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Die Spur Der Mörder Von Journalistin Daphne Caruana Galizia Führt Nach China

Daphne Caruana Galizia: Urteil nach Mord an Journalistin in Malta: 15 Jahre  Haft - Politik - Westfälische Nachrichten
Daphne Caruana Galizias Arbeit zur Aufdeckung von Korruption in Malta befasste sich mit Visa-zum-Verkauf-Programmen, Energieverträgen und karibischen Offshore-Unternehmen, die für maltesische Politiker gegründet wurden. Eine Untersuchung hat nun ergeben, dass all diese Geschichten zusammenkommen - in China.

Wichtigste Ergebnisse:

Macbridge, ein mysteriöses Unternehmen, das im Rahmen eines von Daphne Caruana Galizia untersuchten Kickback-Programms benannt wurde, ist mit einem chinesischen Berater verbunden, der einen wichtigen Energievertrag in Malta ausgehandelt hat.
Macbridge wurde von der Schwiegermutter des Beraters Chen Cheng gegründet, einem leitenden Angestellten der chinesischen Niederlassung des multinationalen Beratungsunternehmens Accenture.
Sowohl Chen als auch seine Schwiegermutter sind mit Unternehmen und Geschäftsleuten verbunden, die den Verkauf von maltesischen Aufenthaltsvisa in China erleichtern.
Chen bat einen anderen Verwandten, eine Firma zu gründen, die eine Zahlung von einer Million Euro von 17 Black erhielt, einer Firma, die bekanntermaßen dem maltesischen Tycoon Yorgen Fenech gehört, der wegen Mordes an Caruana Galizia angeklagt ist.

Hintergrund:

https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Daphne_Caruana_Galizia

Mord an Journalistin - Weitere Anklagen im Fall Daphne Caruana Galizia -  Wiener Zeitung Online
Der Tatort des Mordes

Für ein winziges Land hat die Mittelmeerinsel Malta eine Vielzahl von Korruptionsskandalen ausgelöst - und die maltesische investigative Journalistin Daphne Caruana Galizia hat die meisten davon in ihrem Kreuzzugsblog Running Commentary behandelt.

Sie war eine der ersten, die über 17 Black berichtete, eine mysteriöse Firma in Dubai, von der sie glaubte, dass sie mit hochrangigen maltesischen Beamten in Verbindung steht. Sie befasste sich auch mit zweifelhaften Umständen im Zusammenhang mit einer Vereinbarung von 2014, eine größere Beteiligung an Maltas einzigem Elektrizitätsunternehmen an ein chinesisches Staatsunternehmen zu verkaufen, und einer verdächtigen späteren Investition in einen Windpark in Montenegro. Und 2016 griff sie einen chinesischen Medienbericht auf, in dem behauptet wurde, Malta würde Aufenthaltsvisa an wohlhabende chinesische Bürger verkaufen - ohne Fragen zur Quelle der Mittel der Antragsteller.

Aber Caruana Galizia hat das Ende dieser Geschichten nicht erlebt, obwohl ihre Arbeit dazu führte, dass sie in Malta zu wichtigen politischen Themen wurden, was zu mehreren Korruptionsfällen und sogar zu Strafanzeigen gegen Mitglieder der politischen Elite des Landes führte.

Im Oktober 2017, nur wenige Stunden nach der Veröffentlichung eines letzten Blogposts - „Es gibt überall Gauner, wo man jetzt hinschaut“ - warnte Caruana Galizia durch eine Autobombe. Ihre Ermordung löste einen Skandal aus, der Korruption im Herzen der maltesischen Regierung aufdeckte, ihren Premierminister stürzte und Schockwellen in der gesamten Europäischen Union auslöste.

Im Zusammenhang mit dem Mord wurden seitdem drei Personen inhaftiert. In einem Gericht in Valletta sagte einer von ihnen, ein angeheuerter Killer, Caruana Galizia sei getötet worden, weil sie "einige Details" zu einem nicht näher bezeichneten Thema veröffentlichen wollte. Der mutmaßliche Vordenker des Bombenanschlags, der maltesische Tycoon Yorgen Fenech, befandt sich im Gefängnis und wartete auf den Prozess, wurde nun aber wieder freigelassen.

Yorgen Fenech. Photo: Mark Zammit Cordina

Yorgen Fenech

Jetzt sind Journalisten von OCCRP und Partnern einer Spur von Hinweisen gefolgt, die Caruana Galizia von Malta nach China entdeckt hat, wo sie zwei Personen entdeckten, die diese Geschichten, die sie verfolgt hatte, miteinander verbinden - den 17-Korruptionsskandal der Schwarzen, die zweifelhaften Energieverträge und die Residenz Visa-for-Sale-Programm.

"Durch diese Skandale wurde deutlich, dass sie immer wieder zur Beteiligung derselben Personengruppen führen", sagte ihr Sohn Matthew Caruana Galizia gegenüber OCCRP, nachdem er die Ergebnisse der neuen Untersuchung überprüft hatte.

"Es ist ein klarer Hinweis darauf, wie es einigen Einzelpersonen in kürzester Zeit gelungen ist, den gesamten Staatsapparat eines EU-Landes zu übernehmen und ihn zu ihrem eigenen Vorteil in ein Piratenschiff zu verwandeln."
Nachdem Caruana Galizia getötet worden war, rannten Journalisten auf der ganzen Welt, um sich mit den Themen zu befassen, die sie behandelt hatte, darunter 17 Schwarze. Sie hatte wiederholt über das Unternehmen geschrieben und vorgeschlagen, dass es an Spitzenpolitiker gebunden sei, aber es gelang ihr nie, die Behauptung zu beweisen.


Im Jahr 2018 enthüllten Reuters und die Times of Malta, dass 17 Black im Besitz von Fenech war, einem auffälligen lokalen Geschäftsmann mit einem angeblichen Geschmack für Kokain und Rennpferde. Er stand einigen der mächtigsten politischen Persönlichkeiten Maltas nahe - darunter Premierminister Joseph Muscat und sein Stabschef Keith Schembri - und leitete ein Konglomerat, das Teil eines Konsortiums war, das 2013 eine große Konzession für den Bau eines 450-Millionen-Konzerns erhielt. Euro-Kraftwerk.

Fenech benutzte offenbar 17 Black, um Bestechungsgelder an Politiker weiterzuleiten. Die Geschichte zitierte einen kritischen Beweis: eine durchgesickerte E-Mail von 2015, die von der maltesischen Wirtschaftsprüfungsgesellschaft Nexia BT gesendet wurde und besagt, dass 17 Black voraussichtlich bis zu 2 Millionen US-Dollar an Shell-Unternehmen senden wird, die von zwei hochrangigen maltesischen Politikern in Panama gegründet wurden: Schembri und Energieminister Konrad Mizzi.

Was jedoch nicht allgemein berichtet wurde, war, dass in der E-Mail ein anderes mysteriöses Unternehmen als Geldquelle für die Unternehmen von Mizzi und Schembri genannt wurde. Es wurde in der Presse nur als "Macbridge" bezeichnet.

Die 2015 von Nexia BT an die panamaische Anwaltskanzlei Mossack Fonseca gesendete E-Mail über die Gründung von Shell-Unternehmen für Keith Schembri und Konrad Mizzi.

Caruana Galizia hatte sich ebenfalls leise in das Unternehmen eingegraben, nachdem sie 2016 von derselben E-Mail erfahren hatte und von einer Quelle gehört hatte, dass Macbridge und 17 Black laut ihrem Sohn und Aufzeichnungen ihrer Arbeit, die von Reportern gesehen wurden, „entscheidend für die Entschlüsselung des Webs“ waren .

Macbridge war jedoch schwerer zu finden als 17 schwarze und maltesische Beamte, die sich geweigert haben, Fragen zur Existenz des Unternehmens zu beantworten. Als der damalige Finanzminister Edward Scicluna letztes Jahr von einem Reporter gefragt wurde, dem Macbridge gehörte, erwiderte er: "Sehen Sie, wenn Sie sensationell sein wollen, fahren Sie fort." Journalisten glaubten, es handele sich um ein Unternehmen der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate wie 17 Black, aber dort wurde nie eine Spur davon gefunden.

Dies liegt daran, dass die Wurzeln des Unternehmens tatsächlich auf der halben Welt liegen. OCCRP und seine Berichtspartner haben dies in Hongkong entdeckt. Das Unternehmen ist dort als "Macbridge International Development Co Ltd" registriert, zusammen mit einem chinesischen Namen, der die Zeichen für "Malta" und "China" kombiniert.

Reporter stellten außerdem fest, dass 17 Black Mitte 2016 1 Million Euro an ein anderes Unternehmen in Hongkong, Dow's Media Co Ltd, sandte, das eine sehr ähnliche Struktur und Struktur wie Macbridge aufweist.

Dow’s Media wurde im Oktober 2014, nur wenige Wochen nach Macbridge, unter Verwendung des gleichen in Hongkong ansässigen Formationsagenten und der gleichen registrierten Adressen in Hongkong und Shanghai gegründet. Beide Unternehmen wurden im Januar 2019 innerhalb einer Woche voneinander aufgelöst.

Die Ermittler in Malta suchten 2018 im Rahmen einer Untersuchung zu „möglicher Korruption und Geldwäsche“ nach Einzelheiten zu beiden Unternehmen aus Hongkong und China.

Macbridge und Dow’s Media sind so eingerichtet, dass es schwierig ist festzustellen, wem sie tatsächlich gehören. Sie werden von Shell-Unternehmen auf den Seychellen bzw. den Marshallinseln kontrolliert.

Reporter stellten jedoch fest, dass beide von Vertretern mit familiären Bindungen zu einem Mann geleitet werden: einem chinesischen Berater, der im Mittelpunkt wichtiger Geschäfte mit dem von Maltas Regierung unterstützten Energieversorger Enemalta steht.

Caruana Galizia hatte ausführlich über diesen Mann, Chen Cheng, einen Geschäftsführer der chinesischen Energiesparte des globalen Beratungsunternehmens Accenture, geschrieben. Chen war einer der Hauptakteure bei den Verhandlungen über einen Deal 2014 für Chinas staatseigenes Unternehmen Shanghai Electric Power, ein Drittel von Enemalta zu kaufen.


Das Geschäft hatte einen Wert von 320 Millionen Euro, die größte Auslandsinvestition des Landes, wurde jedoch in Malta und auf dem Blog von Caruana Galizia kritisiert, weil es dem chinesischen Unternehmen zu günstigen Konditionen gewährt hatte.

Accenture hat Shanghai Electric Power bei dem Deal beraten, und Chen hat ihn in den chinesischen Medien als wegweisendes Belt-and-Road-Projekt angepriesen, das vom chinesischen Ministerpräsidenten Li Keqiang gebilligt wurde.

Caruana Galizia berichtete, dass eine Quelle ihr sagte, Chen sei "dem Energieminister Konrad Mizzi besonders nahe", der die Verhandlungen auf maltesischer Seite beaufsichtigte. (Bei einer anschließenden Untersuchung wurden E-Mails zwischen Chen, Mizzi und anderen über einen Plan zur Gründung einer Agentur in China im selben Jahr zur Förderung von Investitionen in Malta aufgedeckt.)

Sie enthüllte auch ein wichtiges Detail über Chen: Als die Wirtschaftsprüfungsgesellschaft Nexia BT Schembri und Mizzi half, Geheimfirmen in Panama zu registrieren, gründete sie auch eine Firma für Chen auf den Britischen Jungferninseln.


Was Daphne jedoch nicht wusste, war, dass Chen im Zusammenhang mit dem Kickback-Skandal, den sie entwirrte, auch mit den Offshore-Unternehmen verbunden war - und mit den Aufenthaltsvisa-Systemen, über die sie seit langem Verdacht hegte.


Macbridge und Dow's Media wurden beide ungefähr zur gleichen Zeit in Hongkong gegründet, als Chen an dem Enemalta-Deal arbeitete, und zwar von zwei seiner Familienmitglieder: Tang Zhaomin, seiner 65-jährigen Schwiegermutter, und Wang Rui, seiner Cousine der Schwiegermutter.

Reporter verfolgten Wang in die ostchinesische Stadt Nanjing, wo sie und Tang eine Firma besitzen, die lokale Niederlassungen der Fast-Food-Kette KFC betreibt.

In einem Telefoninterview sagte sie, Chen habe sie gebeten, Dows Medien zu öffnen, weil die Verbindung zu einem chinesischen Staatsunternehmen es ihm "unpraktisch" machte, dies selbst zu tun. Sie sagte, sie wisse nichts über die Geschäftstätigkeit oder den Erhalt von 1 Million Euro von 17 Black.

