In Berlin Putin’s Deputy Kadyrov Terrorizes Chechen Refugees

Germany has a populace of a huge number of Chechens. The greater part of them have shown up in the course of recent years looking for refuge. Meduza has distributed a report on how Chechens endeavor getting to the European Union by intersection the line among Belarus and Poland. At Meduza’s solicitation, Dmitry Vachedin, a columnist presently dwelling in Germany, has examined the existence of Berlin’s Chechen people group and learned of an outfitted posse, the individuals from which undermine their comrades with death for indecent lead.

On a late September evening in 2016, bare photos of twenty-year-old Madina* were messaged as once huge mob from her taken cellphone to each individual on her contact list. After an hour, the telephone rang in her loft in a calm private piece of Berlin.

Madina was the one to reply; she perceived her uncle’s voice. The incensed uncle proclaimed that he would not talk with “the whore” and requested that she call her mom and father to the telephone. The young lady woke her folks. In her quality, the family led a gathering on her destiny. The uncle, who lived in another European nation, recommended that the issue be addressed “inside the family” and that the young lady be returned to their country and executed there. The uncle by and by elected to submit the homicide and surprisingly offered to come to Chechnya, however the whole family had needed to escape the republic back in 2010 because of a contention with nearby specialists. Thus, it was settled that Madina and her mom would take a trip to Chechnya that very morning to meet her uncle, who might play out the execution.

While her uncle got down to booking tickets, her mom was to monitor Madina in order to guarantee that the youngster didn’t flee. Her mom gathered and concealed Madina’s papers and afterward hit the hay in the kid’s room; her uncle intended to call before the morning namaz, which was around six o’clock. The ladies spent the remainder of the night peacefully; Madina’s mom wouldn’t converse with her. The two of them faked rest. At around six, her uncle called and educated them that he had purchased morning tickets from Berlin to Grozny with an exchange in Moscow.

At 6:31 AM sharp, when her mom left the space to wake her dad, Madina snatched her mom’s cellphone and called the police. She disclosed to the administrator that she was a Muslim whose guardians had quite recently discovered that she had a sweetheart (in fact, this was false, yet she was shy of time) and now needed to kill her. She gave her location and hung up. police were at their doorstep with seven minutes. Madina reviews that, after seeing the police, her mom began embracing her. In her nightgown, without her assets or papers, Madina left for a ladies’ home for survivors of misuse.

She didn’t call her folks for seven days. They addressed her benevolent, saying they were sorry to have terrified her. After fourteen days, she got back. When she entered her loft, her mom beat her up, trim her hair, made her put on a burqa and took her to see a gynecologist. After the gynecologist expressed that Madina was as yet a virgin, the family chose to secure her until the seniors made up their brains about her destiny. After seven days, the young lady figured out how to get away – again with the assistance of police – who removed her on the guise of exploring the robbery of her cellphone.

This, nonetheless, was not the finish of her difficulty. At the point when Madina ventured out from home, her case quit being a familial issue and turned into a shared one. As indicated by Madina, it is presently the obligation of any Chechen man, paying little mind to his connections to her of her family or scarcity in that department, to discover her and rebuff her. In Berlin, there is has a pack of Chechens professing to be accountable for such matters. “There is no such law; it is not their issue to worry about,” says Madina. “Yet, it’s an unwritten set of principles.”

“Having sworn on the Quran, we go out onto the roads”

Toward the beginning of May, a video was dispersed across WhatsApp channels utilized by Germany’s Chechen people group. The video comprised of a foundation photograph of an equipped, concealed man with his weapon pointing at the camera. A male voice conveyed the accompanying message in Chechen: “As-salamu alaykum, Muslim siblings and sisters. Here, in Europe, certain Chechen ladies and men who appear as though ladies do unspeakable things. You know it; I know it; everyone knows it. This is the reason we thusly pronounce: For now, there are around 80 of us. [More] individuals will join. The individuals who have lost their nohchalla (note: public character or attitude), who play with men of other ethnic gatherings and wed them, Chechen ladies who have picked some unacceptable way and those [creatures] who call themselves Chechen men – given a large portion of an opportunity, we will sort every one of them out. Having sworn on the Quran, we go out onto the roads. This is our statement of plan; don’t say that you were not cautioned; don’t say that you didn’t have the foggiest idea. May Allah award us harmony and set our feet on the way towards equity.”

