The Indictment Against The Gambino Mafia Family Revealed – Original Document

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Frank Cali's killing is a reminder the mob is alive. Just not as flashy -  CNN

Carlo Gambino

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Revealed – The Indictment Against The Mexican Mafia In Los Angeles – Original Document

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Die 10 brutalsten Gangs der Welt - Blick

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This Indictment Arrested More Than 40 Genovese, Gambino, Luchese & Bonanno Crime Families Members – Original Document

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1991 chart of the Gambino family capos | Crime family, Organized crime,  Capos

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Read the indictment that led to the arrest of more than 40 alleged mobsters from Genovese, Gambino, Luchese, and Bonanno crime families by federal officials.

Court Arrangement Between U.S. Government & Ricardo McFarlin Of The “Black Mafia” – Original Document

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Court Filings: BMF Figure “Slick Rick” McFarlin ‘Collateral Damage’ In ’16 Detroit Drug Hit

Black Mafia Family soldier Ricardo (Slick Rick) McFarlin was simply in the wrong place at the wrong time when he was killed execution-style on Detroit’s Westside December 2016, just weeks removed from being released from federal prison, per new court filings in the case against his alleged murderers. At the time of his slaying, McFarlin was the lesser-known of two victims to the public. In the underworld, it was a whole different story.

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Black Mafia Family Detroit lieutenant Ricky (Slick) McFarlin was murdered execution style December 2016 at a Westside residence in the Motor City, alongside former NFL player Robert Eddins, less than three months following his release from federal prison. McFarlin, 36, and Eddins, 28, were found shot to death, face down on the floor with multiple entry wounds in the back of their heads, December 21 in the basement of Eddins’ grandmother’s home on the 7900th block of Pierson Street. Sources tell Gangster Report, the slayings are drug related.

“BMF” is the largest and most iconic urban narcotics gang in American history. The highly-structured organization sprouted up in the Southwest section of Detroit in the early 1990s and by the start of the New Millennium had spread across the entire country, maintaining administrative and distribution hubs in Michigan, Missouri, Georgia, Texas, California and New York. Rapper and actor Curtis (50 Cent) Jackson is currently developing the story of BMF into a television series.

Sergei Korolev – First Deputy Director Of The Federal Security Service (FSB) – Ties To Russian Mafia

Federal Security Service - Cheka 2.0 | Warsaw Institute

Vladimir Putin had a meeting with Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, Director of the Foreign Intelligence Service Sergei Naryshkin and Director of the Federal Security Service Alexander Bortnikov. 

The Kremlin, concerned that Alexei Navalny could be an additional source of friction in a system already beginning to grind and groan, is looking for ruthless enforcers. Recently, Russian President Vladimir Putin designated a man named Sergei Korolev as first delegate head of the Federal Security Service (FSB), the country’s fundamental security office.

Preceding acquiring this significant level position, Korolev headed the FSB’s Economic Security Service, and before that, the office’s Directorate of Internal Security. That is the place where the authority variant of his life story closes.

Yet, iStories talked with Korolev’s colleagues — who can’t be named in this story for security reasons — and analyzed records from a few prominent criminal cases in which his name showed up.

Incidentally, he has individual associations with a few notable heads of the Russian criminal hidden world who have been blamed for kidnappings and agreement murders. Despite the fact that a few insights regarding these connections have showed up in the press, this appeared to have no impact on his vocation. In fact, his associates’ regard for him appears just to have developed.

Korolev was brought into the world in 1962 in Frunze, the Soviet name for the Kyrgyz capital of Bishkek.

As per a few of his colleagues, he came from a military family with great associations: His late dad was chasing pals with Viktor Zubkov, who worked with Vladimir Putin in the St. Petersburg city hall leader’s office in the mid 1990s, later filled in as head administrator, and now seats the leading group of the state oil goliath Gazprom.

Korolev’s previous partners, just as individuals from other law implementation organizations who encountered him, say that, notwithstanding his associations, Korolev’s own profession was based on being “a keen usable” — a high type of recognition in law requirement circles.

In any case, Korolev’s vocation has likewise been interspersed by numerous public disclosures that he has associations with hidden world figures. On the off chance that these clearly affected his ascent to the top, he may have Putin’s group of friends to thank for it.

One such emergency happened in 2004. That March, criminal agents from the St. Petersburg police confined Oleg Makovoz, a financial specialist from Irkutsk, an area in Siberia, who introduces himself as an individual of note and lawmaker. He even ran for parliament at a certain point. Yet, as indicated by the police examination, Makovoz was an individual from a criminal gathering situated in his home area.

The gathering Makovoz had a place with was established in the city of Bratsk in the Irkutsk district, however after some time it extended to different areas of Russia, including St. Petersburg. Russian media, including state outlets, distinguished its chief as a money manager named Vladimir Tyurin — nicknamed “Tyurik.” The United States endorsed him for his crimes in 2017.

In St. Petersburg, Makovoz ran a security firm that utilized previous uncommon powers faculty who had been associated with a progression of prominent agreement murders. (He was subsequently condemned to 23 years in jail for seizing, exotortion, and the homicide of another criminal chief.)

At the time the relationship arose, Korolev was working in the FSB’s Economic Security Service for St. Petersburg and the encompassing area, where his undertakings included battling coordinated wrongdoing and administering law implementation organizations. However, police agents discovered he was additionally speaking with Makovoz during this period. The relationship had all the earmarks of being a commonly valuable one.

With all due respect, Korolev’s associates say that Makovoz was an important wellspring of data, and that the connection among agents and their sources is quite possibly the most perplexing, even philosophical, parts of insight work. To get significant data, one should offer something as a trade off — and it’s not in every case simple to adhere to a meaningful boundary in the perfect spot.

Also, sources said, the Makovoz case was important for a bigger conflict of impact between the police and the FSB in St. Petersburg. At that point, they said, Korolev was fighting with Vladislav Piotrovsky, who headed the city’s criminal police power. In such conflicts, it’s basic for rival sides to dishonor each other by intentionally misrepresenting current realities or introducing them in an uneven manner.