Tang konnte nicht für einen Kommentar erreicht werden. Die neuen Beweise, die das von ihr geleitete Unternehmen Macbridge mit ihrem Familienmitglied Chen verbinden, deuten jedoch darauf hin, dass der chinesische Geschäftsmann eine Rolle bei der Weiterleitung von Geldern an die geheimen Panama-Unternehmen Schembri und Mizzi gespielt hat.



Geld von was? Es ist unklar, aber nach der erfolgreichen Investition von Shanghai Electric Power in Enemalta wurde Chen einer der Hauptförderer einer anschließenden Investition von Enemalta 2015 in das Windparkprojekt Mozura in Montenegro.

Laut einer internen Enemalta-Untersuchung hat Accenture diese Investition im Dezember 2014 beraten, wobei Chen Enemalta in einer PowerPoint-Präsentation die Idee vorstellte.

Die Untersuchung warf ernsthafte Bedenken hinsichtlich des Deals auf, bei dem auch Fenech eine Rolle spielte.

Seine 17 Black halfen heimlich dabei, den Kauf einer Mehrheitsbeteiligung an Enemalta im Dezember 2015 für 2,9 Millionen Euro über ein Darlehen an einen Seychellen-Vermittler namens Cifidex Limited zu finanzieren. Das Unternehmen, das Chen in den Deal einbezogen hatte, verkaufte seine Projektanteile nur zwei Wochen später für 10,3 Millionen Euro an Enemalta und erzielte einen enormen Gewinn.

Cifidex hat das Darlehen dann an 17 Black zurückgezahlt, zusammen mit einem Gewinn von 4,6 Millionen Euro aus dem Deal. 17 Black wiederum schickte von Mai bis Juli 2016 ungefähr zur gleichen Zeit 1 Million Euro an Dow's Media.

Obwohl OCCRP keinen endgültigen Beweis dafür gefunden hat, dass dies dasselbe Geld war, deuten die neuen Beweise darauf hin, dass Chen nicht nur an der Erleichterung geheimer Geldflüsse für maltesische Spitzenpolitiker beteiligt war, sondern auch von der 17 Black-Pipeline profitierte.



Ein Sprecher von Enemalta sagte per E-Mail, dass der interne Bericht über das Abkommen zwischen Montenegro und Mozura „an die Polizei weitergeleitet wurde, um bei Ermittlungen behilflich zu sein. Weitere Kommentare zu diesem Zeitpunkt wären unklug. “

In einer Erklärung zu Chens angeblichen Aktivitäten im Zusammenhang mit Energiegeschäften und Offshore-Unternehmen sowie zu seinen offensichtlichen Interessenkonflikten sagte Accenture: „Wir nehmen diese Angelegenheit sehr ernst und prüfen diese Anschuldigungen sorgfältig, da sie sich auf einen unserer Mitarbeiter beziehen. Wir halten uns in jedem Markt, in dem wir tätig sind, an die höchsten ethischen Standards und tolerieren keine Abweichungen von diesen Standards. “ Chen selbst antwortete nicht auf Anfragen nach Kommentaren.

Mizzi sagte per E-Mail, dass er "keine Informationen" über Macbridge oder irgendjemanden habe, der damit verbunden sei, und fügte hinzu, dass er "die Behauptung, dass eine direkte oder sonstige Verbindung besteht", zwischen seinem Unternehmen und Macbridge "konsequent zurückgewiesen" habe.

"Ich lehne auch den Vorschlag ab, Geschäftspläne mit Macbridge zu haben oder ein persönliches Interesse an einem öffentlichen Projekt zu haben", sagte er. "Ich kenne Chen Cheng als Berater, der [Shanghai Electric Power] bei mehreren Initiativen unterstützt, und meine Interaktionen mit ihm fanden in diesem offiziellen Kontext statt."

Schembri antwortete nicht auf eine Bitte um Kommentar. In den letzten Tagen haben maltesische Staatsanwälte ihn, seinen Vater und neun Geschäftspartner, darunter Mitarbeiter von Nexia BT, wegen Betrugs und Geldwäsche in einem nicht verwandten Fall angeklagt.

Chen und seine Schwiegermutter sind nicht nur an Offshore-Unternehmen und Energiegeschäften beteiligt. Reporter stellten fest, dass sie auch Verbindungen zu einem der größten Unternehmen Maltas haben: dem Verkauf von Staatsbürgerschafts- und Aufenthaltsvisa an wohlhabende Ausländer, die die Insel als Hintertür in die Europäische Union nutzen können.

Diese Verbindungen laufen über einen Geschäftsmann aus Shanghai, der den Verkauf von maltesischen Aufenthaltsvisa in China effektiv kontrolliert - über dieselbe Firma, die Caruana Galizia in ihrem Blogbeitrag 2016 hervorgehoben hat.

Zu dieser Zeit hatte sie kaum mehr zu tun als einen einzigen Medienbericht und ein Foto, das eine Unterzeichnungszeremonie für den Start des Malta Residence and Visa-Programms in China zeigt, das von Konrad Mizzis Frau Sai Mizzi Liang geleitet wird. Aber „Instinkt, Erfahrung und die Nase für eine Geschichte“ sagten ihr, dass die Situation mehr zu bieten hatte.



Ein Foto von der Eröffnungsfeier 2016 des MRVP-Programms. Sai Mizzi Liang, die Frau von Konrad Mizzi, steht im Hintergrund, vierte von rechts.
„Der nächste Schritt, der hier unternommen werden muss - bitte, andere Journalisten steigen in diesen ein -, besteht darin, einen Weg zu finden, um die Beteiligungen und Beteiligungen dieses Unternehmens in China zu überprüfen, was sehr schwierig, aber notwendig sein wird. " Sie schrieb.

Caruana Galizia hatte Recht, dass es schwierig ist, Unternehmen in China aufzuspüren. Obwohl das Land über ein Unternehmensregistrierungssystem verfügt, sind die darin enthaltenen Informationen häufig unstrukturiert oder unvollständig und können nur von Personen navigiert werden, die fließend Chinesisch sprechen.

Nach monatelangen Nachforschungen stellten Reporter jedoch fest, dass die Shanghai Overseas Exit-Entry Services Co. Ltd., die die offizielle Konzession für den Verkauf von Visa für maltesische Aufenthaltsgenehmigungen in China besitzt, von einem Geschäftsmann namens Mao Haibin, auch bekannt als Kevin Mao, betrieben wird.

Chinesische Aufzeichnungen zeigen, dass Mao Verbindungen zu Chen und seiner Schwiegermutter hat - der Frau, die Macbridge leitet.

Mao und Chen waren Partner in mindestens zwei Unternehmen, darunter Shanghai Visabao Network Technology Co. Ltd., die in mehreren großen chinesischen Städten tätig ist und chinesischen Bürgern bei der Beschaffung von Visa im Ausland hilft.

Chens Schwiegermutter ist Managerin und Aktionärin einer von Mao kontrollierten Werbeagentur in Shanghai, die wiederum ein wichtiger Sponsor der Veranstaltungen des Malta Residence and Visa Program in China war.

Mao, der nicht auf Anfragen nach Kommentaren geantwortet hat, hat mehrere andere Geschäftsinteressen im Zusammenhang mit der Erleichterung chinesischer Investitionen im Ausland - und speziell in Malta.




Aldo Cutajar (zweiter von rechts) und Mao Haibin (ganz rechts) sind bei einem Treffen im Jahr 2018 in den Büros von Shanghai Bangyi zu sehen, einem von Mao kontrollierten Unternehmen.

In den letzten Jahren hat er eine wichtige Rolle bei Maltas Bemühungen gespielt, wohlhabende chinesische Staatsangehörige für sein Visa-Verkaufsprogramm zu gewinnen. Er trat bei mehreren Veranstaltungen in Shanghai auf, um für das Programm zu werben, zusammen mit hochrangigen maltesischen Vertretern wie John Aquilina, Maltas Botschafter in China, und Aldo Cutajar, Maltas ehemaligem Generalkonsul in Shanghai. Einige dieser Veranstaltungen beinhalteten aufwendige Bankette, an denen hochrangige maltesische Diplomaten teilnahmen, mit zahlreichen warmen Zeugnissen über Maltas Status als „Schlüsselknoten“ in Chinas „Seidenstraße“.

Die maltesische Staatsbürgerschaftsbranche wurde jedoch kontrovers diskutiert. Im August 2020 wurde Aldo Cutajar von den maltesischen Behörden festgenommen und beschuldigt, illegal vom Verkauf von Visa in China profitiert und den Erlös gewaschen zu haben. Bei einer Durchsuchung seines Hauses fanden sie mehr als 540.000 Euro in bar und vier Rolex-Uhren. Im folgenden Monat wurde Schembri ebenfalls verhaftet, weil er angeblich Rückschläge vom Verkauf maltesischer Pässe an wohlhabende Russen erhalten hatte.

Mao hat mehrere andere Visa- und Immobilienunternehmen, die sich an wohlhabende chinesische Bürger richten, die im Ausland investieren möchten. Einige davon überschneiden sich mit seiner Arbeit, maltesische Aufenthaltsgenehmigungen zu verkaufen. Dazu gehören Shanghai Bangyi, ein Unternehmen für Visa- und Einwanderungsdienste, und Grandstone Investment, das Vermögensverwaltungsdienste für chinesische Staatsangehörige anbietet, die Geld ins Ausland transferieren möchten.

Die Website bietet ein Portal für direkte Anträge auf das Malta Residence and Visa Program. Er ist sogar Miteigentümer eines maltesischen Unternehmens, Asiatica Corporate Services Ltd, zusammen mit Mizzis persönlichem Anwalt, Aron Mifsud Bonnici, der auch eine Rolle bei der Aushandlung der Windparkinvestitionen von Enemalta spielte. Auf Fragen antwortete Mifsud Bonnici, er kenne Mao “in seiner Eigenschaft als CEO der Shanghai Overseas Exit Entry Services” und habe in seiner Rolle als Anwalt Visumanträge über offizielle Einwanderungssysteme bearbeitet. Mifsud Bonnici sagte, Asiatica sei eröffnet worden, um Visumantragstellern Unternehmensdienstleistungen anzubieten, habe aber nie ein Geschäft generiert. “Daher hat es nie funktioniert und steht jetzt vor der Liquidation”, sagte er.

Er sagte, er kenne Chen als Berater von Shanghai Electric Power und habe ihn “einige Zeit nach meiner Amtszeit als Enemalta-Vorstandssekretär” getroffen. Im Jahr 2019 gründete Maos jüngerer Bruder Mao Haichun zwei maltesische Unternehmen zusammen mit Roderick Cutajar, dem ehemaligen Leiter der Malta Residence Visa Agency, die den weltweiten Verkauf von Aufenthaltsvisa überwacht. Eines ihrer Joint Ventures verkauft seinen Wohnsitz in Malta und anderen europäischen Ländern an chinesische und internationale Käufer. Das andere ist ein verbundenes Immobilienunternehmen. Roderick Cutajar sagte Reportern, dass die Visafirma immVest nicht mit Mao Haibins Shanghai Overseas Entry Exit Service Ltd. verbunden ist.

“Meine Beziehung ist ausschließlich mit immVest International”, sagte er. “Darüber hinaus können Sie sicher sein, dass ich weder mit Aldo Cutajar, Chen Cheng noch mit Macbridge eine persönliche oder geschäftliche Beziehung habe.” In einer Rede, die im Januar dieses Jahres in chinesischen Videoblogs veröffentlicht wurde, äußerte sich Roderick Cutajar lyrisch über Maltas Bestreben, weiterhin chinesisches Kapital und neue Bürger anzuziehen. Er behauptete, China über 40 Mal besucht zu haben und sagte, das Geschäft boomte.

“Unsere Absicht ist es, weiter zu wachsen”, sagte er.

In einer Welt außerhalb Chinas trauert die Familie von Caruana Galizia immer noch um ihren Verlust und sucht nach Gerechtigkeit. Matthew Caruana Galizia sagte, seine Mutter wäre über die neuen Informationen über das Nest der Unternehmen, die sie untersucht hatte, zufrieden gewesen. „Die neuen Enthüllungen bestätigen, was sie wusste und versucht hatte, andere zu erkennen – dass die kriminelle Verstrickung politischer und geschäftlicher Interessen ein wesentliches bestimmendes Problem unserer Zeit ist. Korruption kostet Leben, genauso wie es meine Mutter kostet “, sagte er. “Ich denke, wenn sie am Leben wäre, um dies zu sehen, würde sie ein Gefühl der Erleichterung empfinden, dass ihre Arbeit bestätigt wird und dass sie in ihrem Kampf nicht allein ist.”