As indicated by sources, this statement was perused by an agent of a Berlin-based group of around 100 individuals, headed by previous partners in crime of Dzhokhar Dudayev – a Chechen dissident pioneer. The “activists” have thrashed at any rate two Chechen young ladies in the previous fourteen days alone. (One of them is an occupant of the Berlin ward of Neukölln). All Berliners of Chechen cause met know about the pack’s presence.

Our interviewees have conceded that in any event half of populace of neighborhood single Chechen young ladies have sufficient data on their cellphones to be considered “liable”. Partner with men of different identities, smoking, drinking liquor, visiting hookah parlors, discotheques, or even open pools can cause mutual rage. A solitary photo in a public WhatsApp talk can pariah a whole family and the remainder of the local area would be obliged to stop all correspondence with them. With everybody under doubt and everybody answerable for each other, Chechen young ladies say they are here and there drew nearer by outsiders in the road who reprimand them for their appearance, including for wearing splendid lipstick. The burglary of a cellphone and the ensuing posting of bargaining material is a hard blow; the shamed individual has nobody to go to and the person who posted the casualty’s photographs doesn’t hazard anything.

Meduza’s interviewees have noted on numerous events that assumptions for conduct are more unbending and exacting in Chechen traveler networks than in Chechnya itself, where young ladies are even permitted to wear short skirts. This marvel has been named “an opposition in uprightness” between the counter Kadyrov European exile local area and Kadyrov-managed Chechnya: each gathering looks for demonstrate that they address “equitable” Chechens. In any case, their implicit rules share a ton practically speaking. “On the off chance that Kadyrov discovers, he will send his men to take me to Chechnya,” fears a Chechen young lady who lives in Berlin and is dating an outsider.

In the fall of 2016, a youthful Chechen lady who later imparted her story to Meduza was recorded on record while strolling down the road and chatting conversing with a non-Chechen man. That very evening, two or three dozen obscure Chechen men drove up to her home in northern Berlin. The man she had the dauntlessness to be seen with was severely beaten; he had practically the entirety of his teeth took out. The young lady figured out how to stow away.

“So here I am figuring: for what reason does my private life concern [them] by any stretch of the imagination? I don’t have any acquaintance with them. I would prefer not to. I’m not their sister or girl. My private life is nobody else’s business,” says the interviewee. As indicated by her and different Chechens, disregarding these dangers, there are to an ever increasing extent “violators” of the ethical code: Chechen young ladies go to German schools, whose educational programs remember classes for sexual training, or German language courses, where they meet individuals of different societies.

Two young ladies disclosed to Meduza that they took a stab at wearing a hijab and sticking to Chechen customs, yet proved unable “stand the pietism of having a twofold existence.” “Even in a hijab, I was known as a whore, for example, for wearing eye make-up. Also, I thought: ‘Who am I attempting to please?'” said one of the young ladies. “To acquire everybody’s regard, you need to put on a headscarf, bring down your eyes, and never venture out from home. In any case, who might need such a day to day existence?” ponders the other.

Following her second getaway from her family, Madina is sequestered from everything from the Chechen people group. She has shaved her head and wears hued contact focal points; she expects to change her name and go through plastic medical procedure. “In the event that you don’t change your name and your face, they will chase you down and execute you,” she says. There is basically no chance to get out for her: to change her name, she needs to apply to a Russian enlistment office, which would be just about as great as handing herself over. In spite of the fact that she moved on from a German secondary school without a hitch, the young lady barely at any point leaves her condo. It is essentially risky. “I would prefer not to be Chechen any longer,” she says.