Regardless, because of the Makovoz case, Korolev was moved to the Federal Tax Service. Its head at the time was Anatoly Serdyukov — the child in-law of Korolev’s dad’s old chasing accomplice, Viktor Zubkov. Afterward, Serdyukov became safeguard pastor and Korolev turned into his counsel. Be that as it may, as additional occasions appeared, Korolev kept up his binds with the criminal hidden world of St. Petersburg.

In 2008, Spanish police directed an enormous scope exceptional activity called Troika that brought about the capture of “heads of the Russian mafia,” as the Spanish media portrayed them. Among those captured was Gennady Petrov, a notable St. Petersburg money manager.

In 2010, Spanish specialists delivered Petrov on bail. A brief timeframe later, he and another suspect, Leonid Khristoforov, got back to their local St. Petersburg for clinical treatment and never returned to Spain, regardless of promising to do as such. They were put on a worldwide needed rundown, however the case flamed out. Russian specialists answered to the Spanish court that they don’t had anything to accuse them of, and they were never compelled to return.

Russian law implementation had their purposes behind not aiding their Spanish partners, as indicated by insightful materials seen by columnists.

As per wiretaps of Petrov’s telephone discussions, the supposed coordinated wrongdoing figure was in contact with a portion of Russia’s most elevated positioning authorities, including then-Prime Minister Viktor Zubkov, Defense Minister Anatoly Serdyukov, and numerous others. In his discussions, Petrov alluded to Zubkov and Serdyukov naturally as “Vitya” and “Tolik.”

Petrov was likewise on close footing with high-positioning law implementation authorities. One champion among them was a man who shows up in the wiretaps simply by the epithets “Boltai-Noga” or “Gulai-Noga” (which could be interpreted as “Shakefoot” or “Wanderfoot”).

As indicated by wiretaps distributed in 2019 by The Insider, this strange Shakefoot worked for Defense Minister Serdyukov, and worked with him to help Petrov push through the arrangement of specific individuals to key government positions.

For instance, Petrov effectively examined with his conversationalists the arrangement of Alexander Bastrykin to seat the Investigative Committee, Russia’s top law authorization body. In 2007, the day Bastrykin’s nomination was affirmed by the Federation Council, Petrov called Leonid Khristoforov, who had been captured alongside him in Spain:

“The man has been selected,” he said. “Keep in mind, I advised you? So that is it — he’s been designated. Exceptionally high up,” Petrov boasted.

“Gracious, great!” Khristoforov answered.

Around the same time, Petrov got a call from a man alluded to as “Nikolaevich.”

“You found out about Sasha [Alexander Bastrykin], right?” Nikolaevich advised him. “That is it, they’ve designated him.”

“Great, my gosh,” Petrov cheered.

This “Nikolayevich” ended up being Nikolay Aulov, at that point a senior Interior Ministry official. Materials from the Spanish criminal case show that a similar Shakefoot had helped Aulov himself get advanced. The year after this discussion occurred, in 2008, Aulov became representative overseer of the Federal Service for Drug Control.

So who was the puzzling and powerful Shakefoot, who assisted Petrov with getting individuals delegated to the most noteworthy government positions? The Insider proposed that he was, indeed, Sergei Korolev. This end depended on a few bits of proof:

Like Korolev, Shakefoot filled in as a counsel to Defense Minister Anatoly Serdyukov.

Like Korolev, Shakefoot’s first name is Sergei.

Like Korolev, Shakefoot was associated with the FSB: Petrov reminded his child not to neglect to compliment Shakefoot on December 20, State Security Agents’ Day.

Like Korolev, Shakefoot’s birthday is July 25.

iStories discovered extra pieces of information that the man behind the moniker “Shakefoot” could be Korolev. In November 2007, Gennady Petrov called his child Anton:

“Recently I went to see Shakefoot. There was this… Minaev, a shooter, a rifleman,” Petrov said to his child.

“That is his appointee,” Anton Petrov reacted.

“Ok, I didn’t have the foggiest idea. I asked him: ‘Is he a general?’ He says: ‘No, a rifleman.'”

“He chooses a ton of things for him. His right-hand man. They say he knows nothing about the work, yet he’s his correct hand,” Petrov’s child said.

In this discussion, Gennady Petrov in all likelihood stirred up the last name of the individual he met when he saw Shakefoot. Scarcely any individuals fit the depiction of the marksman he met just as Igor Medoev, who filled in as Sergei Korolev’s delegate in the Defense Ministry. Before that he had procured popularity as probably the best expert sharpshooter in the country as an individual from the FSB’s Special Purpose Center, a counter-psychological oppression unit.

SergeiKorolev1

Sergei Korolev

Shakefoot was a wary man. He liked to determine issues in eye to eye gatherings with Petrov, not on the telephone. In any case, on one event, Spanish law authorization specialists figured out how to record his voice. In July 2007, as indicated by the wiretap distributed by The Insider, the more youthful Petrov called his dad, at that point gave the collector to Shakefoot so he could actually welcome him to his birthday celebration:

“Good tidings, Sergei,” Petrov advised him. “I have a major solicitation, that for my 60th birthday celebration, you should be there.”

“I will be there,” Shakefoot answered.

Columnists played this chronicle to two individuals who know Korolev, and both affirmed decisively that it was his voice on the tape. They said that Korolev and Petrov keep on imparting right up ’til the present time, “as all of St. Petersburg knows.”

In 2018, Austria removed to Russia a man named Aslan Gagiev, who is blamed by Russian law authorization for heading a coordinated criminal gathering and requesting murders. As per Russian agents, “the criminal association made and headed by Gagiev started its exercises in 2004 and had in excess of 50 members. Because of crime, 60 individuals were slaughtered in Moscow, the Moscow locale, and the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania.”