Berlin Murder – New Intel On FSB Involvement Exposed

  • In a series of investigations in 2019 and 2020, Bellingcat, along with its investigative partners The Insider and Der Spiegel, identified the person suspected in the August 2019 assassination of Georgian asylum seeker Zelimkhan Khangoshvili in Berlin. The suspected assassin, who traveled to Berlin under the name of Vadim Sokolov, a Russian citizen, was arrested by Berlin police shortly after the killing and is currently on trial at the Berlin appellate court (Kammergericht).
  • Our initial investigation found that the passport on which the arrested suspect traveled was state-issued, but linked to an inauthentic identity; and that a man with the particulars of “Vadim Sokolov” did not exist in Russian registries prior to 2019. We concluded that this cover identity – which had obtained a full set of matching presence in all kinds of Russian registries, including the tax registry, in 2019 – could only have been issued by the Russian authorities.
  • Subsequently, we were able to match the suspect to the real identity of Vadim Krasikov, 56, a person whom Russian investigators placed on an international search in connection with a 2013 murder. The Interpol search warrant had been withdrawn in 2015. Our identification was based largely on geographically overlapping use of telephones used by “Vadim Sokolov” and Vadim Krasikov as well as on facial comparison of a black-and-white photograph of Krasikov to the arrest mugshots and visa application photos of “Vadim Sokolov”.
  • Based on analysis of telephone metadata, we found that prior to his trip to Berlin, Vadim Krasikov had been communicating intensively with members of the Vympel group of companies – comprised primarily of former FSB Spetsnaz officers – and had visited secure FSB training facilities in the immediate eve of his trip to Germany.
  • Largely in reliance of Bellingcat’s investigations, German prosecutors have indicted Vadim Krasikov as a killer who acted on behalf of the Russian state, and in particular the country’s security service – the FSB. The case is currently in trial phase at first-instance court in Berlin, and a verdict is expected in the first half of 2021. The prosecution believes that there is overwhelming forensic evidence that the detained suspect is in fact the assassin – including DNA match with items disposed of by the killer in the Spree river. However, the killing’s connection to Russian state largely hinges on the case that “Vadim Sokolov” and Vadim Krasikov are the same person. 
  • The accused maintains that his name is Vadim Sokolov, that he was a tourist in Berlin, and that he is not aware of a Vadim Krasikov. The defense lawyers argue that the evidence of identity of the two personas is inconclusive, and is based solely on a facial comparison.

New data freshly obtained by Ukrainian law enforcement and passed on to German investigators strongly supports the key premise of Bellingcat’s identification, and removes more or less any residual uncertainty that “Sokolov” and Krasikov are the same person. This data was obtained during a special operation of Ukrainian law enforcement in Kharkiv, Ukraine’s second largest city and the hometown of Vadim Krasikov’s wife. According to sources of our investigative partner Spiegel, the new data has been passed to German law enforcement in the last few days. Spiegel obtained some of the documents and photographs from the new data set and shared them with Bellingcat.

Тhe new data includes photographs from what appears to be a 2010 wedding album of Vadim Krasikov and his current wife. They also include a marriage certificate, showing the husband’s name as “Vadim Krasikov”.

The color photographs, which have been reviewed by us, provide multiple new samples of Vadim Krasikov’s face from different perspectives, making a facial comparison significantly more reliable than by use of the original black-and-white photos that we previously obtained. The identity match using the new photographs in Microsoft’s Azure tool is even higher, with a matching factor of 0.88902 (this factor is very high given the 10 year difference between the photographs and the facial hair changes; similar comparisons using photos with a 10-year gap of the of the same person yield results between 0.75 and 0.9).

A screen grab of facial comparison results using the Microsoft Azure tool.

Crucially, the newly obtained collection of photographs includes an image of Vadim Krasikov sitting on a beach in a baseball cap and a tank top. Visible in the photograph is a large tattoo on his left shoulder. This tattoo is identical to the tattoo seen on the shoulder of “Vadim Sokolov”, from a police custody photograph obtained previously by the Dossier Center.

Left, a tattoo on the arm of Vadim Sokolov. Right, a picture of Vadim Krasikov.

The near-perfect match is not only based on the exact same pattern of the tattoo and its identical placement on the same spot on the left upper arm in both photographs. A close-up comparison of the skin under the tattoo shows multiple overlapping skin artefacts, such as freckles, moles and scars.

A comparison of tattoos detailed in pictures of Vadim Sokolov and Vadim Krasikov.

Importantly, the German indictment documents as well as a police file describing the arrested “Sokolov” refer to a second tattoo – of a snake – on his lower right arm. This is compatible with a tattoo partially visible on the lower right arm of Krasikov’s beach photo.

A second tattoo on the arm of Vadim Krasikov.

The new photographs provided by Ukrainian authorities to German prosecutors present a new set of data points that make the identification of the accused as Vadim Krasikov even more robust than before. Furthermore, they provide an important second independent source for this verification. Notably, many of the wedding album photographs show Krasikov in the presence of his wife, his parents and in-laws – thus linking the person from the photographs to the name of Vadim Krasikov that is seen in the marriage certificate.

New Indications of an FSB link

As reported in our previous investigations, in the months following the killing of Khangoshvili and the arrest of Vadim Krasikov, metadata of the telephone previously used by Krasikov shows that that number continued communicating with a burner number which had not called Krasikov before the Berlin trip.

Our working hypothesis was that following his departure, Krasikov’s number was used by his wife – this was corroborated by the geolocation data that showed the phone stayed within the home base of Krasikov’s apartment, and occasionally moved in sync with his wife’s phone number. Krasikov’s telephone moved in the direction of Domodedovo airport on 6 December 2019 and was turned off permanently at approximately noon on that day. Our assumption was that the burner number belonged to one of Krasikov’s supervisors from the Vympel group – Evgeny Eroshkin, a senior former FSB special operations officer.

By tracing the burner number’s geolocation on that day, we discovered that it also moved towards Domodedovo airport, and later that day reappeared in Simferopol – the main city and airport on the Crimean peninsula.

By analysing the flights between Domodedovo and Simferopol airports on that day, we were able to narrow down the potential flights to only one that matched the switch-off and switch-on times of the burner number. We then obtained the passenger manifest of this flight.

In the passenger list, we discovered, as we suspected, Evgeny Eroshkin – confirming our hypothesis that he was the owner of the burner number. We also identified two other passengers – appearing to be a woman and her daughter. The woman and the child’s first names matched those of Krasikov’s wife and daughter, however the last name was different (per our editorial policy we do not publish names of relatives of our investigation subjects).

Notably, the birth date of the woman was exactly one year older than that of Krasikov’s wife.

This is a pattern of false-identity creation that appears to be preferred by the FSB; and we have previously identified and reported on this in the case of the FSB poison squad that tailed Alexei Navalny. The passport number on which the woman traveled had a prefix of 45 that means that it would have been issued in Moscow.

We verified if a person with this name and birthdate exists in any Russian databases, and the result was negative. This, together with the naming and birthdate pattern, plus the full match of the child’s birthdate with that of Krasikov’s child, corroborated our hypothesis that the Russian authorities had issued a new identity to Vadim Krasikov’s family, and had provided them with an FSB “handler”. Indeed, travel data for Mr. Eroshkin shows that he traveled from Moscow to Crimea at least once every month since that initial trip in December 2019, and used this burner phone almost exclusively for communication with a new burner number that we believe is used by Ms. Krasikova.

Notably, the passport number issued for the new, fake identity of Vadim Krasikov’s wife shows that it is not a regular number issued in 2019. The numbering of the passport (45044201**) indicates that it was issued in Moscow in 2004 or early 2005 (long before Ms. Krasikova moved from Ukraine to Russia in 2009). More importantly, the passport number appears to be from a series of sequentially numbered passports issued to FSB undercover operatives. For instance, a number from the same series and only a few numbers apart was used by “Sergey Lukashevich”, a cover persona who in 2015 served as Minister of State Security of the “Donetsk People’s Republic”. Multiple media reports and witness testimony confirm that the so-called Ministry of State Security was staffed by FSB undercover operatives.

A screengrab showing travel details and passport number of “Sergey Lukashevich”.

Other passports from the same numbering range belong to other non-existing personas, some of which flew on joint bookings with members of the closest entourage of former Ukrainian president Yanukovich.

These new findings corroborate even further our previous conclusion that the FSB had a direct involvement in the preparation and commissioning of the Berlin assassination, and in the cover-up of the evidence after the killing. This, apparently, includes issuing cover identities for Krasikov’s family members and moving them to Crimea, where they appear to be in direct contact with an FSB handler.

The FSB Handler

Based on leaked 2017 employment data, Evgeny Eroshkin, born 1963, is an employee of Vympel Sodeystvie, one of the many Vympel-named private security companies formally owned by Eduard Bendersky. As written earlier, Bendersky is a former FSB Spetsnaz commander who owns a cluster of security-themed companies that boast of being able to “resolve any issue as complex as it may be” and being incorporated by former FSB special service officers. A review of recent airline travel data shows that in 2015 and 2016 Bendersky flew on joint bookings with Col. Gen. Alexey Sedov, Director of FSB’s 2nd Service.

Evgeny Eroshkin, photo from visa application.

In the months before the Khangoshvili assassination, Evgeny Eroshkin communicated by phone intensively with two of the suspects in the murder case: the accused, Vadim Krasikov, and the second suspect Roman Demyanchenko. As described above, our findings indicate that he also communicated frequently and traveled with Krasikov’s presumed wife after Krasikov was detained in Germany, implying that he had at least some degree of involvement in the preparation and clean-up operation after the Berlin attack.

However, data from a 2019 visa application submitted by Eroshkin suggests he may have had plans for more than just a remote involvement in this operation. Data from Schengen’s visa database seen by us shows that on 27 February 2019 Eroshkin applied – under his real name – for a Schengen visa at the Consulate of Greece in Moscow. He requested a multi-entry visa to travel to Europe in the period from 26 April 2019 until 26 October 2019.

However, the Greek consulate did not honor this request, and on the following day – 28 February 2019 – granted him a one-time visa valid only for 17 days during the period from 26 April to 27 May 2019.

Travel records for Eroshkin show that he chose not to use this visa, and did not travel to the Schengen area. Instead, on the day he received the shorter-than-expected visa, he initiated his first phone call to Vadim Krasikov. They had 28 phone interactions in the following five months, the last one just days before his trip to Berlin.

Relevance of Findings

The newly obtained data provided by Ukrainian authorities to the German investigators may become a crucial component in the prosecution’s case. If the new data makes its way to the evidence file of the ongoing court case – which is nearing its final phase – it may be enough to convince the court that “Vadim Sokolov” does not exist, and that on the eve of the assassination, the Russian state issued fake identity documents to Vadim Krasikov. This would strengthen the prosecution’s case that the killing was commissioned by the Russian state. The court will then have to weigh the voluminous – while circumstantial – evidence that Krasikov acted on behalf of the Russian state against the defendant’s continued silence.

In the latest court hearing , the court heard from a police officer to whom the defendant had earlier said that his mother could confirm his identity as “Sokolov”. The presiding judge offered the accused to provide name and contact details for his mother so she could be contacted to testify that he is who he says he is. The defendant’s lawyer quickly intervened and said that his client will continue to use his legal right to remain silent.

If a court verdict does corroborate the prosecution’s indictment, a new set of diplomatic sanctions from Germany are expected. The German government has already committed to further, harsher sanctions against Russia if the court verdict confirms the accusation of state involvement in Khangoshvili’s assassination.

Source:Bellingcat

Colombia Sentences Guerilla Killer of 3 El Comercio Journalists to 29 Years in Prison

Colombia Identifies Bodies Of Murdered El Comercio Staff | News | teleSUR  English

A Colombian court tracked down an individual from a guerilla bunch blameworthy of taking part in the abducting and the homicide of a writer team and sent him in the slammer for almost 29 years, the country’s Prosecution Office reported.

Journalist Javier Ortega, picture taker Paúl Rivas and driver Efraín Segarra were revealing for the El Comercio paper when they were confined in 2018 in the Ecuadorian region of Esmeraldas by individuals from “Oliver Sinisterra,” a group that split from the FARC guerrillas in 2016, the year that agitator bunch marked a harmony manage the Colombian government.

The court condemned Jesús Vargas Cuajiboy, false name Reinel, an individual from the “Olivier Sinisterra,” to 28 years and 8 months in jail, Javier García Trochez of the Prosecution Office’s coordinated violations office said at a public interview.

