Mob connected 2016 Trump supporter.
The connection among knowlege and control is proverbial: one must have knowlege about something so as to control it. ‘MAFIA’ DON is essential perusing for anybody, Republican or Democrat, old or millenial, trying to have a voice the political way wherein Mr. Trump will attempt to take the nation. One of Trump’s mark highlights in the political race cycle was his deriding of opponents with the utilization of overstated names like Crooked Hillary and Lyin’ Ted. Try not to botch that in the ‘MAFIA’ DON title. The book depends on undeniable reality (and contains nitty gritty and archived sections on every one of the Trump mates on this page and others too. A considerable lot of them are potential security dangers to a Trump administration. Be that as it may, the book contains unmistakably in excess of a rundown of his mafia associations. New and indispensable disclosures on other Trump-related themes include:
Trump vulnerabiity to extort and pressure
Trump’s shortcoming at rising up to Mob pressure.
Trump favored model for managing obligation
Father Fred’s horde and KKK ties in addition to how prostitution and betting kicked off the Trump domain
Horde associations with Trump gambling clubs
Trump gambling clubs’ assault of Atlantic City
N.J. Gambling club Control Commission whitewash
Mexican divider, security issues and China
‘I decided in favor of Superman and all I got was Donald J. Trump.’ The basic and not rare occasions where Trump arranging fizzled.
As indicated by data acquired and approved by 17 U.S. insight offices, Vladimir Putin, trying to impact the consequences of the presidential political race, by and by coordinated the hacking (break-in and robbery) of private messages of the Democratic National Committee and other Democratic Party agents including Hillary Clinton’s crusade supervisor. He at that point continued to supervise the dispersal and spilling of those messages through Wikileaks and other Russian-paid “trolls” acting like Trump supporters tweeting via web-based networking media. (A troll is somebody who sows strife on the Internet by posting fiery messages with an end goal to agitate or irritate individuals or upset things.) This is truth. The inquiry is: Were the Russians effective? Savants reveal to us the appropriate response is no in light of the fact that the Russians didn’t meddle with the physical activity of casting a ballot machines or fake genuine vote arrangements. That investigation is bolstered by 100% of Trump voters just as some Clinton supporters yet as we will see, in light of the fact that a feeling is well known, doesn’t make it valid.
Victors get the boasting rights, however Mr. Trump’s success was a long way from the earth shattering groundswell of help he requests that we accept. This year over all others it’s imperative to see exactly how unstable the political race result really was. Trump representatives point to his 306 constituent votes and the quantity of areas he won in key states. Those things are valid yet don’t give the full picture. For a certain something, as is notable, Hillary won the famous vote by near 3 million votes. That gives Mr. Trump by a wide margin the most noticeably awful ever voter shortage among winning presidential up-and-comers in the 200+ year history of presidential crusades. The second biggest shortage for an applicant who proceeded to turn into the president happened in the 2000 political race when George W. Bramble got 544,000 less votes than Al Gore yet still won in the Electoral College. Trump’s 2.8 million+ deficit was multiple times sorrier. Mr. Trump’s endeavor to provide reason to feel ambiguous about that shortage by guaranteeing the presence of 3 – 5 million fake votes from displaced people has been disavowed by reports from the 50 State Attorneys General (the vast majority of whom are Republicans) which neglected to reveal a solitary democratic connivance anyplace in the nation.
A presidential applicant required 270 appointive votes to win in November 2016. Trump wound up with 306 and Clinton 232. Three states chose the political decision for Trump with a normal edge of 0.72 of 1% of the vote. (Michigan went to Trump by 0.25 of 1%, Wisconsin by 0.78 of 1 % and Pennsylvania just barely above 1% of the vote. It’s been determined that a sum of just 78,000 votes from those three states were all that disrupted the general flow of a Clinton triumph. Winning the political race by 3/4 of 1% in three states doesn’t actually confirm a Trump avalanche.
