neither Subotić nor Petrović would respond to questions on the sale from OCCRP and KRIK, and it is possible there were additional terms of the deal not known to reporters.)

The plane at one point was used by Air Pink, an air transport company co-owned by media magnate Željko Mitrović, who had close ties to the former regime of Serbian strongman Slobodan Milosević. Mitrović’s TV Pink is considered by Serbian media analysts to be the strongest vehicle for what they say is Vučić’s propaganda.

Under Petrović, Air Posh kept its registered office in a building where Subotić owns several apartments in Belgrade, and the airline continued to use the Cessna, according to information from the Civil Aviation Directorate of the Republic of Serbia. Borislav Radić, a pilot who, according to his LinkedIn profile, previously worked for Air Pink, was named director of Air Posh after Petrović took over the company. The Cessna is still listed on the Air Pink website as part of its fleet.Credit: KRIKThe headquarters of Air Posh is seen in Belgrade.

Under Petrović’s ownership, Air Posh flies clients from its Serbian base mostly to Vienna, but also to Brussels, Rome, Amsterdam, Moscow, Kyiv, Bodrum, Beirut, Tel Aviv, Sharm El Sheikh and Dubai, according to websites that record flight information.

After President Vučić’s party came to power in 2012, Petrović was made director of a state-owned company controlling electrical transmission. Leaving this role in late 2016, he went on to thrive in the private sector, producing electricity via mini-hydropower plants — electricity he sold to the Serbian state for millions of euros.

When buying companies in Serbia, Petrović took pains not to expose himself. Indeed, some of his new business partners told reporters they didn’t know he was the one behind the company with which they had signed contracts.Credit: StorenergyA Storenergy solar concentrator.

Again through the Luxembourg-based Fabergé Advisors, he expanded his portfolio in August 2019, by purchasing a 50-percent stake in Serbian company Storenergy, a solar energy company which filed a patent application for a “solar concentrator, receiver and thermal storage,” records show.

His new partner in this business, Marko Vuksanović, told OCCRP/KRIK he didn’t realize that the buyer was the Serbian president’s “best man.” Asked with whom he negotiated when he sold part-ownership, he said he dealt “with a few people who are representatives of that [Fabergé Advisors] investment fund. … They are some French people.”

The solar contract was signed on Petrović’s behalf by Vladimir Krkobabić, a director in many companies owned by Subotić. Petrović paid 50,000 euros to Vuksanović for his half-share of Storenergy, according to a contract seen by OCCRP and KRIK.

Storenergy has installed one small solar concentrator on Avala mountain, near Belgrade, and a bigger one near the town of Kragujevac in central Serbia, according to the company’s website.

With the Serbian government investing millions of euros into renewable energy in the coming years, those involved in this business, including Petrović, could be poised to book large profits.

Third among Petrović’s new business interests is pharmaceuticals.

In September 2020, once more via Fabergé Advisors, he took majority ownership of Serbian company Krasius, which one year earlier had received permission to import drugs for clinical trials, according to documents obtained from the Serbian Ministry of Health by OCCRP/KRIK. The ministry is run by Zlatibor Lončar, one of a handful of Vučić associates with alleged ties to organized crime.

Just a month before Petrović took ownership, this company received another permit, from Medicines and Medical Devices Agency of Serbia, to import 960 vials of CIMAher, a drug produced by the Center for Molecular Immunology in Cuba. Data from the agency shows that the CIMAher was for use by a private Belgrade clinic called Vesalius. CIMAher is a non-registered medicine in Serbia, but some websites advertise it as an anti-cancer treatment.

According to a Cuban medical services company contacted by KRIK, the price for one vial is $400, meaning that the retail value of the shipment would be $380,000. Yet according to the contract paperwork, Petrović paid just 51 dinars (50 U.S. cents) for a 51-percent controlling share of Krasius from Ivan Krasić, an ex-basketball player for the French club Cholet. Krasić told reporters he didn’t originally know Petrović was the one buying a stake in his company.

Much like Vuksanović, Krasić insisted he had initially been completely in the dark as to who his new partner was.

“I don’t know Petrović,” he said. “Some lawyers called me and asked me to sell part of the company. I was in need of money.” Krasić said he had only heard that Petrović was behind the deal when they were “finishing” it.

But if Krasić badly needed cash, the selling price of 51 dinars wouldn’t have been of much use to him. When asked by reporters how much he had really been paid, Krasić replied that it was “a trade secret.”

“I don’t have anything to do with politics,” he said. “That is not my world. They are big players. I am a modest man. I play basketball.”