Notwithstanding, as Novaya Gazeta detailed in 2018, Gagiyev’s gathering was not a commonplace criminal affiliation. Calling themselves “The Family,” they considered themselves to be an arm of the equity framework that filled in when Russian law implementation organizations didn’t take care of their responsibilities. A few individuals from the “Family” even truly accepted that they were a characterized unit of the FSB.

They did in some cases give a type of equity — though vicious and extrajudicial — to casualties of wrongdoings overlooked by the state. For instance, the Family focused on individuals from a posse that kidnapped youngsters in North Ossetia during the 2000s. The head of this pack was politically associated, which clearly loaned them a level of assurance from law authorization. In any case, when the Family took up the case and began killing gangsters, the kidnappings halted.

In any case, they didn’t just execute rough crooks. Spectators and individuals made up for lost time in monetary debates were additionally focused by The Family. Gangsters likewise turned on one another, dreading disloyalty from the inside.

In any case, Gagiev was famous and regarded in North and South Ossetia, where he was known as Big Brother. He participated in the raging of the school seized by fear mongers in Beslan in 2004, battled close by his “Family” in the 2008 conflict in Georgia, and accomplished cause work.

At the point when Russia looked for his removal from Austria, Gagiyev and his legal advisors demanded that he would be in extraordinary peril there on the grounds that he had been recently tormented by FSB agents. (An autonomous Austrian master affirmed this subsequent to inspecting Gagiyev’s wounds).

There is just a single positive reference to a Russian government employee in Gagiyev’s declaration to the Austrian court. Gagiyev didn’t give his last name, however depicted the man with appreciation and regard.

Aslan Gagiev

“I was removed from Russia by the top of the 10th help of the FSB. He said there was no way to help me. He said: ‘There is an answer.’ He gave me 10,000 dollars and concluded that this was the solitary thing he could assist me with,” Gagiev told the Austrian court, as per records acquired by journalists.

By the “10th help” of the FSB, Gagiyev doubtlessly implied the Directorate of Internal Security, which at the time was going by Korolev. A few sources affirmed to correspondents that Korolev and Gagiev knew each other well.

For what reason would Korolev help Big Brother? As indicated by sources, Korolev owed something to Gagiyev, who once helped him in a basic circumstance. The idea of that circumstance is obscure, however Gagiyev frequently took a chance with his life to save others. For instance, on one event he intentionally submitted himself as a prisoner to Chechen contenders who had captured a young lady to acquire a payoff from her family. The guerrillas let the young lady go, and Big Brother sat in a pit for ten days until they were paid off.

The FSB initiative knew that Gagiev and Korolev knew one another. At the point when the Gagiev case was being examined in the media, Korolev was purportedly brought by the head of the FSB, Alexander Bortnikov, as per one of Korolev’s associates.

“Another person would have begun to mess about, to attempt to create something, however [Korolev] clarified everything clearly. He acted like a man,” his associate reviewed proudly.

Furthermore, this is the primary secret of Korolev’s character. At whatever point his bargaining associations became visible, he appeared to pull off them, however emerged from the circumstance with a far and away superior standing among his partners.

While chipping away at this story, columnists more than once asked Korolev’s associates: “How is it possible that he would be designated representative FSB chief while having such countless associations among hidden world pioneers?”

Both Korolev’s companions and previous adversaries addressed generally similarly: “Who isn’t without wrongdoing? In any event [Korolev] has never sold out anybody. The president likes such individuals.”

In this sense, Putin’s work force strategy bears little likeness to the standards of law and order. Maybe, it all the more intently takes after the rationale of criminal supervisors, for whom faithfulness is a competitor’s principle advantage.

Korolev didn’t react to demands for input.

Alleged Mobster Amasses Albanian Property

From his apartment overlooking the picturesque Narta lagoon in Albania’s south, 72-year-old Jorgaq Subashi can glimpse the land he was awarded in 1993 as part of the government’s attempt to return property seized under communist rule.

But he is not allowed to live on it.

Almost three decades after winning the land back, Subashi and 34 fellow villagers have yet to receive their property deeds. They remain embroiled in seemingly interminable bureaucracy, despite a court confirming in 2012 that their properties had been unlawfully transferred to a powerful local clan linked to the theft of swathes of the country’s southern coastline around the city of Vlora.

“We know that the lands were taken from us by the collectivization of agriculture during the communist regime,” said Subashi. “After the ’90s, the state gave them back to us, but we still cannot register them.”


The villagers’ plight is common in the Balkan nation, one of the poorest countries in Europe, where attempts at land reform have been hampered by mismanagement and corruption. In some cases, the process has been hijacked by alleged gangsters like Artur Shehu, who, along with some of his family members, is accused of stealing nearly 500 hectares of prime real estate near Vlora.

An underworld figure accused of having ties to organized crime in Albania, and a powerful branch of the Italian mafia, Shehu fled his homeland in 1999 after a deadly gunfight in his bar in Vlora.

He sought asylum in the U.S., and received it in 2001. In 2019 he got a green card, paving the way for him to become a citizen. Despite his hasty exit from Albania, he has continued to direct operations there from the safety of a mansion on the Florida coast.

Shehu has not officially been accused of a crime, but his associate Pellumb Petritaj, who oversees many of his properties, has been found guilty of using forgery to obtain land on behalf of the Shehu family.

Shehu’s activities are, however, well known locally. A judicial commission described him in 2018 as “a key player” in land theft around Vlora. When asked why no action had been taken against Shehu despite evidence from multiple cases and jurisdictions, the prosecutors’ office in Vlora declined to comment.

Shehu refused to reply to questions about the matter. He instead approached OCCRP through an intermediary, who offered a reporter “whatever you want” in exchange for dropping the story.

But after years of maintaining a low profile in his home country and working through intermediaries, Shehu’s name has recently appeared on documents showing new business interests in the Albanian Riviera, a long stretch of turquoise-edged coastline along the Adriatic Sea.