With a valuation for exactly how fragile was the Trump triumph, it merits asking: What issues could have swung 1% or a greater amount of the vote in the last days and long stretches of the general political race? Sadly, when the inquiry is expressed that way, what you generally hear are thoughts from similar news sources and intellectuals who turned out to be so misled and befuddled during the political decision cycle; conclusions, for example, Hillary expected to impart all the more successfully to white collar class laborers, that she didn’t crusade enough in specific states, or (generally harshly) that she was not an entirely agreeable competitor. Such sentiments are of no worth. What is required are realities, for example things that can be demonstrated to exist by noticeable proof. A ‘sentiment’ might possibly be founded on realities, and assessments from the individuals who got it so off-base for such a long time ought to be treated with some doubt. Luckily this political decision managed the chance to acquire an immediate, impartial, and authoritative response to the above inquiry. It has been expressed this was the main “Twitter Election” after the 3-4 Trump messages tweeted out at 3 A.M. every morning rose as one of his mark crusade gadgets. Some have ventured to such an extreme as to credit Trump’s success to this new weapon, however it turns out the Twitter Universe is far more prominent than those couple of day by day Trump tweets. In the four months of the general political race there were more than 45 billion individual online networking messages sent on Twitter alone. Wouldn’t it be extraordinary in the event that we had an approach to cross examine that online networking movement to discover what political race discussions really DID concern and charm the enthusiasm of the American open?
Enter Kristen Soltis Anderson.
AndersonMs. Anderson, a Republican examiner and fellow benefactor and Partner of Echelon Insights, is one surveyor who realizes how to think. She crunched the Twitter numbers to disengage the political race related discussions that most got the intrigue and worry of the American open. The outcomes are astonishing. Neither expenses, the economy, the Mexican Wall, Immigration, China nor even occupations positioned among the main 18 most sizzling subjects in the 100 million political decision related tweets inspected by Anderson’s association. Neither raced or ladies’ privileges.
The unchallenged, unquestionable champ (with multiple times a greater number of tweets than the second place and multiple times a larger number of tweets than the vast majority of different themes on the rundown) was the Russian-hacked messages discharged by Wikileaks. The full rundown from Echelon Insights is given beneath, extricated from information introduced during a meeting with Ms. Anderson on a MSNBC Morning Joe section from Dec. 30, 2016. The accompanying information from Ms. Anderson is additionally removed from that meet.
Twitter Tweets Tell the Tale
“My organization, Echelon Insights, investigates each year at what individuals have been tweeting about in the news. We investigate an entire host of themes, handfuls upon heaps of things. What’s more, what we found in 2016 is that the political decision ruled everything.
“Investigate the points that truly drove this political decision. Generally individuals were not tweeting about the political race that much until we got into general political decision season (at end of the late spring.) We found that the Wikileaks story and the hacking of the DNC and the Podesta messages by a long shot ruled Twitter discussion about the political decision. Some portion of that has to do with the way that story kept coming up. You have things like Trump University, an outrage/discussion that popped and afterward disappeared. While anecdotes about the messages – Hillary Clinton’s email server and the State Department or messages that had been hacked from the DNC and from John Podesta- – those accounts continued returning again and again and over again prompting the all out volume of those points out of sight whatever was negative about Donald Trump.
“At the point when you looked across which crowds were discussing the themes on our rundown, Wikileaks and the hacking popped a lot higher among individuals who were not political activists and Beltway elites. Different stories would pop once and afterward they’d disappear. The Trump Access Hollywood tape was most likely the greatest of the counter Trump stories- – it had a huge spike and afterward it disappeared, though with Wikileaks and the hacked messages, you began at the Democratic Convention with the DNC, and it kept on building, kept on having new spikes and new disclosures over the span of the pre-fall and into the fall.
“What’s outstanding is that when we looked over each one of those various crowds, the Wikileaks and hacking story positioned all the more exceptionally among individuals we had distinguished as not being politically dynamic on one side or the other. For political individuals inside the Beltway circle, so much conversation of different issues had as of now occured during the primaries that their psyches had been molded in a very differnt way. Most others started to look into this political decision after the primaries were finished, after we overcame the shows, so they were all observing things through an alternate focal point. These were people tuning in a lot later all the while. So the embarrassments and stories that had shaken things in the primaries and which had hued how political activists were seeing things, were not being found similarly by far most of standard individuals that were jabbering on Twitter.”
Here’s the finished rundown of interesting issues, removed from the equivalent MSNBC Morning Joe section.
To rehash the first inquiry: Did the Russians win the political race for Trump?