It is difficult to evaluate the genuine number of Chechens living in Berlin. As per paper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Germany has acknowledged 36,000 Chechens in the previous five years alone. Most of them have remained in Berlin and the encompassing province of Brandenburg, notwithstanding specialists’ endeavors to urge their resettlement to Bavaria. In 2013, the city organization even took a stab at “excepting”

Berlin for Chechen outcasts to forestall the arrangement of an excessively huge ethnic local area nearby. According to the current circumstance, this endeavor was a long way from effective. Despite the fact that Chechen evacuees have a genuinely slim likelihood of being allowed refuge – in 2016, just 2.8 percent of shelter demands were conceded – the local area isn’t becoming any more modest. As per Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, mass removals to Poland (the central matter of passage for Chechens to Germany) or Russia are not normal: in 2016, just 110 Chechen.

Suleiman Gezmakhmaev – “I Served in the Chechen Police and Didn’t Want to Kill People.”

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Ramzan Kadyrov

On Monday, March 15, the paper Novaya Gazeta distributed a report by columnist Elena Milashina, named “I Served in the Chechen Police and Didn’t Want to Kill People.” The story highlights disclosures from Suleiman Gezmakhmaev, a previous official in Chechnya’s Akhmat Kadyrov Police Patrol Service Regiment, about how his unit executed a few local people in mid 2017. He says he helped capture and investigate a portion of these individuals, however he denies taking part in their torment and murder. Prior to distributing Gezmakhmaev’s story, Novaya Gazeta and its accomplices encouraged him and his family escape Russia. In the article, Milashina portrays in detail how she associated with Gezmakhmaev, what he did in the Chechen police, how the executions occurred, and which job high-positioning police authorities supposedly played in the killings.

Columnist Elena Milashina says she got a letter in September 2017 through her companion Musa Lomaev from a Chechen man who’d escaped Russia and was presently looking for haven in Germany. In the letter, the man depicted the torment and murder of prisoners in January 2017 at a base for the Akhmat Kadyrov Police Patrol Service Regiment. Milashina mentioned a gathering with the letter’s creator, and he concurred, incredibly. They initially met in Hamburg in September 2017. That is the way Milashina got familiar with Suleiman Gezmakhmaev.

In April 2017, along with his significant other and their two kids, Gezmakhmaev escaped Chechnya for the European Union through Belarus. At that point, his previous partners in the police were searching for him. The family shown up first in Poland and afterward arrived at Germany. In June 2017, German relocation authorities talked with Gezmakhmaev about his explanations behind leaving Russia. He portrayed the executions in Chechnya however declined to name the authorities capable, stressed that his declaration could arrive at Russian authorities and become an issue in the event that he was denied refuge and compelled to get back to Russia. At last, Germany dismissed his refuge application on the detail that he expected to apply in Poland, where he and his family previously entered the EU. (The Gezmakhmaevs proceeded onward from Poland since it’s by and large a lot harder to get refuge there.)

Novaya Gazeta consented to help them discover asylum elsewhere, however this implied the family required first to get back to Russia.

For eighteen months, Gezmakhmaev and his family did precisely that, living covertly in an asylum given by common liberties activists, never leaving their home, never speaking with family members, and living altogether without the Internet. All through this time, attorneys at the Committee Against Torture recorded long periods of video interviews with Gezmakhmaev. Novaya Gazeta underscores that he gave declaration about the killings not in return for shelter abroad but rather on the grounds that “this horrendous wrongdoing, wherein he was additionally included, burdened him.”