In 2019 he co-founded a hotel development firm called Portonova, which shares a name with a beach on the outskirts of Vlora. In April last year, he opened another firm to develop tourism sites, Adhenis. It appears that Shehu is presenting a new public image — one that is a far cry from his alleged criminal background in a city once teeming with gangsters.


Life in Vlora in the late 1990s was pure mayhem. Hadër Cako, who headed an investigative unit in the local police force during that period, recalls that for several years, the city was entirely in the grip of local gangs.

The Albanian economy collapsed after several nationwide pyramid schemes fell apart in 1996 and 1997, and the country descended into civil conflict, prompting a United Nations military intervention led by Italy.


“The police station was without windows or doors, without cells,” Cako told OCCRP. “The city was totally in the control of the local criminal gangs. The city was a ring of brutal killings, rape, theft.”

Shehu, fresh from a stint in Albania’s special forces, was well known among police in Vlora at the time for criminal activity, according to a former Vlora police chief who asked not to be named for safety reasons.

“He had a hotel, and later on he built a casino,” said the former official.

Dritan Zagani, who headed the anti-narcotics unit in the city in the late 1990s, said he had cooperated with an Italian anti-drug unit probing a crime ring that Shehu was allegedly involved with.

“There was an open investigation into an Italian-Albanian organized crime group for the offenses of trafficking in human beings and narcotics,” said Zagani.

Cataldo Motta, a former prosecutor in the southern Italian city of Lecce, which lies just 112 km west across the Adriatic Sea from Vlora, also remembered the case involving Shehu: “It is a well-known name. He was in our files suspected of drug trafficking.”

Shehu provided OCCRP with a letter dated June 2016 from the prosecutor’s office in Lecce saying he had not been convicted in that jurisdiction, but refused to answer questions on the matter, or to comment for this story.

Shehu’s time in Vlora ended after the 1999 gunfight in his bar, according to Zagani. He said gang members killed two people in the attack, including Shehu’s uncle, Luan Bedini.

“Luan died in Artur’s arms and he vowed to avenge the murder of his uncle,” said Zagani.

He said police wanted to question Shehu about the shooting and his alleged involvement with a local crime syndicate, but he fled the country.

According to U.S. court documents, Shehu has been a resident of that country since at least 2001, when he was granted asylum. U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, which processes asylum claims, said it was unable to disclose any information on the case.

In 2005, he moved to Miami, where he built a colonial-style villa overlooking a golf course, complete with columns and an ornate crest. The property has been valued at up to $3 million. Florida property records show that, in addition to the four-bedroom villa, Shehu previously owned a series of condos in and around Miami.

Shehu’s house sits in an upscale neighborhood just minutes away from the Miami Beach oceanfront, with a manicured lawn flanked by trees. Two Mercedes-Benz cars were parked in the driveway when a reporter from the Miami Herald visited the property.

In addition to placing a letter with questions in Shehu’s mailbox, the Herald also sent questions via Fedex, which someone at the address signed for. Shortly afterwards, Shehu contacted a reporter in Albania through an intermediary, who offered “whatever you want” in exchange for dropping the story.


Although Shehu has spent nearly two decades living in Miami as a refugee, Italian anti-mafia investigators believe that he has continued to conduct business in Albania –– sometimes allegedly on behalf of Italian gangsters.

Guglielmo Cataldi, another prosecutor in Lecce, said Shehu was investigated in 2012 for his role in allegedly investing money in Albania for Albino Prudentino, a senior member of the Italian mafia organization Sacra Corona Unita.

An Italian court document obtained by OCCRP shows that, from 2009, Prudentino rented part of a luxury building owned by Shehu in Vlora’s Uji Ftohtë neighborhood. The Italian mob boss ran a restaurant and gelateria on the ground floor and a casino upstairs.

Prudentino was found guilty in 2013 of laundering mafia money through these businesses, and sentenced to three years in prison. Italian prosecutors alleged that Shehu made 1 million euros helping him do it, although they noted that they did not have enough proof to charge him.

Shehu was not charged in Italy, but Cataldi said the case against him was passed on to Albanian investigators. “We sent the data we had to Albania, showing them what the investments were, but I don’t know how this investigation went.”

Albania’s state prosecution, police, and the Vlora prosecution office all declined to comment on the case.

Beginning in 2006, from his opulent perch in Miami, Shehu started amassing a vast portfolio of properties around Vlora — through means that local residents say were illegal.

Although he and his family benefited from the alleged fraud, Shehu has never been directly charged over the land cases. However, a close associate of his, Pëllumb Petritaj, was convicted in 2018 of forging land documents to usurp 187 hectares of land.

In other court cases involving a total of nearly 300 additional hectares near Vlora, Shehu and his family members are accused of grabbing property through similar forgeries. This includes the land on the shores of the Narta Lagoon that Subashi and his fellow villagers say were stolen from them.

In these ongoing cases, Petritaj would allegedly forge documents with the help of local officials to get land into the hands of Artur and his father, Ramis. Sometimes a third party would receive the land, then transfer it to the Shehus.

Despite the lack of legal action against Shehu, at least some in the judiciary are aware of his reputation for expropriating land around Vlora.

A disciplinary case in 2018 saw Artur Malaj, a judge in Tirana who had previously served as the head of the Court of Vlora, sacked for a host of ethical failures, including an allegation related to Shehu. Among the findings of the investigation into the judge was that at least one of his family members had bought land from Shehu, which Malaj failed to report.

“A. Sh is suspected of being a key player in the process of property alienation in Vlora,” the report reads, referring to Shehu.

The judge told OCCRP that just one family member had bought land from Shehu. He said he had no knowledge of this until the investigation uncovered it, and insisted that he has had no contact with Shehu.

“I have been a judge in the city of Vlora for around 10 years. In not a single case have I had any property issues or other issues which were related … to Artur Shehu or his family,” Malaj said.