The above graph clarifies that they did. The underlying arrival of Russian-hacked DNC messages was arranged to happen only 3 days before the Democratic National Convention in the mid year of 2016. This set up the Democratic Party into disarray and constrained the abdication of its executive. From that day through to the November political race, new “spills” were made routinely, on various occasions each week. During the 4 months to the political race, Trump pounded home this message a few times each day while fortifying it with his ‘Slanted Hillary Campaign’ and cheerleading serenades of “Lock her up.” He additionally ceaselessly connected the Russian-hacked messages with Clinton’s private messages. This is the manner by which the Russian-hacked messages specifically discharged by Wikileaks turned into the prevailing discussion and essential teaching into the governmental issues of the political decision for most of voters. The picture made was that Clinton couldn’t be trusted, regardless of the way that the releases contained not a smidgeon of Hillary offenses. The media sources accidentally sent this Russian promulgation battle by dispersing the Russian/Wikileaks information, however as we presently know, the most significant crowd was the online networking crowd and this story completely ruled web based life for the aggregate of the general political race process. At the point when the FBI Director decided to open up to the world about the conceivable presence of more Clinton messages found on a staff PC, it accomplished such footing simply because of all the past work the Russians had set into prompting assessment against Clinton by virtue of her messages. There are the individuals who state, “However the messages were genuine messages, not bogus news.” Maybe in this way, yet that is a disengenuous contention and one that really demonstrates the achievement of the Russian activity. The Russians had additionally hacked Trump messages and information however neglected to discharge them. Can there be any uncertainty that on the off chance that they had deliberately discharged individual messages from Trump or any of his family, or consultants rather than Clinton’s, there would have been unmistakably all the more glimmering and licentious stories to estrange the American open with Mr. Trump. As secured on another page of this web, Mr. Trump is the least straightforward President at any point chose for the workplace. Had the Russians needed to, there was no deficiency of Trump privileged insights accessible for releasing that would have soured unquestionably a greater number of voters on Trump than were expected to place the political race into Clinton’s hands.
In Trunp We Trust
In Trump We Trust Coins
So indeed, the Russians did it. Beside the Twitter information there’s a lot of validating proof they needed Trump to win. During the political race Russian State media depicted Hillary as a raving witch for her predictable reactions of Putin, before during and after her residency in the State Department. At the point when Putin attacked the Ukraine she ventured to such an extreme as to compare him to Hitler. Conversely, Russian State media loaded recognition on Trump during the crusade and his success thrilled Russian political elites and force dealers. It was accounted for that In the days following the political race his triumph was praised in bars and cafés across Russia. This Russian enthusiasn is best found in the activity of a gathering of Russian specialists with binds to Putin stamping a lot of larger than usual Sterling silver and strong gold memorial coins to respect President Trump. The coins are about 5 inches wide with an image of Trump on one side and the Statue of Liberty on the other over the engraving: “In Trump We Trust.” These Russian agents shaped their organization three years back to mint a similar size strong gold coins in commendation of Vladimir Putin after he and the Russian military ‘added’ Crimea forcibly in 2014 infringing upon Internatiional arrangements. (The Putin coin is the one at the base of photograph.) Likely clarifications for the hacks and ensuing arrival of material:
b) Putin needed to dispose of Clinton.
b) Putin was taking advantage of Trump as well as the whole USA.
c) Trump and Putin were conspiring.
d) A mix of more than one of the abovementioned.
As the world continues to grapple with the effects of COVID-19, no part of society seems to be left unscathed. Fears are surmounting around the economy’s health, and dramatic changes in life as we know it are also underway.
In today’s graphic, we use data from a World Economic Forum survey of 347 risk analysts on how they rank the likelihood of major risks we face in the aftermath of the pandemic.
What are the most likely risks for the world over the next year and a half?
In the report, a “risk” is defined as an uncertain event or condition with the potential for significant negative impacts on various countries and industries. The 31 risks have been grouped into five major categories:
Among these, risk analysts rank economic factors high on their list, but the far-reaching impacts of the remaining factors are not to be overlooked either. Let’s dive deeper into each category.
The survey reveals that economic fallout poses the most likely threat in the near future, dominating four of the top five risks overall. With job losses felt the world over, a prolonged recession has 68.6% of experts feeling worried.
|#1||Prolonged recession of the global economy||68.6%|
|#2||Surge in bankruptcies (big firms and SMEs) and a wave of industry consolidation||56.8%|
|#3||Failure of industries or sectors in certain countries to properly recover||55.9%|
|#4||High levels of structural unemployment (especially youth)||49.3%|
|#6||Weakening of fiscal positions in major economies||45.8%|
|#7||Protracted disruption of global supply chains||42.1%|
|#8||Economic collapse of an emerging market or developing economy||38.0%|
|#16||Sharp increase in inflation globally||20.2%|
|#20||Massive capital outflows and slowdown in foreign direct investment||17.9%|
|#21||Sharp underfunding of retirement due to pension fund devaluation||17.6%|
The pandemic has accelerated structural change in the global economic system, but this does not come without consequences. As central banks offer trillions of dollars worth in response packages and policies, this may inadvertently burden countries with even more debt.