Reinel watched the casualties during the kidnapping until nom de plume Guacho, the then head of the dissenter structure, requested their murdering. The groups of the three were discovered days after the fact.

Confronted with overpowering proof, Reinel acknowledged his duty regarding the killings and appologized to the casualty’s families from the Cómbita greatest security jail in Boyacá.

The case will probably see more suspects in court, including Gustavo Angulo Arboleda, moniker Cherry, and Gustavo Ospina Hernández, false name Barbas.

In Berlin Putin’s Deputy Kadyrov Terrorizes Chechen Refugees

Germany has a populace of a huge number of Chechens. The greater part of them have shown up in the course of recent years looking for refuge. Meduza has distributed a report on how Chechens endeavor getting to the European Union by intersection the line among Belarus and Poland. At Meduza’s solicitation, Dmitry Vachedin, a columnist presently dwelling in Germany, has examined the existence of Berlin’s Chechen people group and learned of an outfitted posse, the individuals from which undermine their comrades with death for indecent lead.

On a late September evening in 2016, bare photos of twenty-year-old Madina* were messaged as once huge mob from her taken cellphone to each individual on her contact list. After an hour, the telephone rang in her loft in a calm private piece of Berlin.

Madina was the one to reply; she perceived her uncle’s voice. The incensed uncle proclaimed that he would not talk with “the whore” and requested that she call her mom and father to the telephone. The young lady woke her folks. In her quality, the family led a gathering on her destiny. The uncle, who lived in another European nation, recommended that the issue be addressed “inside the family” and that the young lady be returned to their country and executed there. The uncle by and by elected to submit the homicide and surprisingly offered to come to Chechnya, however the whole family had needed to escape the republic back in 2010 because of a contention with nearby specialists. Thus, it was settled that Madina and her mom would take a trip to Chechnya that very morning to meet her uncle, who might play out the execution.

While her uncle got down to booking tickets, her mom was to monitor Madina in order to guarantee that the youngster didn’t flee. Her mom gathered and concealed Madina’s papers and afterward hit the hay in the kid’s room; her uncle intended to call before the morning namaz, which was around six o’clock. The ladies spent the remainder of the night peacefully; Madina’s mom wouldn’t converse with her. The two of them faked rest. At around six, her uncle called and educated them that he had purchased morning tickets from Berlin to Grozny with an exchange in Moscow.

At 6:31 AM sharp, when her mom left the space to wake her dad, Madina snatched her mom’s cellphone and called the police. She disclosed to the administrator that she was a Muslim whose guardians had quite recently discovered that she had a sweetheart (in fact, this was false, yet she was shy of time) and now needed to kill her. She gave her location and hung up. police were at their doorstep with seven minutes. Madina reviews that, after seeing the police, her mom began embracing her. In her nightgown, without her assets or papers, Madina left for a ladies’ home for survivors of misuse.

She didn’t call her folks for seven days. They addressed her benevolent, saying they were sorry to have terrified her. After fourteen days, she got back. When she entered her loft, her mom beat her up, trim her hair, made her put on a burqa and took her to see a gynecologist. After the gynecologist expressed that Madina was as yet a virgin, the family chose to secure her until the seniors made up their brains about her destiny. After seven days, the young lady figured out how to get away – again with the assistance of police – who removed her on the guise of exploring the robbery of her cellphone.

This, nonetheless, was not the finish of her difficulty. At the point when Madina ventured out from home, her case quit being a familial issue and turned into a shared one. As indicated by Madina, it is presently the obligation of any Chechen man, paying little mind to his connections to her of her family or scarcity in that department, to discover her and rebuff her. In Berlin, there is has a pack of Chechens professing to be accountable for such matters. “There is no such law; it is not their issue to worry about,” says Madina. “Yet, it’s an unwritten set of principles.”

“Having sworn on the Quran, we go out onto the roads”

Toward the beginning of May, a video was dispersed across WhatsApp channels utilized by Germany’s Chechen people group. The video comprised of a foundation photograph of an equipped, concealed man with his weapon pointing at the camera. A male voice conveyed the accompanying message in Chechen: “As-salamu alaykum, Muslim siblings and sisters. Here, in Europe, certain Chechen ladies and men who appear as though ladies do unspeakable things. You know it; I know it; everyone knows it. This is the reason we thusly pronounce: For now, there are around 80 of us. [More] individuals will join. The individuals who have lost their nohchalla (note: public character or attitude), who play with men of other ethnic gatherings and wed them, Chechen ladies who have picked some unacceptable way and those [creatures] who call themselves Chechen men – given a large portion of an opportunity, we will sort every one of them out. Having sworn on the Quran, we go out onto the roads. This is our statement of plan; don’t say that you were not cautioned; don’t say that you didn’t have the foggiest idea. May Allah award us harmony and set our feet on the way towards equity.”

As indicated by sources, this statement was perused by an agent of a Berlin-based group of around 100 individuals, headed by previous partners in crime of Dzhokhar Dudayev – a Chechen dissident pioneer. The “activists” have thrashed at any rate two Chechen young ladies in the previous fourteen days alone. (One of them is an occupant of the Berlin ward of Neukölln). All Berliners of Chechen cause met know about the pack’s presence.

Our interviewees have conceded that in any event half of populace of neighborhood single Chechen young ladies have sufficient data on their cellphones to be considered “liable”. Partner with men of different identities, smoking, drinking liquor, visiting hookah parlors, discotheques, or even open pools can cause mutual rage. A solitary photo in a public WhatsApp talk can pariah a whole family and the remainder of the local area would be obliged to stop all correspondence with them. With everybody under doubt and everybody answerable for each other, Chechen young ladies say they are here and there drew nearer by outsiders in the road who reprimand them for their appearance, including for wearing splendid lipstick. The burglary of a cellphone and the ensuing posting of bargaining material is a hard blow; the shamed individual has nobody to go to and the person who posted the casualty’s photographs doesn’t hazard anything.

Meduza’s interviewees have noted on numerous events that assumptions for conduct are more unbending and exacting in Chechen traveler networks than in Chechnya itself, where young ladies are even permitted to wear short skirts. This marvel has been named “an opposition in uprightness” between the counter Kadyrov European exile local area and Kadyrov-managed Chechnya: each gathering looks for demonstrate that they address “equitable” Chechens. In any case, their implicit rules share a ton practically speaking. “On the off chance that Kadyrov discovers, he will send his men to take me to Chechnya,” fears a Chechen young lady who lives in Berlin and is dating an outsider.

In the fall of 2016, a youthful Chechen lady who later imparted her story to Meduza was recorded on record while strolling down the road and chatting conversing with a non-Chechen man. That very evening, two or three dozen obscure Chechen men drove up to her home in northern Berlin. The man she had the dauntlessness to be seen with was severely beaten; he had practically the entirety of his teeth took out. The young lady figured out how to stow away.

“So here I am figuring: for what reason does my private life concern [them] by any stretch of the imagination? I don’t have any acquaintance with them. I would prefer not to. I’m not their sister or girl. My private life is nobody else’s business,” says the interviewee. As indicated by her and different Chechens, disregarding these dangers, there are to an ever increasing extent “violators” of the ethical code: Chechen young ladies go to German schools, whose educational programs remember classes for sexual training, or German language courses, where they meet individuals of different societies.

Two young ladies disclosed to Meduza that they took a stab at wearing a hijab and sticking to Chechen customs, yet proved unable “stand the pietism of having a twofold existence.” “Even in a hijab, I was known as a whore, for example, for wearing eye make-up. Also, I thought: ‘Who am I attempting to please?'” said one of the young ladies. “To acquire everybody’s regard, you need to put on a headscarf, bring down your eyes, and never venture out from home. In any case, who might need such a day to day existence?” ponders the other.

Following her second getaway from her family, Madina is sequestered from everything from the Chechen people group. She has shaved her head and wears hued contact focal points; she expects to change her name and go through plastic medical procedure. “In the event that you don’t change your name and your face, they will chase you down and execute you,” she says. There is basically no chance to get out for her: to change her name, she needs to apply to a Russian enlistment office, which would be just about as great as handing herself over. In spite of the fact that she moved on from a German secondary school without a hitch, the young lady barely at any point leaves her condo. It is essentially risky. “I would prefer not to be Chechen any longer,” she says.

It is difficult to evaluate the genuine number of Chechens living in Berlin. As per paper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Germany has acknowledged 36,000 Chechens in the previous five years alone. Most of them have remained in Berlin and the encompassing province of Brandenburg, notwithstanding specialists’ endeavors to urge their resettlement to Bavaria. In 2013, the city organization even took a stab at “excepting”

Berlin for Chechen outcasts to forestall the arrangement of an excessively huge ethnic local area nearby. According to the current circumstance, this endeavor was a long way from effective. Despite the fact that Chechen evacuees have a genuinely slim likelihood of being allowed refuge – in 2016, just 2.8 percent of shelter demands were conceded – the local area isn’t becoming any more modest. As per Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, mass removals to Poland (the central matter of passage for Chechens to Germany) or Russia are not normal: in 2016, just 110 Chechen.

How Russia Goes After Its Critics & Citizens Abroad

When it comes to carrying out repressions, the Russian government’s reach isn’t limited by its own borders. The Kremlin is known for going after perceived enemies abroad — especially former “insiders” and members of the political opposition. In recent years, high-profile assassinations linked to Russian agents have made headlines around the world, and Moscow has developed a reputation for abusing the Interpol notice system.

At the same time, those who flee Russia’s Chechen Republic are particularly at risk. Under regional leader Ramzan Kadyrov, this sub-national regime has carried out a unique and concerted campaign to control the Chechen diaspora. Moreover, asylum seekers from the Russian North Caucasus who seek refuge in European countries are now faced with rising xenophobia, as well as tightening migration policies that threaten to send them back to Russia.

To find out more about how the Russian — and Chechen — authorities carry out repressive activities beyond Russia’s borders, “The Naked Pravda” spoke to Nate Schenkkan, director for research strategy at Freedom House, and Kateryna Sergatskova, the editor-in-chief of Zaborona Media.

“The Naked Pravda” comes out on Saturdays (or sometimes Fridays). Catch every new episode by subscribing at Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Google Podcasts, or other platforms. If you have a question or comment about the show, please write to Kevin Rothrock at kevin@meduza.io with the subject line: “The Naked Pravda.”

Suleiman Gezmakhmaev – “I Served in the Chechen Police and Didn’t Want to Kill People.”

Wedding in the Caucasus: The US Ambassador Learns that Cognac Is Like Wine  - DER SPIEGEL
Ramzan Kadyrov

On Monday, March 15, the paper Novaya Gazeta distributed a report by columnist Elena Milashina, named “I Served in the Chechen Police and Didn’t Want to Kill People.” The story highlights disclosures from Suleiman Gezmakhmaev, a previous official in Chechnya’s Akhmat Kadyrov Police Patrol Service Regiment, about how his unit executed a few local people in mid 2017. He says he helped capture and investigate a portion of these individuals, however he denies taking part in their torment and murder. Prior to distributing Gezmakhmaev’s story, Novaya Gazeta and its accomplices encouraged him and his family escape Russia. In the article, Milashina portrays in detail how she associated with Gezmakhmaev, what he did in the Chechen police, how the executions occurred, and which job high-positioning police authorities supposedly played in the killings.

Columnist Elena Milashina says she got a letter in September 2017 through her companion Musa Lomaev from a Chechen man who’d escaped Russia and was presently looking for haven in Germany. In the letter, the man depicted the torment and murder of prisoners in January 2017 at a base for the Akhmat Kadyrov Police Patrol Service Regiment. Milashina mentioned a gathering with the letter’s creator, and he concurred, incredibly. They initially met in Hamburg in September 2017. That is the way Milashina got familiar with Suleiman Gezmakhmaev.

In April 2017, along with his significant other and their two kids, Gezmakhmaev escaped Chechnya for the European Union through Belarus. At that point, his previous partners in the police were searching for him. The family shown up first in Poland and afterward arrived at Germany. In June 2017, German relocation authorities talked with Gezmakhmaev about his explanations behind leaving Russia. He portrayed the executions in Chechnya however declined to name the authorities capable, stressed that his declaration could arrive at Russian authorities and become an issue in the event that he was denied refuge and compelled to get back to Russia. At last, Germany dismissed his refuge application on the detail that he expected to apply in Poland, where he and his family previously entered the EU. (The Gezmakhmaevs proceeded onward from Poland since it’s by and large a lot harder to get refuge there.)

Novaya Gazeta consented to help them discover asylum elsewhere, however this implied the family required first to get back to Russia.