Even those with substantial resources at their disposal have been forced to cut deals with Shehu. They include a charitable foundation formed in 2014 with the mission of reclaiming the ancestral estate of the Eftimiadis, a well-to-do family that emigrated from Vlora to Italy in the early 20th century.

EXPOSED – DONALD TRUMP’S MAFIA NETWORK

THE MAFIA: blackmail and extortion are what they do best.

 

The MAFIA DON book discloses potential big trouble for a President Trump.

J.J. CAFARO

Mob connected 2016 Trump supporter.

FELIX SATER

Mob connected Trump “Senior Advisor”

Sammy Gravano Net Worth 2020 | How Much is The Bull Worth in 2020?
SAMMY “THE BULL” GRAVANO

Killed 19 men as New York Mafia underboss.

ROBERT LIBUTTI, GAMBINO CRIME FAMILY

Libutti once threatened to cut off Trump’s balls.

JOEY ‘NO-SOCKS’ CINQUE

The felon behind awards to Trump properties.

DON KING AT TRUMP NEW YEAR’S PARTY.

King: a convicted murderer w/ alleged mob ties.

“FAT TONY” SALERNO, MAFIA DON

How many criminals know their secret dealings?

NICKY SCARFO, MAFIA DON

In jail with direct knowledge of Trump secrets.

JOHN CODY, RACKETEER

What the FBI missed about him & Trump.

JOSEPH WEICHSELBAUM

Drug dealer, Trump associate & neighbor.

KENNY SHAPIRO

Trump connection to Philadelphia Mafia money.

JOHN STALUPPI

Trump connection to Colombo crime family

Deals between Mafia Boss Marat Balagula, Russia, Ukraine and Belarus Exposed

Marat Balagula | Mafia Wiki | Fandom

Marat Balagula

Documents released through Par:AnoIA, allegedly containing details about deals with Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. The documents are partly in English, Russian and Chinese. One document, obtained from the Chinese foreign office in Minsk indicates relations between the notorious Russian mob boss Marat Balagula and high ranking Ukrainian politicians.

Download the documents here:

https://data.ddosecrets.com/file/Chinese%20Ministry%20of%20Commerce/BYCN.rar

Marat Balagula (born September 8, 1943, Orenburg, USSR) was a Russian immigrant who was a Former Soviet Union leader and  Russian mafia boss, and close associate of the Lucchese crime family. His nickname was “Tony Soprano of the Russian Mafia”.

Biography

Balagula was born in 1943 in Orenburg, Russia, at the height of World War II. His mother, Zinaida, fled with the children from their home in Odessa after the German Wehrmacht swept across the Russian steppes. Marat’s father, Jakov, was a lieutenant in the Red Army; Balagula claims that he was one of the armored corps that stormed Berlin during the last desperate hours of the war. In the harshness of the Joseph Stalin era, the Balagulas led a comfortable, middle class life. Jakov worked in a factory manufacturing locks, as did his wife. Young Marat, an average high school student, was drafted into the Soviet Army at the age of nineteen and served as a bursar for three years, after which the Party assigned him to manage a food co-op in Odessa. Determined to get ahead, Marat attended night school, receiving diploma as a teacher of mathematics and then a business degree in economics and mathematics. Like many ambitious Russians with capitalist predilections, he promptly plunged into the country’s flourishing black market. He quickly learned to attend to the demanding appetites of the apparatchiks, making certain that the choicest meats and produce was delivered to them.

Arrival to the U.S.

In 1977, Balagula decided to move his family to the United States under the Jackson-Vanik Amendment. At first he worked as a textile cutter in Washington Heights, Manhattan for $3.50 per hour. His wife Alexandra later reminisced, “It was hard for us, with no language, no money.”

Balagula’s fortunes improved markedly when he relocated his family to Brighton Beach and began to work for the infamous vor Evsei Agron… Agron, it turned out, was no match for the ambitious Balagula. While Agron’s technical expertise didn’t go beyond seeking sadistic new uses for his electric cattle prod, Balagula wanted to lead the Organizatsiya into the upscale world of white collar crime, and with the experience he had gained in the Soviet Union, he developed a business acumen that put him in a class by himself. surrounded by a cadre of Russian economists and math prodigies at the Odessa restaurant, he acquired a knowledge of global markets that enabled him to make millions in the arcane world of commodities trading. He also energetically cultivated the Italian mobsters he met as Agron’s consigliere. After Agron was executed, Balagula organized his followers into a hierarchy, much like the Italian Mafia and before long, succeeded in transforming the Organizatsiya into a multi-billion dollar criminal empire that stretched across from the tatters of Communist Eastern Europe, Africa, and Southeast Asia. Ultimately, however, it was Balagula’s spectacular success in the gasoline bootlegging business — a scheme that would reportedly earn him hundreds of millions of dollars and an honored position with the Italian Mafia — that would usher in the first Golden Age of Russian organized crime in America.”

Russian mob

According to a former associate “Marat was the king of Brighton Beach. He had a Robin Hood complex. People would come over from Russia and he’d give them jobs. He liked professional men. Guys came over and couldn’t practice medicine or use their engineering degrees. He sought them out. He was fascinated with intellectuals. He co-opted them. He put them into the gasoline business, he put them into car washes or taxi companies. He’d reinvest his own money in their business if they were having trouble. He had a heart.”

According to a former Suffolk County, New York prosecutor, however, there was another side to Balagula.

“Everybody in Brighton Beach talked about Balagula in hushed tones. These were people who knew him from the Old Country. They were really, genuinely scared of this guy.”

Lucchese Crime family associate

After the Colombo crime family began shaking down his gasoline business, Balagula asked for a sitdown with Lucchese crime family consigliere Christopher Furnari at Brooklyn’s 19th Hole social club. According to Anthony “Gaspipe” Casso, who was a Lucchese family soldier present at the meeting, Furnari declared,

“Here there’s enough for everybody to be happy… to leave the table satisfied. What we must avoid is trouble between us and the other families. I propose to make a deal with the others so there’s no bad blood…. Meanwhile, we will send word out that from now on you and your people are with the Lucchese family. No one will bother you. If anyone does bother you, come to us and Anthony will take care of it.”