Another concern is that COVID-19 is now hitting developing economies hard, critically stalling the progress they’ve been making on the world stage. For this reason, 38% of the survey respondents anticipate this may cause these markets to collapse.
High on everyone’s mind is also the possibility of another COVID-19 outbreak, despite global efforts to flatten the curve of infections.
|#10||Another global outbreak of COVID-19 or different infectious disease||30.8%|
|#13||Governmental retention of emergency powers and/or erosion of civil liberties||23.3%|
|#14||Exacerbation of mental health issues||21.9%|
|#15||Fresh surge in inequality and social divisions||21.3%|
|#18||Anger with political leaders and distrust of government||18.4%|
|#23||Weakened capacity or collapse of national social security systems||16.4%|
|#24||Healthcare becomes prohibitively expensive or ineffective||14.7%|
|#26||Failure of education and training systems to adapt to a protracted crisis||12.1%|
|#30||Spike in anti-business sentiment||3.2%|
With many countries moving to reopen, a few more intertwined risks come into play. 21.3% of analysts believe social inequality will be worsened, while 16.4% predict that national social safety nets could be under pressure.
Further restrictions on trade and travel movements are an alarm bell for 48.7% of risk analysts—these relationships were already fraught to begin with.
|#5||Tighter restrictions on the cross-border movement of people and goods||48.7%|
|#12||Exploitation of COVID-19 crisis for geopolitical advantage||24.2%|
|#17||Humanitarian crises exacerbated by reduction in foreign aid||19.6%|
|#22||Nationalization of strategic industries in certain countries||17.0%|
|#27||Failure to support and invest in multilateral organizations for global crisis response||7.8%|
|#31||Exacerbation of long-standing military conflicts||2.3%|
In fact, global trade could drop sharply by 13-32% while foreign direct investment (FDI) is projected to decline by an additional 30-40% in 2020.
The drop in foreign aid could also put even more stress on existing humanitarian issues, such as food insecurity in conflict-ridden parts of the world.
Technology has enabled a significant number of people to cope with the impact and spread of COVID-19. An increased dependence on digital tools has enabled wide-scale remote working for business—but for many more without this option, this accelerated adoption has hindered rather than helped.
|#9||Cyberattacks and data fraud due to sustained shift in working patterns||37.8%|
|#11||Additional unemployment from accelerated workforce automation||24.8%|
|#25||Abrupt adoption and regulation of technologies (e.g. e-voting, telemedicine, surveillance)||13.8%|
|#28||Breakdown of IT infrastructure and networks||6.9%|
Over a third of the surveyed risk analysts see the emergence of cyberattacks due to remote working as a rising concern. Another near 25% see the threat of rapid automation as a drawback, especially for those in occupations that do not allow for remote work.
Last but certainly not least, COVID-19 is also potentially halting progress on climate action. While there were initial drops in pollution and emissions due to lockdown, some estimate there could be a severe bounce-back effect on the environment as economies reboot.
|#19||Higher risk of failing to invest enough in climate resilience and adaptation||18.2%|
|#29||Sharp erosion of global decarbonization efforts||4.6%|
As a result of the more immediate concerns, sustainability may take a back seat. But with environmental issues considered the biggest global risk this year, these delayed investments and missed climate targets could put the Earth further behind on action.
The risk analysts were also asked which of these risks they considered to be of the greatest concern for the world. The responses to this metric varied, with societal and geopolitical factors taking on more importance.
In particular, concerns around another disease outbreak weighed highly at 40.1%, and tighter cross-border movement came in at 34%.
On the bright side, many experts are also looking to this recovery trajectory as an opportunity for a “great reset” of our global systems.
This is a virus that doesn’t respect borders: it crosses borders. And as long as it is in full strength in any part of the world, it’s affecting everybody else. So it requires global cooperation to deal with it.
——Gita Gopinath, IMF Chief Economist
Documents released through Par:AnoIA, allegedly containing details about deals with Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. The documents are partly in English, Russian and Chinese. One document, obtained from the Chinese foreign office in Minsk indicates relations between the notorious Russian mob boss Marat Balagula and high ranking Ukrainian politicians.