Suleiman Gezmakhmaev was brought into the world in 1989 in the Chechen town of Achkhoy-Martan, around 30 miles southwest of Grozny. After grade school, he began working and never headed off to college. In 2011, he joined the police power. “The military was far off for Chechens. Development, driving a taxi, or the police — those were the alternatives,” he says. Gezmakhmaev turned into an expert rifleman in a police unit named after Akhmat Kadyrov and partook in purported “counterterrorist tasks” (KTOs).

In the help, Gezmakhmaev says he discovered that Chechen police polish off injured agitators in the field. “No one in Chechnya needs a genuine, breathing radical — under torment, they can say excessively,” he clarified. Officials informally gathered their weapons and utilized them to incite augmentations of their counterterrorist tasks by discharging at police designated spots or military units. Gezmakhmaev says law requirement depend on KTOs for subsidizing and execution pointers. The police even killed guiltless onlookers, once in a while during a genuine counterterrorist activity, however it’s simpler “just to abduct somebody and hold him in a cellar until his facial hair growth becomes out, prior to bringing him into the woodland dressed as a guerilla and dispensing with him,” clarifies Gezmakhmaev.

In 2012, Gezmakhmaev saw one of these killings firsthand. During a routine KTO, one of his kindred officials was on night obligation when he heard a man shout. The following morning, there was the sound of shots. Gezmakhmaev and a few different officials were subsequently educated that a radical had been killed in the wake of opposing the police, however Gezmakhmaev says he perceived the dead man: “It was a similar person they brought to our storm cellar a month prior. He was exceptionally pale and totally shaggy.” After this episode, Gezmakhmaev says he began keeping away from KTO tasks.

Lawfully, the Akhmat Kadyrov Police Patrol Service Regiment does not have the position to capture individuals and hold them in confinement on the unit’s own grounds, yet officials did it in any case, wearing the emblem of other police branches. “Every one of the men in the regiment have an entire arrangement of bars and stripes from various divisions, including the exceptional powers, the mob police, Russia’s Interior Ministry, and their own unit,” Gezmakhmaev revealed to Novaya Gazeta. While he was in the help, Gezmakhmaev says the regiment completed mass captures only twice before January 2017: once in 2015 (when nobody was murdered) and again in 2016 (when the police purportedly beat at any rate two detainees to death).

Toward the beginning of January 2017, Gezmakhmaev’s regiment was requested to gather together people associated with arranging an assault against the 42nd Guards Motorized Rifle Division military station on the edges of the Chechen city of Shali. Authorities before long acquired in any event 56 individuals, a large portion of whom were imprisoned in the police unit’s rec center storm cellar. The regiment’s officials, alongside “Terek” exceptional powers troops and police from different regions, beat the prisoners with elastic hoses and clubs, tormenting them with power and bringing down them into barrels of water. The torment halted just when a detainee admitted or kicked the bucket.

Starting on January 14, Gezmakhmaev was doled out to watch the detainees being held in the exercise center storm cellar. Along with another official, his companion Suleiman Saraliev, he says they used to carry the prisoners to the shower whenever the situation allows and sneak them cleanser. They’d likewise allowed the men to ask and asked the regiment’s cafeteria laborers for additional food. Proportioned only a couple of slices of bread a day, in addition to perhaps a saltine, the detainees were purposely starved and kept feeble. “They couldn’t walk and would implode,” reviews Gezmakhmaev, who says his discussions with the prisoners persuaded him that they were honest.

There were in excess of twelve assumed “guerilla administrators” among the detainees, everything except one of whom wound up dead. Gezmakhmaev says he actually addressed “amir” Makhma Muskiev, who later sobbed under torment and admitted to each wrongdoing his abusers recommended. Adam Dasaev, another alleged administrator, “shouted around evening time like a crazy individual.” The police additionally captured his cousin, Imran Dasaev, imprisoning him in the cellar with a shot injury in his leg, which they would not treat, to guarantee gangrene.

As indicated by Gezmakhmaev, Dasaev said his leg injury happened when Chechen pioneer Ramzan Kadyrov coincidentally shot him. (Various different sources affirmed this record to Novaya Gazeta.)