New York’s Five Families imposed a two cent per gallon “Family tax” on Balagula’s bootlegging operation, which became their greatest moneymaker after drug trafficking. According to one former associate,

“La Cosa Nostra reminded Marat of the apparatchiks, power structure and hierarchy in the Soviet Union. He thought as long as he gave them something they would be powerful allies who would protect him from enemies and law enforcement. Then all of a sudden he was at risk of being killed if he couldn’t pay to the penny.”

Because Anthony Casso and Balagula hit it off so well, Casso was soon partners with Balagula in a diamond mine located in Sierra Leone, Africa. They opened a business office in Freetown. Casso also arranged for an Orthodox Jewish friend of his named Simon Stein, a diamond expert and member of the DeBeers Club, to travel from the Forty-seventh Street diamond district to Africa to smuggle diamonds back into the country in the linings and collars of overcoats and in secret compartments of very expensive leather luggage.

Enemies

It didn’t take long for word on the street to reach the Russian underworld: Marat Balagula was paying off the Italians; Balagula was a punk; Balagula had no balls. Balagula’s days were numbered. This, of course, was the beginning of serious trouble. Balagula did in fact have balls — he was a ruthless killer when necessary — but he also was a smart diplomatic administrator and he knew that the combined, concerted force of the Italian crime families would quickly wipe the newly arrived Russian competition off the proverbial map.

Shortly afterward, Balagula’s rival, a high-ranking Russian mafia member named Vladimir Reznikov, drove up to Balagula’s offices in the Midwood section of Brooklyn. Sitting in his car, Reznikov opened fire on the office building with an AK-47 assault rifle. One of Balagula’s close associates was killed and several secretaries were wounded.

Then, on June 12, 1986, Reznikov entered the Odessa nightclub in Brighton Beach. Reznikov pushed a 9mm Beretta into Balagula’s skull and demanded $600,000 as the price of not pulling the trigger. He also demanded a percentage of everything Balagula was involved in. After Balagula promised to get the money, Reznikov snarled, “Fuck with me and you’re dead – you and your whole fucking family; I swear I’ll fuck and kill your wife as you watch – you understand?”.

Shortly after Reznikov left, Balagula suffered a massive heart attack. He insisted, however on being treated at his home in Brighton Beach, where he felt it would be harder for Reznikov to kill him. When Anthony Casso arrived, he listened to Balagula’s story and seethed with fury. Casso later told his biographer Philip Carlo that, to his mind, Reznikov had just spat in the face of the entire Cosa Nostra. Casso responded, “Send word to Vladimir that you have his money, that he should come to the club tomorrow. We’ll take care of the rest.” Balagula responded, “You’re sure? This is an animal. It was him that used a machine gun in the office.” Casso responded, “Don’t concern yourself. I promise we’ll take care of him… Okay?” Casso then requested a photograph of Reznikov and a description of his car.

The following day, Reznikov returned to the Rasputin nightclub to pick up his money. Upon realizing that Balagula wasn’t there, Reznikov launched into a barrage of profanity and stormed back to the parking lot. There, Reznikov and two of his underlings was shot dead by Gambino crime family veteran hitman Joseph Testa with a machine gun. Testa then jumped into a car driven by Anthony Senter and left Brighton Beach. According to Casso, “After that, Marat didn’t have any problems with the Russians ever again.”

Downfall

In 1986, Balagula masterminded a $750,000 credit card scam when a business associate, Robert Fasano, began wearing a wire on him for the U.S. Secret Service. After being convicted on Federal charges, Balagula fled to Antwerp with his longtime mistress Natalia Shevchenko. After three years as a fugitive, Balagula was arrested in Frankfurt am Main, West Germany on February 27, 1989. In December 1989, Balagula was extradited to the United States and sentenced to eight years in prison for credit card fraud.

In November 1992, Balagula was convicted at a separate trial for gasoline bootlegging and sentenced to an additional ten years in Federal prison. While passing sentence, Judge Leonard Wexler declared, “This was supposed to be a haven for you. It turned out to be a hell for us.”

Balagula served his sentence and was released from Federal prison in 2004. Balagula was quoted as saying; “They claim I made $25 million per day bootlegging. It’s crazy! I got nothing. What have I got? The government took my apartment in Manhattan, my house in Long Island, $300,000 in cash. They said, ‘If you don’t cooperate with us you’ll go to jail for twenty years.’ … They want me to tell them about the Mafia, about gasoline, about hits. Forget it. All these charges are bullshit! All my life I like to help people. Just because a lot of people come to me for advice, everybody thinks I’m a boss. I came to America to find work, support myself, and create a future for my children.”

In 1977, Balagula decided to move his family to the United States under the Jackson-Vanik Amendment. At first he worked as a textile cutter in Washington Heights, Manhattan for $3.50 per hour. His wife Alexandra later reminisced, “It was hard for us, with no language, no money.”

In the aftermath of Evsei Agron’s murder, Balagula took over as the most powerful Russian gangster in Brooklyn. According to a former Suffolk County, New York, prosecutor, however, there was another side to Balagula. “Everybody in Brighton Beach talked about Balagula in hushed tones. These were people who knew him from the Old Country. They were really, genuinely scared of this guy.”

After the Colombo crime family began shaking down his gasoline business, Balagula asked for a sitdown with Lucchese crime family consigliere Christopher Furnari at Brooklyn’s 19th Hole social club. According to Anthony “Gaspipe” Casso, who was a Lucchese soldier present at the meeting, Furnari declared,

In the aftermath, New York’s Five Families imposed a two cent per gallon “Family tax” on Balagula’s bootlegging operation, which became their greatest moneymaker after drug trafficking. According to one former associate,

According to author Philip Carlo, “Because Gaspipe and Russian mobster Marat Balagula hit it off so well, Casso was soon partners with Balagula on a diamond mine located in Sierra LeoneAfrica. They opened a business office in Freetown.