Download the documents here:
Marat Balagula (born September 8, 1943, Orenburg, USSR) was a Russian immigrant who was a Former Soviet Union leader and Russian mafia boss, and close associate of the Lucchese crime family. His nickname was “Tony Soprano of the Russian Mafia”.
Balagula was born in 1943 in Orenburg, Russia, at the height of World War II. His mother, Zinaida, fled with the children from their home in Odessa after the German Wehrmacht swept across the Russian steppes. Marat’s father, Jakov, was a lieutenant in the Red Army; Balagula claims that he was one of the armored corps that stormed Berlin during the last desperate hours of the war. In the harshness of the Joseph Stalin era, the Balagulas led a comfortable, middle class life. Jakov worked in a factory manufacturing locks, as did his wife. Young Marat, an average high school student, was drafted into the Soviet Army at the age of nineteen and served as a bursar for three years, after which the Party assigned him to manage a food co-op in Odessa. Determined to get ahead, Marat attended night school, receiving diploma as a teacher of mathematics and then a business degree in economics and mathematics. Like many ambitious Russians with capitalist predilections, he promptly plunged into the country’s flourishing black market. He quickly learned to attend to the demanding appetites of the apparatchiks, making certain that the choicest meats and produce was delivered to them.
In 1977, Balagula decided to move his family to the United States under the Jackson-Vanik Amendment. At first he worked as a textile cutter in Washington Heights, Manhattan for $3.50 per hour. His wife Alexandra later reminisced, “It was hard for us, with no language, no money.”
Balagula’s fortunes improved markedly when he relocated his family to Brighton Beach and began to work for the infamous vor Evsei Agron… Agron, it turned out, was no match for the ambitious Balagula. While Agron’s technical expertise didn’t go beyond seeking sadistic new uses for his electric cattle prod, Balagula wanted to lead the Organizatsiya into the upscale world of white collar crime, and with the experience he had gained in the Soviet Union, he developed a business acumen that put him in a class by himself. surrounded by a cadre of Russian economists and math prodigies at the Odessa restaurant, he acquired a knowledge of global markets that enabled him to make millions in the arcane world of commodities trading. He also energetically cultivated the Italian mobsters he met as Agron’s consigliere. After Agron was executed, Balagula organized his followers into a hierarchy, much like the Italian Mafia and before long, succeeded in transforming the Organizatsiya into a multi-billion dollar criminal empire that stretched across from the tatters of Communist Eastern Europe, Africa, and Southeast Asia. Ultimately, however, it was Balagula’s spectacular success in the gasoline bootlegging business — a scheme that would reportedly earn him hundreds of millions of dollars and an honored position with the Italian Mafia — that would usher in the first Golden Age of Russian organized crime in America.”
According to a former associate “Marat was the king of Brighton Beach. He had a Robin Hood complex. People would come over from Russia and he’d give them jobs. He liked professional men. Guys came over and couldn’t practice medicine or use their engineering degrees. He sought them out. He was fascinated with intellectuals. He co-opted them. He put them into the gasoline business, he put them into car washes or taxi companies. He’d reinvest his own money in their business if they were having trouble. He had a heart.”
According to a former Suffolk County, New York prosecutor, however, there was another side to Balagula.
“Everybody in Brighton Beach talked about Balagula in hushed tones. These were people who knew him from the Old Country. They were really, genuinely scared of this guy.”
After the Colombo crime family began shaking down his gasoline business, Balagula asked for a sitdown with Lucchese crime family consigliere Christopher Furnari at Brooklyn’s 19th Hole social club. According to Anthony “Gaspipe” Casso, who was a Lucchese family soldier present at the meeting, Furnari declared,
“Here there’s enough for everybody to be happy… to leave the table satisfied. What we must avoid is trouble between us and the other families. I propose to make a deal with the others so there’s no bad blood…. Meanwhile, we will send word out that from now on you and your people are with the Lucchese family. No one will bother you. If anyone does bother you, come to us and Anthony will take care of it.”
New York’s Five Families imposed a two cent per gallon “Family tax” on Balagula’s bootlegging operation, which became their greatest moneymaker after drug trafficking. According to one former associate,
“La Cosa Nostra reminded Marat of the apparatchiks, power structure and hierarchy in the Soviet Union. He thought as long as he gave them something they would be powerful allies who would protect him from enemies and law enforcement. Then all of a sudden he was at risk of being killed if he couldn’t pay to the penny.”