In late January, officials constrained the 13 “amirs” to sign revelations that they wouldn’t leave the district and afterward moved them to another cellar on the compound. As Novaya Gazeta announced beforehand, the men were arranged against the dividers of a diversion room where Shalinsky District Police Chief Tamerlan Musaev and Akhmat Kadyrov Regiment Commander Aslan Iraskhanov were playing table tennis. The detainees were then taken to an adjoining room, where Turpal-Ali Ibragimov, the Shali region organization’s head of staff, was hanging tight for them. Behind the entryway into the room, Gezmakhmaev says he and individual official Suleiman Saraliev saw dead bodies. Saraliev was then arranged to acquire Makhma Muskiev. At the point when Gezmakhmaev understood that he was next to fill in as killer, he pardoned himself from obligation and got back to the sleeping quarters.

The following morning, Saraliev depicted what had happened the earlier evening: first, Ibragimov shot a couple of the “amirs,” before Commander Iraskhanov concluded that it is smarter to execute the detainees without staining the floor and dividers with blood. Eventually, Ibragimov’s watchmen choked the leftover detainees with practice ropes. Saraliev said he had to help execute Muskiev.

Saraliev had just been with the Akhmat Kadyrov Police Regiment for a couple of months when he was requested to participate in the January 2015 executions. The experience transformed him, reviews Gezmakhmaev, who says his companion began experiencing a sleeping disorder and bad dreams about Makhma Muskiev. He started taking Lyrica (an anticonvulsant mainstream among drug addicts in Chechnya) and stressing that Muskiev’s family members may look for retribution against him. Gezmakhmaev says Saraliev eventually chose to discuss the killings to his companion who worked either in the head prosecutor’s office or the insightful council.

The gathering occurred toward the beginning of March 2017. Saraliev’s companion tuned in to his story and requested seven days to consult with his administrators, however that was the last he knew about him. Gezmakhmaev at that point went on wiped out leave and didn’t see Saraliev once more. After one more week, he got a call from Saraliev, who was currently remaining with a cousin. “Try not to accept what they’re saying about me,” he asked Gezmakhmaev. At that point Saraliev quit noting his telephone. Gezmakhmaev learned later that “Terek” uncommon powers administrator Abuzaid Vismuradov (allegedly one of Ramzan Kadyrov’s beloved companions) had visited the regiment joined by “some addict” who guaranteed that Saraliev is gay.

A short time later, says Gezmakhmaev, Vismuradov brought Saraliev’s cousin to the regiment’s military quarters and asked him clearly: “Are you going to kill him or ought to we get it done ourselves?” In its report, Novaya Gazeta doesn’t explain who killed Suleiman Saraliev, yet we realize he was covered the following day, “practically stealthily,” without even a burial service. Gezmakhmaev and his family left Chechnya before long.

The state specialist who inspected Novaya Gazeta’s police report reasoned that Saraliev is as yet alive “yet his area is obscure.” Novaya Gazeta, then, has photos of his grave.

This is what Suleiman Gezmakhmaev wrote in his letter, which Elena Milashina read before she at any point met him in Germany:

“I also want to note that Abuzaid Vismuradov — the [“Terek”] special forces commander and “Akhmat” sports club president, nicknamed “Patriot” — is friends with [Akhmat Kadyrov Police Regiment commander] Aslan Iriskhanov and rarely visits our regiment. At that time, for about three weeks, beginning on January 12 [in 2017] […] Vismuradov came by almost every day. […] I doubt Iriskhanov would have dared to execute prisoners without direct orders from above, since Vismuradov was aware of all that was happening. It was clear that Vismuradov was in charge of everything, from the arrests to the executions. Also, Vismuradov couldn’t have ordered the killings without approval from Ramzan Kadyrov, the head of the Chechen Republic.”