Balagula’s rival, a fellow Russian immigrant named Vladimir Reznikov, drove up to Balagula’s offices in the Midwood section of Brooklyn. Sitting in his car, Reznikov opened fire on the office building with an AK-47 assault rifle. One of Balagula’s close associates was killed and several secretaries were wounded.

Then, on June 12, 1986, Reznikov entered the Odessa nightclub in Brighton Beach. Reznikov pushed a 9mm Beretta into Balagula’s skull and demanded $600,000 as the price of not pulling the trigger. He also demanded a percentage of everything Balagula was involved in. Shortly after Reznikov left, Balagula suffered a massive heart attack. He insisted, however on being treated at his home in Brighton Beach, where he felt it would be harder for Reznikov to kill him. When Anthony Casso arrived, he listened to Balagula’s story and seethed with fury. Casso later told his biographer Philip Carlo that, to his mind, Reznikov had just spat in the face of the entire Cosa Nostra. Casso responded, “Send word to Vladimir that you have his money, that he should come to the club tomorrow. We’ll take care of the rest.”[10] Balagula responded, “You’re sure? This is an animal. It was him that used a machine gun in the office.” Casso responded, “Don’t concern yourself. I promise we’ll take care of him … Okay?” Casso then requested a photograph of Reznikov and a description of his car.

The following day, Reznikov returned to the Rasputin nightclub to pick up his money. Upon realizing that Balagula wasn’t there, Reznikov launched into a barrage of profanity and stormed back to the parking lot. There, Reznikov was shot dead by DeMeo crew veteran Joseph Testa. Testa then jumped into a car driven by Anthony Senter and left Brighton Beach. According to Casso, “After that, Marat didn’t have any problems with other Russians.”

In 1986, Balagula was masterminding a $750,000 credit card scam when a business associate, Robert Fasano, began wearing a wire on him for the U.S. Secret Service. After being convicted on Federal charges, Balagula fled to Antwerp with his longtime mistress Natalia Shevchenko. After three years as a fugitive, Balagula was arrested in Frankfurt am MainWest Germany, on February 27, 1989. In December 1989, Balagula was extradited to the United States and sentenced to eight years in prison for credit card fraud.

In November 1992, Balagula was convicted at a separate trial for gasoline bootlegging and sentenced to an additional ten years in Federal prison. While passing sentence, Judge Leonard Wexler declared, “This was supposed to be a heaven for you. It turned out to be a hell for us.”

Balagula served his sentence and was released from Federal prison in 2004.

He died from cancer in 2019.

Must Watch Videos – The Men Who Killed Kennedy

Must Watch Videos – The Men Who Killed Kennedy

 

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Putin Dead ? !

Putin Dead ? !
Vladimir Putin is the latest celeb to fall victim to a death hoax
News of politician Vladimir Putin’s death spread quickly earlier this week causing concern among fans across the world. However the March 2015 report has now been confirmed as a complete hoax and just the latest in a string of fake celebrity death reports. Thankfully, the Russian president is alive and well.

Vladimir Putin death hoax spreads on Facebook

Rumors of the politician’s alleged demise gained traction on Sunday after a ‘R.I.P. Vladimir Putin’ Facebook page attracted nearly one million of ‘likes’. Those who read the ‘About’ page were given a believable account of the Russian politician’s passing:

At about 11 a.m. ET on Sunday (March 01, 2015), our beloved politician Vladimir Putin passed away. Vladimir Putin was born on October 7, 1952 in Saint Petersburg. He will be missed but not forgotten. Please show your sympathy and condolences by commenting on and liking this page.

Hundreds of fans immediately started writing their messages of condolence on the Facebook page, expressing their sadness that the talented 62-year-old politician and president was dead. And as usual, Twittersphere was frenzied over the death hoax.

Where as some trusting fans believed the post, others were immediately skeptical of the report, perhaps learning their lesson from the huge amount of fake death reports emerging about celebrities over recent months. Some pointed out that the news had not been carried on any major Russian network, indicating that it was a fake report, as the death of a politician of Vladimir Putin’s stature would be major news across networks.

A recent poll conducted for the Celebrity Post shows that a large majority (67%) of respondents think those Vladimir Putin death rumors are not funny anymore.

Vladimir Putin Death Hoax Dismissed Since Politician Is ‘Alive And Well’

On Monday (March 02) the politician’s reps officially confirmed that Vladimir Putin is not dead. “He joins the long list of celebrities who have been victimized by this hoax. He’s still alive and well, stop believing what you see on the Internet,” they said.

Some fans have expressed anger at the fake report saying it was reckless, distressing and hurtful to fans of the much loved politician. Others say this shows his extreme popularity across the globe.

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Inside Chinatown Mafia – Full Movie

When Hong Kong mobsters, known as a Triad, move into San Franciscos Chinatown, the traditional Chinese underworld collides with modern American gang culture leading to a brutal turf war. With dead bodies piling up on the street law enforcement struggles to smash the secretive world of the Triads.

Joseph D. Pistone aka “Donnie Brasco” – Full Movie

Joseph Dominick Pistone, alias Donnie Brasco, (born September 17, 1939), is a former FBI agent who worked undercover for six years infiltrating the Bonanno crime family and to a lesser extent the Colombo crime family, two of the Five Families of the Mafia in New York City.[1][2] Pistone was an FBI agent for 17 years and is considered to be an FBI legend.[3]
Pistone was a pioneer for deep long-term undercover work. J. Edgar Hoover originally did not want FBI agents to work undercover because it could be a dirty job and might end up tainting the agents, but Pistone’s work helped convince the FBI that using undercover agents instead of just using informants was a crucial tool in law enforcement.