For eighteen months, Gezmakhmaev and his family did precisely that, living covertly in an asylum given by common liberties activists, never leaving their home, never speaking with family members, and living altogether without the Internet. All through this time, attorneys at the Committee Against Torture recorded long periods of video interviews with Gezmakhmaev. Novaya Gazeta underscores that he gave declaration about the killings not in return for shelter abroad but rather on the grounds that “this horrendous wrongdoing, wherein he was additionally included, burdened him.”

Suleiman Gezmakhmaev was brought into the world in 1989 in the Chechen town of Achkhoy-Martan, around 30 miles southwest of Grozny. After grade school, he began working and never headed off to college. In 2011, he joined the police power. “The military was far off for Chechens. Development, driving a taxi, or the police — those were the alternatives,” he says. Gezmakhmaev turned into an expert rifleman in a police unit named after Akhmat Kadyrov and partook in purported “counterterrorist tasks” (KTOs).

In the help, Gezmakhmaev says he discovered that Chechen police polish off injured agitators in the field. “No one in Chechnya needs a genuine, breathing radical — under torment, they can say excessively,” he clarified. Officials informally gathered their weapons and utilized them to incite augmentations of their counterterrorist tasks by discharging at police designated spots or military units. Gezmakhmaev says law requirement depend on KTOs for subsidizing and execution pointers. The police even killed guiltless onlookers, once in a while during a genuine counterterrorist activity, however it’s simpler “just to abduct somebody and hold him in a cellar until his facial hair growth becomes out, prior to bringing him into the woodland dressed as a guerilla and dispensing with him,” clarifies Gezmakhmaev.

In 2012, Gezmakhmaev saw one of these killings firsthand. During a routine KTO, one of his kindred officials was on night obligation when he heard a man shout. The following morning, there was the sound of shots. Gezmakhmaev and a few different officials were subsequently educated that a radical had been killed in the wake of opposing the police, however Gezmakhmaev says he perceived the dead man: “It was a similar person they brought to our storm cellar a month prior. He was exceptionally pale and totally shaggy.” After this episode, Gezmakhmaev says he began keeping away from KTO tasks.

Lawfully, the Akhmat Kadyrov Police Patrol Service Regiment does not have the position to capture individuals and hold them in confinement on the unit’s own grounds, yet officials did it in any case, wearing the emblem of other police branches. “Every one of the men in the regiment have an entire arrangement of bars and stripes from various divisions, including the exceptional powers, the mob police, Russia’s Interior Ministry, and their own unit,” Gezmakhmaev revealed to Novaya Gazeta. While he was in the help, Gezmakhmaev says the regiment completed mass captures only twice before January 2017: once in 2015 (when nobody was murdered) and again in 2016 (when the police purportedly beat at any rate two detainees to death).

Toward the beginning of January 2017, Gezmakhmaev’s regiment was requested to gather together people associated with arranging an assault against the 42nd Guards Motorized Rifle Division military station on the edges of the Chechen city of Shali. Authorities before long acquired in any event 56 individuals, a large portion of whom were imprisoned in the police unit’s rec center storm cellar. The regiment’s officials, alongside “Terek” exceptional powers troops and police from different regions, beat the prisoners with elastic hoses and clubs, tormenting them with power and bringing down them into barrels of water. The torment halted just when a detainee admitted or kicked the bucket.

Starting on January 14, Gezmakhmaev was doled out to watch the detainees being held in the exercise center storm cellar. Along with another official, his companion Suleiman Saraliev, he says they used to carry the prisoners to the shower whenever the situation allows and sneak them cleanser. They’d likewise allowed the men to ask and asked the regiment’s cafeteria laborers for additional food. Proportioned only a couple of slices of bread a day, in addition to perhaps a saltine, the detainees were purposely starved and kept feeble. “They couldn’t walk and would implode,” reviews Gezmakhmaev, who says his discussions with the prisoners persuaded him that they were honest.

There were in excess of twelve assumed “guerilla administrators” among the detainees, everything except one of whom wound up dead. Gezmakhmaev says he actually addressed “amir” Makhma Muskiev, who later sobbed under torment and admitted to each wrongdoing his abusers recommended. Adam Dasaev, another alleged administrator, “shouted around evening time like a crazy individual.” The police additionally captured his cousin, Imran Dasaev, imprisoning him in the cellar with a shot injury in his leg, which they would not treat, to guarantee gangrene.

As indicated by Gezmakhmaev, Dasaev said his leg injury happened when Chechen pioneer Ramzan Kadyrov coincidentally shot him. (Various different sources affirmed this record to Novaya Gazeta.)

In late January, officials constrained the 13 “amirs” to sign revelations that they wouldn’t leave the district and afterward moved them to another cellar on the compound. As Novaya Gazeta announced beforehand, the men were arranged against the dividers of a diversion room where Shalinsky District Police Chief Tamerlan Musaev and Akhmat Kadyrov Regiment Commander Aslan Iraskhanov were playing table tennis. The detainees were then taken to an adjoining room, where Turpal-Ali Ibragimov, the Shali region organization’s head of staff, was hanging tight for them. Behind the entryway into the room, Gezmakhmaev says he and individual official Suleiman Saraliev saw dead bodies. Saraliev was then arranged to acquire Makhma Muskiev. At the point when Gezmakhmaev understood that he was next to fill in as killer, he pardoned himself from obligation and got back to the sleeping quarters.

The following morning, Saraliev depicted what had happened the earlier evening: first, Ibragimov shot a couple of the “amirs,” before Commander Iraskhanov concluded that it is smarter to execute the detainees without staining the floor and dividers with blood. Eventually, Ibragimov’s watchmen choked the leftover detainees with practice ropes. Saraliev said he had to help execute Muskiev.

Saraliev had just been with the Akhmat Kadyrov Police Regiment for a couple of months when he was requested to participate in the January 2015 executions. The experience transformed him, reviews Gezmakhmaev, who says his companion began experiencing a sleeping disorder and bad dreams about Makhma Muskiev. He started taking Lyrica (an anticonvulsant mainstream among drug addicts in Chechnya) and stressing that Muskiev’s family members may look for retribution against him. Gezmakhmaev says Saraliev eventually chose to discuss the killings to his companion who worked either in the head prosecutor’s office or the insightful council.

The gathering occurred toward the beginning of March 2017. Saraliev’s companion tuned in to his story and requested seven days to consult with his administrators, however that was the last he knew about him. Gezmakhmaev at that point went on wiped out leave and didn’t see Saraliev once more. After one more week, he got a call from Saraliev, who was currently remaining with a cousin. “Try not to accept what they’re saying about me,” he asked Gezmakhmaev. At that point Saraliev quit noting his telephone. Gezmakhmaev learned later that “Terek” uncommon powers administrator Abuzaid Vismuradov (allegedly one of Ramzan Kadyrov’s beloved companions) had visited the regiment joined by “some addict” who guaranteed that Saraliev is gay.

A short time later, says Gezmakhmaev, Vismuradov brought Saraliev’s cousin to the regiment’s military quarters and asked him clearly: “Are you going to kill him or ought to we get it done ourselves?” In its report, Novaya Gazeta doesn’t explain who killed Suleiman Saraliev, yet we realize he was covered the following day, “practically stealthily,” without even a burial service. Gezmakhmaev and his family left Chechnya before long.

The state specialist who inspected Novaya Gazeta’s police report reasoned that Saraliev is as yet alive “yet his area is obscure.” Novaya Gazeta, then, has photos of his grave.

This is what Suleiman Gezmakhmaev wrote in his letter, which Elena Milashina read before she at any point met him in Germany:

“I also want to note that Abuzaid Vismuradov — the [“Terek”] special forces commander and “Akhmat” sports club president, nicknamed “Patriot” — is friends with [Akhmat Kadyrov Police Regiment commander] Aslan Iriskhanov and rarely visits our regiment. At that time, for about three weeks, beginning on January 12 [in 2017] […] Vismuradov came by almost every day. […] I doubt Iriskhanov would have dared to execute prisoners without direct orders from above, since Vismuradov was aware of all that was happening. It was clear that Vismuradov was in charge of everything, from the arrests to the executions. Also, Vismuradov couldn’t have ordered the killings without approval from Ramzan Kadyrov, the head of the Chechen Republic.”

Proof – Marian Kočner, Suspected Murderer of Slovak Journalist Jan Kuciak Controlled Judges

Ján Kuciak, a youthful Slovak insightful columnist who was killed three years prior, never made quick work of what might have been the greatest story of his life.

Since quite a while ago receptive to monetary misrepresentation and defilement, he was intently following the doings of Marian Kočner, a reckless money manager who much of the time showed up on TV and in the sensationalist newspapers to boast about his manors and sports vehicles.

In 2017, Kuciak had gone over Kočner’s most recent plan: an endeavor to get an adjudicator to grant him almost 70 million euros from the coffers of a mainstream TV slot on the rear of deceitful archives.

Kuciak just had conditional proof to go on, yet in May 2017 he distributed an article portraying how an adjudicator had overlooked key proof to administer in support of Kočner. After nine months, the youthful writer was killed.

The incredible finance manager was very much aware of Kuciak’s detailing and had undermined him previously. In March 2019, he was accused of getting sorted out the homicide of Kuciak and his fiancee, dispatching a fight in court that grasped Slovakia’s consideration for quite a long time.

Unexpectedly, however Kočner was absolved of that charge (a decision investigators are engaging), he wound up accepting a heavy jail sentence for the fake plan Kuciak had been attempting to uncover.

The youthful correspondent could never recount that full story himself. Yet, utilizing court records, a huge number of instant messages, and meetings with police agents, OCCRP and its Czech part community, investigace.cz, would now be able to show precisely what Kočner did — and how he nearly pulled off it.

The plan was basic, even “unsophisticated,” as the possible liable decision put it. What Kočner depended on was not splendor, but rather his associations inside Slovakia’s legal framework. Utilizing pay-offs, terrorizing, and an amazing delegate, he directed the results for this situation and others that were essential to him.

“What he was doing was made conceivable by the framework,” said Jaroslav Láska, the police specialist who drove the criminal examination concerning Kočner’s phony reports. “The framework and the political pioneers that were here. It was his association with legislative issues, to equity, to everything — that is the thing that made him so solid.”

In a previous examination, OCCRP showed how, for quite a long time, Kočner utilized money and kompromat to twist the country’s legal framework to his will.

It was solely after Slovaks shouted out for equity in the wake of Kuciak’s homicide that Kočner confronted lawful results after numerous long stretches of exemption.

What’s more, it wasn’t just him. Following up on proof from Kočner’s held onto wireless, the police have done a few significant debasement examinations that have captured above and beyond twelve adjudicators, investigators, and police authorities. Presently, only three years after his demise, the string that Kuciak began pulling has disentangled, uncovering a framework that was no good.

In light of solicitations for input, Kočner’s attorney Marek Para said that his legitimate group would claim the conviction, and called a portion of the proof against his customer “not real and controlled.”

To extricate 70 million euros from TV Markiza, a mainstream TV channel, Kočner went to Pavol Rusko, a desperate youth colleague who likewise turned out to be the station’s long-lasting co-proprietor and chief.

In 2005 Rusko unexpectedly sold his keep going offers for next to nothing and thusly experienced monetary challenges, bowing out of all financial obligations in 2012. Kočner assisted his old associate by purchasing the bank’s case on his home and allowing him to continue to live there. In a matter of seconds a short time later, their conspiring started.

Kočner got tightly to a printer and paper made around the year 2000. He utilized them to make bogus promissory notes showing that he had lent Rusko almost 70 million euros that year. The notes said the obligation was “ensured” by TV Markiza.

As the station’s previous chief, Rusko marked the notes and vouched for their veracity. But since he was bankrupt and had no reserve funds, the commitment to follow through on the phony obligation would tumble to TV Markíza. Kočner sued the station in 2016 for declining to pay.

His case didn’t appear to be solid. Kočner was requesting the reimbursement of a gigantic advance that had probably been given without anybody yet him and Rusko truly thinking about it. Television Markíza’s overall chief affirmed that its bookkeepers had discovered no proof of any arrangement having been made with Kočner. The station’s legal counselors likewise called attention to that Rusko’s mark on the promissory notes was altogether different from the one he utilized on different reports in 2000.

Police examiners would later discover at any rate six master experts who affirmed that the promissory notes were phony.

Kočner expected to guarantee that such proof would not be heard in court. He went to Monika Jankovská, a previous appointed authority who had ascended to the situation of agent equity serve. With her senior position, broad associations, and love of extravagance extras, she was the ideal switch.

Jankovská would later deny any relationship with Kočner. “I don’t know him, I did not communicate with him, neither directly nor indirectly,” she said at a press conference. “Not in person, nor through a middleman. In no way.”