Because Anthony Casso and Balagula hit it off so well, Casso was soon partners with Balagula in a diamond mine located in Sierra Leone, Africa. They opened a business office in Freetown. Casso also arranged for an Orthodox Jewish friend of his named Simon Stein, a diamond expert and member of the DeBeers Club, to travel from the Forty-seventh Street diamond district to Africa to smuggle diamonds back into the country in the linings and collars of overcoats and in secret compartments of very expensive leather luggage.
It didn’t take long for word on the street to reach the Russian underworld: Marat Balagula was paying off the Italians; Balagula was a punk; Balagula had no balls. Balagula’s days were numbered. This, of course, was the beginning of serious trouble. Balagula did in fact have balls — he was a ruthless killer when necessary — but he also was a smart diplomatic administrator and he knew that the combined, concerted force of the Italian crime families would quickly wipe the newly arrived Russian competition off the proverbial map.
Shortly afterward, Balagula’s rival, a high-ranking Russian mafia member named Vladimir Reznikov, drove up to Balagula’s offices in the Midwood section of Brooklyn. Sitting in his car, Reznikov opened fire on the office building with an AK-47 assault rifle. One of Balagula’s close associates was killed and several secretaries were wounded.
Then, on June 12, 1986, Reznikov entered the Odessa nightclub in Brighton Beach. Reznikov pushed a 9mm Beretta into Balagula’s skull and demanded $600,000 as the price of not pulling the trigger. He also demanded a percentage of everything Balagula was involved in. After Balagula promised to get the money, Reznikov snarled, “Fuck with me and you’re dead – you and your whole fucking family; I swear I’ll fuck and kill your wife as you watch – you understand?”.
Shortly after Reznikov left, Balagula suffered a massive heart attack. He insisted, however on being treated at his home in Brighton Beach, where he felt it would be harder for Reznikov to kill him. When Anthony Casso arrived, he listened to Balagula’s story and seethed with fury. Casso later told his biographer Philip Carlo that, to his mind, Reznikov had just spat in the face of the entire Cosa Nostra. Casso responded, “Send word to Vladimir that you have his money, that he should come to the club tomorrow. We’ll take care of the rest.” Balagula responded, “You’re sure? This is an animal. It was him that used a machine gun in the office.” Casso responded, “Don’t concern yourself. I promise we’ll take care of him… Okay?” Casso then requested a photograph of Reznikov and a description of his car.
The following day, Reznikov returned to the Rasputin nightclub to pick up his money. Upon realizing that Balagula wasn’t there, Reznikov launched into a barrage of profanity and stormed back to the parking lot. There, Reznikov and two of his underlings was shot dead by Gambino crime family veteran hitman Joseph Testa with a machine gun. Testa then jumped into a car driven by Anthony Senter and left Brighton Beach. According to Casso, “After that, Marat didn’t have any problems with the Russians ever again.”
In 1986, Balagula masterminded a $750,000 credit card scam when a business associate, Robert Fasano, began wearing a wire on him for the U.S. Secret Service. After being convicted on Federal charges, Balagula fled to Antwerp with his longtime mistress Natalia Shevchenko. After three years as a fugitive, Balagula was arrested in Frankfurt am Main, West Germany on February 27, 1989. In December 1989, Balagula was extradited to the United States and sentenced to eight years in prison for credit card fraud.
In November 1992, Balagula was convicted at a separate trial for gasoline bootlegging and sentenced to an additional ten years in Federal prison. While passing sentence, Judge Leonard Wexler declared, “This was supposed to be a haven for you. It turned out to be a hell for us.”
Balagula served his sentence and was released from Federal prison in 2004. Balagula was quoted as saying; “They claim I made $25 million per day bootlegging. It’s crazy! I got nothing. What have I got? The government took my apartment in Manhattan, my house in Long Island, $300,000 in cash. They said, ‘If you don’t cooperate with us you’ll go to jail for twenty years.’ … They want me to tell them about the Mafia, about gasoline, about hits. Forget it. All these charges are bullshit! All my life I like to help people. Just because a lot of people come to me for advice, everybody thinks I’m a boss. I came to America to find work, support myself, and create a future for my children.”
In 1977, Balagula decided to move his family to the United States under the Jackson-Vanik Amendment. At first he worked as a textile cutter in Washington Heights, Manhattan for $3.50 per hour. His wife Alexandra later reminisced, “It was hard for us, with no language, no money.”