Pistone was born in Erie, Pennsylvania and grew up in Paterson, New Jersey. He graduated from Paterson State College (now William Paterson University) with a B.A. in elementary education social studies in 1965, then worked as a teacher for one year before taking a position at the Office of Naval Intelligence. Pistone joined the FBI in 1969; after serving in a variety of roles, he was transferred to New York in 1974 and assigned to the truck hijacking squad.
His ability to drive 18-wheel trucks and bulldozers led to being chosen for what would become his first undercover operation, infiltrating a gang stealing heavy vehicles and equipment. His penetration of the group led to the arrest of over 30 people along the Eastern Seaboard in February 1976 – described at the time as one of the largest and most profitable theft rings ever broken in America. The name Donald (“Donnie”) Brasco was chosen to be Pistone’s alias.

Pistone was born in Erie, Pennsylvania and grew up in Paterson, New Jersey. He graduated from Paterson State College (now William Paterson University) with a B.A. in elementary education social studies in 1965, then worked as a teacher for one year before taking a position at the Office of Naval Intelligence. Pistone joined the FBI in 1969; after serving in a variety of roles, he was transferred to New York in 1974 and assigned to the truck hijacking squad.
His ability to drive 18-wheel trucks and bulldozers led to being chosen for what would become his first undercover operation, infiltrating a gang stealing heavy vehicles and equipment. His penetration of the group led to the arrest of over 30 people along the Eastern Seaboard in February 1976 – described at the time as one of the largest and most profitable theft rings ever broken in America. The name Donald (“Donnie”) Brasco was chosen to be Pistone’s alias.
[edit]Operation Donnie Brasco (1976–1981)
Pistone was selected to be an undercover agent because he was of Sicilian heritage, was fluent in Italian and was acquainted with the mob from growing up in New Jersey. He also said that he did not perspire under pressure and was aware of the Mafia’s codes of conduct and system. The operation was given the code name “Sun-Apple” after the locations of its two simultaneous operations: Miami (“Sunny Miami”) and New York (“The Big Apple”). After extensive preparation including FBI gemology classes and again using the alias Donnie Brasco, he went undercover as an expert jewel thief.
In September 1976, Pistone walked out of the FBI office and did not return for the next six years. The FBI erased Pistone’s history (making it seem like he never existed) and anyone who called asking for him would be told that no one by that name was employed there. His co-workers, friends and informants had no idea what had happened to him. Pistone stated that it was not the original aim to penetrate the Mafia; rather, the focus was to be on a group of people fencing stolen property from the large number of truck hijackings taking place each day in New York (five to six a day). It was intended that the undercover operation last for around six months.

FBI-Mafia Takedown Largest Coordinated Arrest in FBI History

Agents knock on door in Brooklyn
Agents search a house in Brooklyn

Agents during processing in Brooklyn

BI agents and partner law enforcement officers began arresting nearly 130 members of the Mafia in New York City and other East Coast cities charged in the largest nationally coordinated organized crime takedown in the Bureau’s history.

Members of New York’s infamous Five Families—the Bonanno, Colombo, Gambino, Genovese, and Luchese crime organizations—were rounded up along with members of the New Jersery-based DeCavalcante family and New England Mafia to face charges including murder, drug trafficking, arson, loan sharking, illegal gambling, witness tampering, labor racketeering, and extortion. In one case involving the International Longshoremen’s Association (ILA) at the Ports of New York and New Jersey, the alleged extortion has been going on for years.

Mafia Org Chart

More than 30 of the subjects indicted were “made” members of the Mafia (see graphic), including several high-ranking family members. The arrests, predominantly in New York, are expected to seriously disrupt some of the crime families’ operations.

“The notion that today’s mob families are more genteel and less violent than in the past is put to lie by the charges contained in the indictments unsealed today,” said Janice Fedarcyk, assistant director in charge of our New York Field Office. “Even more of a myth is the notion that the mob is a thing of the past; that La Cosa Nostra is a shadow of its former self.”

The Mafia—also known as La Cosa Nostra (LCN)—may have taken on a diminished criminal role in some areas of the country, but in New York, the Five Families are still “extremely strong and viable,” said Dave Shafer, an assistant special agent in charge who supervises FBI organized crime investigations in New York.  

Today’s operation began before dawn. Some 500 FBI personnel—along with about 200 local, state, and other federal law enforcement officers—took part, including key agencies such as the New York Police Department and the Department of Labor Office of Inspector General. By 11 a.m., more than 110 of the 127 subjects charged had been taken into custody.

DONWLOAD MAFIA FAMILY TREE HERE

mafia-family-tree

ADIC Janice Fedarcyk speaks during press conference in Brooklyn
Janice Fedarcyk, assistant director in charge of the New York FBI, speaks during a press conference
in Brooklyn. To her left is Attorney General Eric Holder. |

The idea for a nationally coordinated LCN takedown originated at the Department of Justice last summer, said Shafer, a veteran organized crime investigator. “We have done big LCN takedowns before, but never one this big.”

Among those charged:

  • Luigi Manocchio, 83, the former boss of the New England LCN;
  • Andrew Russo, 76, street boss of the Colombo family;
  • Benjamin Castellazzo, 73, acting underboss of the Colombo family;
  • Richard Fusco, 74, consigliere of the Colombo family;
  • Joseph Corozzo, 69, consigliere of the Gambino family; and
  • Bartolomeo Vernace, 61, a member of the Gambino family administration.

The LCN operates in many U.S. cities and routinely engages in threats and violence to extort victims, eliminate rivals, and obstruct justice. In the union case involving the ILA, court documents allege that the Genovese family has engaged in a multi-decade conspiracy to influence and control the unions and businesses on the New York-area piers.

“If there’s money to be made,” said Diego Rodriguez, special agent in charge of the FBI’s New York criminal division, “LCN will do it.” He noted that today’s Mafia has adapted to the times. “They are still involved in gambling and loan sharking, for example, but in the old days the local shoemaker took the betting slips. Now it’s offshore online gambling and money laundering. If you investigate LCN in New York,” Rodriguez added, “it’s a target-rich environment.”