But the evidence says otherwise. Encrypted text messages extracted by the police from an app used by Kočner show that Jankovská was an invaluable ally and intermediary. In the ten months leading up to Kočner’s arrest in June 2018, he and Jankovská exchanged over 6,000 calls and messages.

Jankovská also happened to be the mentor and former supervisor of Zuzana Maruniaková, a new and inexperienced judge at Bratislava’s fifth district court who had just been assigned to hear one of Kočner’s suits against TV Markiza.

Later, after being detained by police, Judge Maruniaková described Jankovská’s insistent campaign to pressure her to rule in Kočner’s favor.

“She helped me many times, especially when she found doctors for my seriously ill mother,” Maruniaková said. “I always respected her instructions, though I sometimes disagreed.”

Maruniaková said Jankovská first approached her shortly after she was assigned the Kočner suit. The case was easy, her former boss assured her, and the promissory notes genuine. “I won’t trick you into some bullshit,” Maruniaková recalled her saying.

Kočner’s messages show that Jankovská was acting on his instructions.

JZuza [Zuzana Maruniaková] isn’t replying. Might be working.Jankovska02.11.2017 13:45:21KOK. Hopefully she’ll reply. I guess she won’t work until tonight. Try to manage it before you leave [on holiday].Kočner02.11.2017 14:09:13JSure.Jankovska02.11.2017 14:43:39

Fearing a less auspicious hearing for his claims after the 2020 parliamentary elections, he wanted to rush the trial.KWe need to push hard with Zuza to achieve at least something, because this won’t be possible after the elections.Kočner5.11.2017 09:48:01

Kočner believed he had everything ready, including bulletproof evidence.KToday, there was an expert analysis done by the department of chemical and alimentary technology of [Slovak Technical University]. … They made an analysis of the [promissory notes] papers. … So far the result is the promissory note is AT LEAST 15 YEARS OLD!Kočner27.09.2017 15:02:32KThis might convince Zuzka to move! What do you think?Kočner27.09.2017 15:10:11

“Jankovská urged me to set a hearing date as soon as possible, preferably for September 2017, and to make the ruling at this first hearing,” Maruniaková later testified. “I didn’t feel ready, so we agreed to set up the first hearing on February 8.”

Three days before the hearing, Kočner wrote Jankovská again.KSHE MUST NOT POSTPONE.Kočner05.02.2018 18:50:34JNo, or I will fuck her myself 👊👊👊👊. She promised. Multiple times. I made her what she is, so it is time to pay the debt!!!!!Jankovská05.02.2018 18:51:19

Jankovská then paid a visit to Maruniaková’s office. “She was very upset and unpleasant,” Maruniaková said. “She said that she always helped me and my family. And that, depending on what I do on February 8, she’ll decide whether she’ll turn the page and forget about my ‘misbehavior.’”

“I told her that I was scared. And she answered that I should be scared only after [the ruling].”

Jankovská’s messages to Kočner confirm that the two were waging a campaign of intimidation.JYesterday she [Maruniaková] was sitting in a cafe and saw you in a car. She almost shit herself, thinking that you were following her.Jankovská31.01.2018 16:50:38JShe can shit or pee herself for what I care!!! She’s supposed to do what she promised! Otherwise I will end [things] with her.Jankovská06.02.2018 15:44:43

But despite the pressure, Maruniaková did not issue a ruling at the first hearing on February 8, later explaining that it was not her “normal practice” to do so. Kočner had to wait until the next hearing, which was scheduled for Thursday, February 22.

That morning, an anonymous bomb threat forced all the courts in Bratislava to be evacuated. TV cameras captured Kočner pacing in front of the building and talking on his cell phone.

Prosecutors would later establish that, by that time, he’d known for several hours what the rest of the country would not learn until the following week: The previous evening, Ján Kuciak, the young investigative reporter who had been hot on his trail, had been murdered along with his fiancée, Martina Kušnírová.

When their bodies were found four days later, the news made international headlines. Growing protests would eventually lead to the resignation of the prime minister and other officials.

But Kočner was still thinking of his promissory notes.KHello. Is Zuza ok?Kočner26.2.2018 21:07:45JFor now, she is. A bit scared after today 😂😂😂Jankovská26.2.2018 21:10:39KShe should do what she is required to do. Or she will end up like Kuciak 😜😜😜.Kočner26.2.2018 21:15:19

In the end, his case took four more hearings to conclude. But on April 26, Maruniaková finally ruled in Kočner’s favor, declaring the promissory notes genuine.

The businessman was elated.JHurrayyyy we got rid of oneJankovská26.04.2018 13:28:15KFinally some success, I believe the tables have turned.Kočner26.04.2018 13:28:20

But TV Markiza’s defense team was adamant that the trial had been conducted unfairly, pointing to Maruniaková’s failure to admit key witnesses and expert testimony that would have contradicted Kočner and Rusko’s claims. Instead, she had relied on the analysis of a single forensic expert provided by Kočner himself.

Maruniaková later conceded that she had caved. “I do admit that during the trial, I was influenced by Dr. Jankovska, I was acting under her pressure,” she told police.

“As a young new judge, I didn’t handle the situation well. I succumbed to pressure and wasn’t acting rationally,” she said. But Maruniaková was adamant that her decisions had not been influenced by the promise of financial reward.

Messages between Kočner and Jankovská suggest otherwise.KI suppose you’re going to split Zuza’s reward also with Denisa.Kočner21.02.2018 18:46:24JNo, Deni will get part of mine. I promised that cunt something and now I must keep it.Jankovská21.02.2018 18:46:50“Denisa” is another judge, Denisa Cviková, who allegedly helped Maruniaková write her judgement.

In an appeal to the Regional Court in Bratislava, the TV Markiza team challenged the fairness of the trial. They also filed a criminal complaint against Kočner and Rusko. The case was assigned to an experienced investigator, Jaroslav Láska.

He had little idea what he was getting into.

On a freezing February morning, Láska met an OCCRP reporter in a park in the historic central Slovak town of Banská Bystrica to recount his experience. The tall, thin man was animated, his eyes sparkling, as he spoke about the Kočner case, which he says changed his life. But he’s glad that difficult period is over.

As he set to work, methodically collecting evidence to expose Kočner’s forgery, he realized he was being targeted himself.

“It happened to my son that he was followed by a car all the way from school to home,” he said. “He called me [when I was] in Bratislava, and he was alone there at home.”

Kočner had hired private detectives to track his family.

“I was just telling myself, you idiot, you put him in danger!”

Láska said that Kočner also hatched a plot to compromise him. “I was asked to meet someone,” he said. “This someone came with Para [Kočner’s lawyer].” Láska understood that the idea was for someone to publish a photo of the two men together to suggest that he was leaking information to Kočner. “I immediately turned and walked away,” he said. “That probably saved me.”

“I underestimated his influence and how far he was willing to go,” Láska said.

But he continued his work. On June 20, 2018, Rusko and Kočner were charged with counterfeiting, falsification, unauthorized production of money and securities, and obstruction of justice.

“We got intel that he was planning an escape, had a boat ready in Croatia,” Láska said. “We needed to act immediately.”

Commandos tracked Kočner down and handcuffed him as he was eating with friends at a Caribbean-themed bar on the shores of a lake outside Bratislava.

“Was he surprised? Well, you never know with Kočner. He has this poker face,” Láska said.

At their criminal trial, Kočner and Rusko’s legal teams continued arguing that the promissory notes were genuine, and had been confirmed as such by expert analysis.

Jankovská, arrested on March 11, 2020, along with Maruniaková and 11 other judges, denied intimidating her former subordinate. But Maruniaková started cooperating with police, admitting that she had made her decision under Jankovská’s influence.Credit: David Ištok/Aktuality.skZuzana Maruniaková is brought in for questioning by National Crime Agency officers on March 11, 2020.

Jankovská’s lawyer, Peter Erdős, declined to comment for this article, citing the ongoing court case. However, he noted that his client was not serving as a public official at the time of the promissory notes case.

In early 2020, Kočner was found guilty and sentenced to 19 years in prison. The sentence was confirmed by the Supreme Court on January 12, marking the first time the businessman had faced consequences in his long years of pulling the strings. His co-conspirator, Rusko, was sentenced to 19 years in prison.

Though Kočner is now sitting in a Bratislava prison, he has more court appearances in his future. He faces four more criminal and corruption charges, including ordering the murder of Kuciak and Kušnírová. (He was acquitted of that charge in September 2020, but prosecutors have appealed.)

Meanwhile, his arrest had a ripple effect across Slovakia’s judicial system. Police found text messages on his phone that went far beyond his exchanges with Jankovská. They led investigators to another senior judge, Vladimír Sklenka, whose communications with Kočner reveal the extent of his connections within Slovakia’s judicial system. After his office was searched, Sklenka decided to cooperate — and his testimony led to that network’s unraveling.

As the deputy president of the Bratislava’s First District Court, Sklenka was useful to Kočner because he could influence a number of business disputes in which Kočner was embroiled. In 2019, Kočner’s phone contained over 9,000 messages he’d exchanged with Sklenka.

The judge was introduced to Kočner by an acquaintance, a businessman named Ladislav Mojžíš who promised him an informal meeting with the influential operator. Sklenka agreed.Credit: TASRVladimír Sklenka.

The two men met in an empty conference room of a hotel in the forested outskirts of Bratislava. As they chatted about politics, Kočner gave Sklenka a scrap of paper with four case numbers on it. As a favor, he asked Sklenka to check on the status of the proceedings. Sklenka agreed, and was rewarded for his trouble — to the tune of 5,000 euros in cash.

“See, I told you he’s cool,” Mojžíš said of Kočner.

In another meeting at the same hotel, Kočner proposed a solution for secure communication.

“He asked me what kind of telephone I have, so I showed him my old Nokia,” Sklenka told investigators. “And he told me I need a different phone.” In short order, Kočner brought a used silver iPhone 6 from his car and helped Sklenka install Threema, his preferred secure text messaging application. From that point on, it was the only way the two men communicated, Sklenka said.

Early in his useful new friendship, Kočner asked only for small favors. Sometimes he wanted to know which judge would be in charge of which case, or check on the status of court filings.

Sklenka seemed happy to oblige. In fact, he was such a font of information that Kočner sometimes felt overwhelmed.KSlow down! I am fucking losing the thread of conversation!!!Kočner17.11.2017 19:43:45

Requests for larger favors soon followed, such as ruling in Kočner’s favor or asking other judges to do so. Soon Kočner was not just telling Sklenka how to rule, but bringing him the reasoning he should use, already written and saved on USB sticks.

“I was very busy and the reasoning was well written, so I took it and let it upload it into the judicial software,” Sklenka confessed.

In exchange, Sklenka received payments ranging from a few thousand to 100,000 euros per ruling, part of which was laundered through a company belonging to Sklenka’s wife.

“Unlike other judges, I had no fixed rate,” he said. “I never asked about the money in advance.” In total, he admitted to accepting around 170,000 euros from Kočner.

Sklenka was also the one who distributed Kočner’s bribes to other judges — not just cash, but also luxury items such as perfumes and handbags. And since his usefulness to Kočner was proportional to his popularity, Kočner came up with the idea of having him distribute gift boxes to his colleagues on Christmas.KHow many women do you have in the office who should get a gift? I’ll have Christmas boxes made. As if they were from you.Kočner07.12.2017 18:05:13KThe box: a bit of tea, chocolate, candy, small sweet wine, cookie. … I want you to have an unshakeable position there [at the court].Kočner07.12.2017 18:15:01

The boxes were well received and Sklenka informed Kočner that his colleagues were grateful.

In his testimony, Sklenka exposed not only himself, but also 14 other judges whose decisions Kočner attempted to influence. But it went further than Kočner.

In 2020, the police launched three major operations — “Storm,” “Thunderstorm,” and “Weed” — in which they arrested 21 prominent judges, including the deputy head of the Supreme Court. They were accused of corruption and infringement on the independence of the courts, charges which in some cases also involved dealings with Kočner. Another constitutional judge resigned as a result of public pressure.Credit: David Ištok/Aktuality.skNational Crime Agency officers conduct a mass operation to arrest allegedly corrupt judges on March 11, 2020.

It wasn’t only the judges and courts. In November and December 2020, two former police presidents were also charged with heading an organized criminal group, abuse of power, extortion, and corruption. One later committed suicide in his jail cell.

The head and deputy head of the financial crime unit within the Financial Administration were also slapped with serious charges, including abuse of power, extortion, and support of a criminal group. Top prosecutor Dušan Kováčik, who earned the nickname “61:0” for failing to issue any indictments in the 61 cases he was assigned, was charged with organized criminal activity, corruption, and failing to prosecute men who were plotting the assassination of a police investigator.