In the aftermath of Evsei Agron’s murder, Balagula took over as the most powerful Russian gangster in Brooklyn. According to a former Suffolk County, New York, prosecutor, however, there was another side to Balagula. “Everybody in Brighton Beach talked about Balagula in hushed tones. These were people who knew him from the Old Country. They were really, genuinely scared of this guy.”
After the Colombo crime family began shaking down his gasoline business, Balagula asked for a sitdown with Lucchese crime family consigliere Christopher Furnari at Brooklyn’s 19th Hole social club. According to Anthony “Gaspipe” Casso, who was a Lucchese soldier present at the meeting, Furnari declared,
In the aftermath, New York’s Five Families imposed a two cent per gallon “Family tax” on Balagula’s bootlegging operation, which became their greatest moneymaker after drug trafficking. According to one former associate,
According to author Philip Carlo, “Because Gaspipe and Russian mobster Marat Balagula hit it off so well, Casso was soon partners with Balagula on a diamond mine located in Sierra Leone, Africa. They opened a business office in Freetown.
Balagula’s rival, a fellow Russian immigrant named Vladimir Reznikov, drove up to Balagula’s offices in the Midwood section of Brooklyn. Sitting in his car, Reznikov opened fire on the office building with an AK-47 assault rifle. One of Balagula’s close associates was killed and several secretaries were wounded.
Then, on June 12, 1986, Reznikov entered the Odessa nightclub in Brighton Beach. Reznikov pushed a 9mm Beretta into Balagula’s skull and demanded $600,000 as the price of not pulling the trigger. He also demanded a percentage of everything Balagula was involved in. Shortly after Reznikov left, Balagula suffered a massive heart attack. He insisted, however on being treated at his home in Brighton Beach, where he felt it would be harder for Reznikov to kill him. When Anthony Casso arrived, he listened to Balagula’s story and seethed with fury. Casso later told his biographer Philip Carlo that, to his mind, Reznikov had just spat in the face of the entire Cosa Nostra. Casso responded, “Send word to Vladimir that you have his money, that he should come to the club tomorrow. We’ll take care of the rest.” Balagula responded, “You’re sure? This is an animal. It was him that used a machine gun in the office.” Casso responded, “Don’t concern yourself. I promise we’ll take care of him … Okay?” Casso then requested a photograph of Reznikov and a description of his car.
The following day, Reznikov returned to the Rasputin nightclub to pick up his money. Upon realizing that Balagula wasn’t there, Reznikov launched into a barrage of profanity and stormed back to the parking lot. There, Reznikov was shot dead by DeMeo crew veteran Joseph Testa. Testa then jumped into a car driven by Anthony Senter and left Brighton Beach. According to Casso, “After that, Marat didn’t have any problems with other Russians.”
In 1986, Balagula was masterminding a $750,000 credit card scam when a business associate, Robert Fasano, began wearing a wire on him for the U.S. Secret Service. After being convicted on Federal charges, Balagula fled to Antwerp with his longtime mistress Natalia Shevchenko. After three years as a fugitive, Balagula was arrested in Frankfurt am Main, West Germany, on February 27, 1989. In December 1989, Balagula was extradited to the United States and sentenced to eight years in prison for credit card fraud.
In November 1992, Balagula was convicted at a separate trial for gasoline bootlegging and sentenced to an additional ten years in Federal prison. While passing sentence, Judge Leonard Wexler declared, “This was supposed to be a heaven for you. It turned out to be a hell for us.”
Balagula served his sentence and was released from Federal prison in 2004.
He died from cancer in 2019.
Sachsens Geheimdienst hat Hinweise auf Verbindungen früherer Stasi-Leute zur Organisierten Kriminalität (OK) gehabt. Das gab die Hauptzeugin im Untersuchungsausschuss des Landtages zum sogenannten „Sachsensumpf“ zu Protokoll.
Nach Aussagen der früheren OK-Referatsleiterin im Landesamt für Verfassungsschutz, Simone Skroch, stammten die Informationen dazu von mehreren und voneinander unabhängigen Quellen. Sie hätten bestätigte Hinweise auf das „Bestehen fortwirkender Strukturen des ehemaligen Ministeriums für Staatssicherheit (MfS) in vielschichtiger Verbindung mit Organisierter Kriminalität“ geliefert. Skroch nannte die Bereiche Wirtschaft, öffentliche Verwaltung und das Rotlichtmilieu.