These revelations took place in a Slovakia that had radically transformed. After the outrage caused by Kuciak’s murder, those who had once made Kočner untouchable started to turn away from him. By failing to keep his encrypted conversations with judges and prosecutors hidden, Kočner took down some of the most influential people in the country’s judiciary.

Meanwhile, Láska has moved on from the police force and is now working for Slovakia’s Judicial Council as an investigator of judicial corruption. Asked whether he thought the anti-corruption crackdown would continue, he said he didn’t know.

“But I hope it will,” Láska said. “I still have a few tips.”

FBI Shows How Azerbaijan Sabotaged Investigation Into Journalist’s Death

Azeri leader orders swift probe into journalist's death

The murderer ?

Darkness had fallen on the Azerbaijani capital of Baku when investigative journalist Elmar Huseynov arrived home from work on March 2, 2005. It wasn’t uncommon for Huseynov to stay at the offices of The Monitor, the magazine he edited, until after sundown.

The stairwell was especially dark that evening because a light above his apartment door wasn’t working. As Huseynov made his way to the third floor, an assassin armed with a semi-automatic pistol emerged out of the darkness above him. Seven shots rang out. Six bullets found their target. The fatal one pierced the top left-hand side of Huseynov’s chest, ripping through blood vessels and puncturing a lung.

Huseynov managed to stagger to his apartment, where his wife, father, and sister had been waiting for him. As the door swung open, he collapsed in the entryway.

As news of the attack spread, TV journalist Chingiz Sultansoy, a friend of Huseynov’s, hurried to the scene after taking a call from a concerned colleague. Police officers stood outside the building, and a crowd was gathering. Suddenly, Sultanoy remembers, Huseynov’s wife Rushaniya flung open a window. “They’ve killed him,” she screamed.Credit: MonitorJournalist Elmar Huseynov was gunned down on March 2, 2005, as he returned home from work.

The police moved aside, letting journalists, neighbors, and friends enter and leave. Sultansoy climbed the same stairs Huseynov had ascended not long before and saw the apartment door ajar. His friend was lying a few feet inside, his belly poking out from his sweater, blood smeared on his face. Sultansoy knelt and took Huseynov’s still-warm hand. Seeing for himself that his friend was dead, he kissed him and left.

Huseynov’s reporting had targeted Azerbaijan’s elite, from politicians to big business. Long before his death, he had been subjected to intimidation and threats on his life. Since that night, his friends and family have speculated about whether powerful individuals had sought to neutralize him.

“The pattern of pressure against Elmar in the run-up to his assassination bears similar hallmarks to many cases we have seen in other countries, in which journalists were deliberately targeted,” said Rebecca Vincent, a former U.S. diplomat posted to Baku in the aftermath of Huseynov’s murder and now director of international campaigns for Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

On the 16th anniversary of Huseynov’s murder, OCCRP can shine new light on the murky investigation into the killing. Drawing on court filings and other documents obtained via freedom-of-information requests, our reporting includes an examination of a previously unpublished file from the FBI, which had been called in to help investigate.

The information lays out a catalogue of obfuscations and missteps since 2005, largely made by the Azerbaijani authorities who were meant to be responsible for bringing Huseynov’s killer or killers to justice. As the case remains unsolved, OCCRP has found that a key suspect remains at liberty, while Azerbaijan has appeared to mislead Husyenov’s family on the investigation’s status. As a result, an already troubling affair may have even graver implications for Azerbaijan’s steadily shrinking space for press freedom.

By March 2005, press freedom in Azerbaijan had already come under significant pressure from President Ilham Aliyev, who’d taken the reins of the South Caucasus nation from his father a year and a half earlier. Eight journalists had been arrested since the younger Aliyev had come to power, and with a parliamentary election due in November 2005, the media was bracing for further confrontation. That year, Azerbaijan ranked 141st of 167 countries on RSF’s Worldwide Press Freedom Index.

Elmar Huseynov (@MonitorJournal) | Twitter

The Monitor, Huseynov’s outlet, was known for its stinging reporting on corruption, which included taking aim at the president and his family. When rumors swirled that Huseynov had been silenced by powerful people, Aliyev strongly refuted suggestions that his family or its allies were involved. Decrying the crime as a “black spot” on Azerbaijan’s history, he promised a robust investigation, and put a call in to the then-U.S. Ambassador to Azerbaijan Reno Harnish, to enlist expert help from the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI).

“This crime must be investigated thoroughly and the criminals must be called to account,” he said the day after the murder.

On the ground in Baku, the FBI would later meet with the lead investigators and Azerbaijani ministers, visit the crime scene, review the existing evidence and initial autopsy reports, and gather evidence themselves.

But from the start, the investigation was dogged by an apparent unwillingness by Azerbaijani officials to focus on whether Huseynov had been killed because of his journalism. Instead, ministers in charge of the probe fixated on unsubstantiated claims that Armenia had ordered the killing to harm Azerbaijan’s government.Credit: MonitorFriends and colleagues of Elmar Huseynov (pictured) wonder whether powerful people set out to silence him.

Sixteen years later, one of the murder suspects appears to live freely in Georgia, acquiring property interests in Tbilisi and a plot of land in Marneuli, in the country’s south. And although Azerbaijan’s Ministry for National Security insisted to Rushaniya Huseynova that its inquiries were ongoing, officials were telling the FBI, over the same time period, that the case was stalled.

While authorities were getting nowhere, Huseynov’s killing had an instant impact, according to RSF’s Vincent. The murder of one of the country’s best-known reporters sparked fear among other probing journalists that they could be next.

“Elmar’s case was particularly emblematic, not only in Azerbaijan, but throughout the region,” she said. “His targeting was no doubt intended to send a clear signal not to cross certain red lines, and was effective in creating a chilling effect that can still be felt to this day.”

The FBI case file into the murder, which the agency noted was so serious that “it could topple” the government, was compiled between 2005 and 2008. Seen by OCCRP, it reveals serious misgivings on the part of Legal Attaché Bryan Paarmann, who noted missed opportunities right from the start.

Paarmann pointed to basic failures in crime scene control on the night of the killing, when police failed to stop members of the public from laying a trail of flowers on the blood in the stairwell, destroying any possibility that tread or footwear evidence could be gathered.

Crime scene photographs seemed to have been taken long after any evidence was removed, a “very poor procedural error,” Paarmann wrote. The recovery team, he added, did not even wear gloves when recovering a key piece of evidence.

After discovering that Huseynov’s hallway had been darker than usual that night because a lightbulb above his door was not sitting properly in its socket, Paarmann noted that local investigators had failed to test that area for prints.

“[I] inquired as to whether this bulb had been processed for latent fingerprints and was informed that too many people had touched it therefore this was deemed as non productive,” he wrote.

In regard to Huseynov’s autopsy, Paarmann asked whether fingernail scrapings had been taken to check for skin samples that could identify the killer. He was told yes, this had been done, but the results had come back negative. However, he could find “no mention of this procedure” in initial reports provided by the Azerbaijanis.

Despite all this, some leads did appear promising.Credit: European Court of Human Rights/fileA gun that was recovered from a planter after the murder of Elmar Huseynov.

The day after the murder, a 5.45mm Baikal PSM semi-automatic pistol was found, sitting in plain view in a planter in front of Huseynov’s building. It still bore all its serial markings, which indicated it had been manufactured in Russia. Shortly afterwards, a dark-colored knit skullcap was recovered from another planter nearby.

The murder seemed “hasty and sloppily executed,” Paarmann wrote, the marksmanship poor. The weapon was found where it was “sure to be discovered,” with its markings clearly legible. The government of Azerbaijan felt the hit was carried out by a “skilled individual,” but a professional would have destroyed the markings and disassembled the gun, Paarmann reasoned.

But if he took hope from the fact that investigators were dealing with, in his words, “a possible amateur,” the FBI attaché was concerned by the attitude of Azerbaijani ministers.

Though they admitted there were several possible avenues of investigation, Paarmann appeared to grow frustrated as they obsessed over a theory that a foreign country had ordered a hit on Huseynov to sow chaos in Azerbaijan. At the top of the ministers’ list of possible perpetrators was Armenia, with Russia and Iran considered possibilities.

“The assembled ministers did acknowledge that the motive for this murder could have been purely personal or retaliation for Huseynov’s inflammatory journalistic positions, but spent a vast majority of their time enumerating why they believed it to be a coordinated, foreign-sponsored assassination aimed at destabilizing the government,” he wrote.

Paarmann wrote that government officials were doing “several things correctly,” but his early conclusions were damning.

“[I am] concerned with the premature focus on one theory of the crime and that it may lead to an attempt to make the facts fit that theory instead of a reasoned, methodical and unbiased investigation with utilization of logical, deductive reasoning towards a defensible conclusion,” he wrote.

When he made a raft of recommendations to Azerbaijan’s investigators, he was told they would “take them into consideration.” Instead, the FBI found itself slowly sidelined

Two months into the investigation, authorities had identified two suspects: Tahir Khubanov and Teimuraz Aliyev. Both citizens of neighboring Georgia, they had rented an apartment near Huseynov’s home in the period before the killing, and later crossed back over the Azerbaijan-Georgia border.

When Azerbaijani investigators recovered two pillowcases and clothing from their Baku apartment, the FBI matched DNA from these items with the cap found at the crime scene, which authorities said linked both men to the murder. The FBI described the evidence against the men as “strong,” but nothing has emerged to indicate that either man had a connection to the subjects of Huseynov’s journalism, leaving any possible motive a mystery.

A search was launched, but Azerbaijani authorities seemed reluctant to run images of the two men online. A July 2005 report from news agency Turan quoted officials as saying there was “no necessity in placing pictures of these people on the internet.”

Aliyev was finally located in Georgia, and denied involvement when interrogated by Georgian authorities in September 2006. The waters had been muddied, too, after former Azerbaijan Ministry of Interior official Haji Mamedov, on trial for several unrelated killings, claimed in the summer of 2006 that his hit squad had killed Huseynov. To help clear things up, in January 2007 the FBI offered to perform a polygraph test on Aliyev.

An FBI assistant legal attaché wrote to Azerbaijan’s then-Minister of National Security Eldar Mahmudov, saying Aliyev and the other suspect were likely still in Georgia and that Georgian authorities would probably cooperate.

An internal letter from the FBI to U.S. Ambassador to Azerbaijan Anne Derse, however, suggests the FBI saw Azerbaijan’s cooperation as a “hurdle” to getting the polygraph done. The FBI case file contains no evidence that it ever took place, and the investigation stagnated.

After the attaché met with the Ministry of National Security in September 2008, he wrote: “The [ministry] advised that their investigation has stalled and they do not have further need of FBI assistance.” Yet just a few months earlier, in July, ministry officials had told Rushaniya they were working tirelessly to bring the killers to justice. A senior official wrote to her lawyer: “At the moment a total, comprehensive and objective investigation of the case is being carried out.”

In March 2009, as Rushaniya persisted with her inquiries, she received another letter of response from a senior ministry official. Once more, he confirmed the investigation was ongoing. But he added, too, that the “preliminary investigation” had been extended to September 2009. This last detail is significant because by law, Rushaniya was only entitled to see case materials after any preliminary investigation was finished. Her lawyer would later point out that it seemed strange, four years after the murder and long after Azerbaijani authorities identified key suspects, that they would claim that the preliminary investigation was still ongoing. Writing a court submission, he said that this was “not likely” to be the case.

RSF’s Vincent said authorities in Azerbaijan “appear to have intentionally obstructed the pursuit of justice,” adding that the new documents “show, at best, a lack of political will to secure justice — or perhaps worse, a more sinister attempt to distract, deflect, and obstruct the criminal investigation.”

Though officials in Azerbaijan told Rushaniya in a 2009 letter that they were still looking for Khubanov and Aliyev, there were at least clues to the latter man’s location.

A simple public records search by OCCRP showed that somebody using Aliyev’s ID bought two apartments in Tbilisi, one in May 2008 and another in June 2008. The apartments were in a building occupied by several members of his immediate family, including his mother. OCCRP asked Azerbaijani authorities if they pursued this lead, but the request for comment went unanswered. Aliyev did not respond to written questions from OCCRP, which were hand-delivered to the building and received by a relative.

And on March 17, 2009, the same day the Ministry of National Security wrote to Rushaniya, Interpol wrote to the ministry with information that Aliyev was based in Tbilisi. Of Khubanov, there was no news.

It remains unclear from case files whether Azeri authorities relayed this information to Rushaniya, who declined to comment for this article.