Es habe tatsächlich Anhaltspunkte dafür gegeben, „dass durch Personen aus dem Bereich der OK bewusst und zielgerichtet Situationen der Erpressbarkeit, teilweise in Verbindung mit Bestechung und Korruption, herbeigeführt werden“, erklärte die Zeugin. Das Ziel habe darin bestanden, bestimmte Personengruppen wie Angestellte, Beamte, Politiker und andere Vertreter des öffentlichen Lebens in „Abhängigkeitsverhältnisse“ zu bringen.
„Ehemalige hochrangige Angehörige des MfS und ehemalige Inoffizielle Mitarbeiter des Mfs sollen Schlüsselfunktionen zwischen Angehörigen der regionalen OK und auch der internationalen OK – hier vor allem osteuropäische und italienische OK – eingenommen haben“, hieß es.
Skroch, eine 54 Jahre alte Juristin, bezog sich dabei auf den Fallkomplex „Abseits II“ – das Wirken der Organisierten Kriminalität im Raum Chemnitz, Zwickau und Vogtland. Im Unterschied dazu betrifft der Komplex „Abseits III“ Vorgänge aus dem Raum Leipzig. Der Begriff „Sachsensumpf“ tauchte erstmals im Frühjahr 2007 auf.
Nach Medienberichten enthielten Geheimdienstdokumente Hinweise auf kriminelle Netzwerke in Sachsen. Darin sollten auch Juristen und Polizisten verstrickt sein. Der damalige Innenminister Albrecht Buttolo (CDU) heizte die Spekulationen noch an. Ermittlungen externer Prüfer und der Staatsanwaltschaft Dresden konnten die Vorwürfe aber nicht bestätigen. Vielmehr wurde Skroch beschuldigt, Akten aufgebauscht zu haben. Sie bestreitet das vehement.
Bis zum heutigen Tag sieht sich Skroch mit Disziplinar- und Ermittlungsverfahren konfrontiert. Bei ihrer Befragung erhob sie erneut schwere Vorwürfe gegen die frühere Chefetage des LfV. Der vormalige Präsident Reinhard Boos ist inzwischen wegen Pannen bei der NSU-Aufklärung zurückgetreten. Sein Stellvertreter Olaf Vahrenhold ist noch im Amt.
Bereits im Januar dieses Jahres hatte Skroch in dem Ausschuss öffentlich gemacht, dass zahlreiche Akten fehlen. Über deren Verbleib ist nichts bekannt. Das LfV prüfe die Vorgänge wohl noch, sagte Skroch auf eine entsprechende Anfrage. Konkret geht es um 27 Quellenberichte und 12 Treffvermerke – Dokumente über die Begegnung von Informanten mit Geheimdienstlern.
Skroch ging davon aus, dass ihr Panzerschrank während einer Urlaubsreise im Juni 2007 geöffnet wurde. Unklar ist ferner, warum man sie nach eigenen Aussagen anfangs nicht über ein gegen sie laufendes Disziplinarverfahren informierte. In Unkenntnis davon habe sie sich am 3. Juli 2007 auf dienstliche Anweisung zudem auch noch unvorbereitet einer Zeugenvernehmung durch die Staatsanwaltschaft Dresden stellen müssen. „Ich hätte sofort von meinem Zeugnisverweigerungsrecht Gebrauch gemacht, wenn ich von dem Disziplinarverfahren gewusst hätte“, beschrieb sie die übliche Praxis. Skroch sah darin ein „abgekartetes Spiel“.
Quelle: LVZ-Online, 08.03.2013, 15:27 Uhr
Der Film beginnt, wo Kinder verkauft und missbraucht werden. Bei der Beobachtung eines Berliner Clubs, der einem Ring von Kinderhändlern als Tarnung dient, machen zwei Kommissare eine explosive Entdeckung: Ein angesehener Richter ist einer der Kunden, die bearbeitende Staatsanwältin Lessing eine alte Freundin von ihm. Eines der Kinder, das dort gezwungen wird zu arbeiten, ist die zehnjährige Fee aus Rumänien. Als eine Razzia im Club ins Leere läuft, gelingt Fee die Flucht. Ist die Staatsanwältin zu Beginn noch ungläubig, so wird sie bald zur Verbündeten der jungen Kommissarin Wegemann. Immer tiefer geraten sie in den Sumpf von Unrecht, Menschenhandel und Schattenleben. Wem kann man noch trauen, wenn sich Täterkreise von Politik und Justiz gegenseitig schützen?