She eventually brought a case to the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in 2010. In their responses to her allegations in that case file, Azeri authorities pointed out that they had in fact asked for the extradition of Aliyev and Khubanov, but claimed that Georgia refused because they were Georgian citizens. The filings indicate Azerbaijan made this request to Georgia in 2005.Credit: MonitorElmar Huseynov’s murder remains unsolved, 16 years after his death.

Azerbaijani authorities did not respond to a question on whether they ever made further requests. However, the ECHR’s 2017 ruling pointed out that Georgia’s Deputy Prosecutor General had told Azerbaijan in 2005 that he was willing to start criminal proceedings against Aliyev within the Georgian justice system.

In other words, Aliyev could have been prosecuted if Azerbaijan had transferred the case to Georgia. Documents show that Georgia appears to have begun initial proceedings, but nothing came of them.

investigations/Ilham-Aliyev.jpg

Credit: Government of AzerbaijanAfter Ilham Aliyev took power in Azerbaijan, a crackdown against media was soon underway.

Rushaniya’s lawyer, Knut Rognlien, told the ECHR that when Azerbaijani authorities insisted that the suspects were foreigners who couldn’t be found or spoken to, they were simply avoiding uncomfortable questions. The same types of questions, according to the FBI file, that ministers had dodged right from the start.

“Had they been apprehended, Teimuraz Aliyev and Tahir Khubanov could also have been interrogated regarding possible contact with authorities and their motive for the murder,” Rognlien wrote.

Those who knew Huseynov say the impunity surrounding the case continues to do serious damage to press freedom in Azerbaijan.

Steinar Gil, Norway’s ambassador to Azerbaijan at the time of the killing, called it “a warning that journalists who want to criticize openly and stand for the values of the free press would be at risk.”

Aliyev is still going about his life today, while no trace of Khubanov has been found. The only person ever jailed in relation to the murder, Turgay Bayramov, was sentenced to two years in prison for buying a phone for the two men.

In response to a request for further information from OCCRP, Georgian prosecutors referred reporters back to the ECHR’s ruling. Azerbaijani prosecutors did not respond to a similar request.

Even as the investigation has stalled, three more reporters have died in the line of duty in Azerbaijan since Huseynov was gunned down on the darkened steps to his apartment. Azerbaijan has dropped to 168th of 180 countries on RSF’s World Press Freedom Index.

“There is no media freedom in Azerbaijan today,” Gil said. “It’s zero, none. After this, people would think ‘If this happened to Elmar, it could happen to anyone.’”

Eleanor Rose is an investigative journalist based in London who specializes in human rights and has written for the Guardian, the Evening Standard, and the Independent, among other publications.

Aidan Iusubova (iFact) contributed reporting.

Doctor at Omsk clinic who treated Navalny has surrendered

The appointee head doctor at the Omsk clinic that quickly treated resistance figure Alexey Navalny in August has surrendered “for individual reasons,” as per the news office RIA Novosti. Anatoly Kalinichenko told the site Ngs55.ru that his choice to take an occupation somewhere else is unopinionated and due basically to the way that he’d developed worn out on managerial work. He simply needs to re-visitation of medical procedure, he says.

Navalny was hospitalized at Kalinichenko’s office on August 20 after his departure from Tomsk to Moscow made a crisis arrival in Omsk. While he stayed at the Omsk clinic until the night of August 21, Kalinichenko was the essential wellspring of data for writers giving an account of Navalny’s ailment.

Kalinichenko was one of the medical clinic authorities who asserted that specialists found no hints of toxin in Navalny’s framework and contended that the legislator’s delicate state forestalled his prompt exchange to a superior prepared facility in Berlin.

Deadly – The Chilling Way Vladimir Putin Deals With His Enemies

“The Russian state goes after enemies, traitors, opponents, critics, journalists,” Buzzfeed News’ Heidi Blake told InsideEdition.com. The results are chilling, and often deadly. Blake is the author of “From Russia, With Blood: the Kremlin’s Ruthless Assassination Program and Vladimir Putin’s Secret War on the West.” Her investigative team found Russian links to over a dozen mysterious deaths on English soil, including that of exiled oligarch Boris Berezovsky.

Mutmasslich Tödliche Falle der STASI-GoMoPa für Mich

Kriminalität in der DDR: Geheimsache Mord: Wie die Stasi Verbrechen  vertuschte - Seite 0 - Reportageseite - Tagesspiegel

Sehr geehrter Herr Bernd Pulch,

die krimin. Enteignung durch SED/Stasi meines Eigentums mit Betrug, Filegrundstück in Weißig, hat das Landgericht Dresden mich parteriloser Arbeiter Rehabilitiert,Beschluss BSRH 128/11 v. 30.7.12 mit Haftbefehlaufhebung RS II 113/86 wegen Rechtsstaatswidrigkeit.

Meine Antragstellung nach BSRH 128/11 v. 8.8.12 liegt vor, jedoch alle Staatlichen Stellen negieren den Betrug, wozu ich um Ihre Hilfe bitte. Ich bin vom 12.-17.10.20 in Dresden mit kompletten Beweisvorgang u. bitte um Gespräch zur Rückkehr!

Gottfried Michael, Hannelore-Hammel-Str. 5, 77855 Achern.

Presumably fatal trap of the STASI-GoMoPa for me

Rohwedder’s body is removed from his Düsseldorf villa in 1991.

Dear Mr. Bernd Pulch,

the criminal. Expropriation by the SED / Stasi of my property with fraud, file property in Weißig, the Dresden Regional Court has rehabilitated me as a non-affiliated worker, ruling BSRH 128/11 v. July 30th, 2012 with annulment of the arrest warrant RS II 113/86 for violation of the rule of law.

My application according to BSRH 128/11 v. August 8th, 2012, but all government agencies deny the fraud, for which I ask for your help. I am in Dresden from October 12th to 17th, 2020 with complete evidence and please talk to us about the return!

Gottfried Michael, Hannelore-Hammel-Str. 5, 77855 Achern.

Nawalny aus Koma geweckt – Deutsch-russisches Verhältnis am Boden

Sein Zustand verbessert sich und er ist wieder ansprechbar: Berliner Ärzte haben den Kremlkritiker Alexej Nawalny aus dem künstlichen Koma geholt. Sein Fall hat inzwischen hohe Wellen geschlagen.

Nawalny vergiftet: Statement von Maas und Kramp-Karrenbauer zum Vorfall

Seit mehreren Tagen befindet sich der russische Kreml-Kritiker Alexej Nawalny in der Berliner Charité. Er war dorthin mit Symptomen einer Vergiftung gekommen. Nun gibt es laut Bundesregierung einen “zweifelsfreien Nachweis” für eine Vergiftung mit einem chemischen Nervenkampfstoff aus der Nowitschok-Gruppe. Das erklärte Regierungssprecher Steffen Seibert. Ein Speziallabor der Bundeswehr habe eine toxikologische Untersuchung anhand von Proben durchgeführt. Hierbei sei die Vergiftung nachgewiesen worden.

Mögliche Sanktionen gegen Russland – Navalny-Ärzte suchen Hilfe bei Novichok-Forschern

Hilferuf an Bundeswehr - Charité geht von Nervengift-Anschlag auf Nawalny aus - Politik Inland - Bild.de
Deutschlands Außenminister Heiko Maas sagte, Berlin sei bereit, diplomatische Sanktionen gegen Russland einzuführen, wenn sich herausstellen würde, dass die russischen Behörden hinter der Vergiftung des Oppositionspolitikers Alexey Navalny stecken, berichtet Reuters.

Maas unterstrich, dass die deutschen Behörden als Reaktion auf die Ermordung des ehemaligen tschetschenischen Feldkommandanten Zelimkhan Khangoshvili, der im August 2019 in Berlin erschossen wurde, genauso handeln würden. Nachdem ein russischer Staatsbürger wegen des Attentats angeklagt worden war, wies Deutschland zwei russische Diplomaten aus , die angeblich als ausländische Geheimdienstagenten für das russische Verteidigungsministerium tätig waren (Moskau reagierte mit Sachleistungen und vertrieb zwei der deutschen Bevölkerung).

Laut der deutschen Wochenzeitung Der Spiegel haben die Ärzte, die Nawalny im Charité-Krankenhaus in Berlin behandeln, heimlich Hilfe bei der Bundeswehr gesucht, die über ein eigenes Toxikologielabor in München verfügt. Die Ärzte wandten sich auch an Spezialisten des britischen Porton Down-Labors, die für die Untersuchung des versuchten Mordes an Sergey und Yulia Skripal verantwortlich waren, nachdem sie 2018 in Salisbury mit einer Substanz der Novichok-Klasse vergiftet worden waren.

Zuvor berichteten Der Spiegel und das Ermittlungsbüro Bellingcat, dass die deutschen Ärzte wegen möglicher Ähnlichkeiten zwischen der Vergiftung von Navalny und dem versuchten Mord an dem bulgarischen Waffenhändler Emilian Gebrev, der 2015 angeblich mit Novichok vergiftet worden war, auch Ärzte in Bulgarien kontaktiert hatten.

Charité: Kreml-Kritiker Nawalny mit Cholinesterase-Hemmer vergiftet

Die Ärzte der Berliner Charité haben die Wirkung eines Giftstoffs in Alexei Nawalnys Körper nachgewiesen und vermuten, dass der russische Oppositionelle mit einem Cholinesterase-Hemmer vergiftet worden ist. Sie behandeln Nawalny mit dem Gegenmittel Atropin. Wie stark sein Nervensystem geschädigt ist, sei noch nicht klar. Spätfolgen schließen die Charité-Mediziner nicht aus. In einer schriftlichen Erklärung teilten sie zudem mit, dass Alexej Nawalnys Gesundheitszustand nach wie vor ernst sei, es bestehe aber keine akute Lebensgefahr. Der bekannte Kreml-Kritiker wird seit Samstag im Berliner Klinikum Charité behandelt, nachdem er am Donnerstag ins Koma gefallen war. Den Ärzten, die Nawalny zuerst in der russischen Stadt Omsk versorgten, vertraute sein Umfeld nicht. Denn Gift hätten die Ärzte bei Blutanalysen nicht gefunden.

Die toxischen-Anschläge auf Putin-Gegner im Überblick

Die beiden Freundinnen und ihr Giftmord (Archiv)

Diese Liste ist derzeit aktuell aber nicht vollständig. Da viele Anschläge nicht bekannt werden – aus den unterschiedlichsten Gründen.

So habe auch ich Anschläge auf mein Leben erdulden müssen, diese aber bislang nicht publiziert, um weitere Schutzmaßnahmen treffen zu können. (Stichwort Toxdat). Dies werde ich zu gegebener Zeit nachholen.

olitik in Russland ist eine toxische Angelegenheit, oft auch im Wortsinne. Was auch immer der Grund für Alexej Nawalnys Vergiftung war, wer auch immer dahinter stehen mag: Es ist wichtig, dass die Umstände umgehend, sorgfältig und unvoreingenommen aufgeklärt werden. So sollte es sein, doch in der Realität bleiben die vielfältigen Gewaltakte gegen Vertreter der politischen Opposition und gegen Bürgeraktivisten zu oft folgenlos. Das ist einer der Hauptgründe dafür, dass die Toleranz gegenüber politischer Gewalt in Russland extrem hoch ist, und derzeit deutet nichts darauf hin, dass sie sinken wird.

Nawalny wurde im Flugzeug übel, als er am 20. August morgens von Tomsk Richtung Moskau flog. Wie seine Sprecherin Kira Jarmysch berichtete, die Nawalny auf der Reise begleitet hatte, hat er während des Flugs nichts zu sich genommen, er hatte nur zuvor eine Tasse Tee im Flughafencafé getrunken. Das Flugzeug landete in Omsk zwischen, Nawalny wurde im bewusstlosen Zustand auf die Intensivstation des örtlichen Krankenhaus gebracht und dort künstlich beatmet. Er liegt im Koma, die Ärzte in Omsk bewerten seinen Zustand als ernst, aber stabil. Wie Kira Jarmysch mitteilt, ist aus Sicht der Ärzte eine Verlegung in eine andere Klinik derzeit unmöglich. Nawalnys Kollegen glauben, dass der Gründer des Fonds für Korruptionsbekämpfung mit Absicht vergiftet wurde. Sie nehmen an, dass der Giftstoff im Tee gewesen sein könnte. Die Ärzte halten eine Vergiftung für möglich, eine abschließende Diagnose gibt es bislang allerdings nicht.

Das ist nicht die erste ernsthafte Attacke auf Nawalnys Gesundheit. Es ist bezeichnend und auf jeden Fall äußerst gefährlich, dass der Grad der Gewalt zunimmt.

Im Frühjahr 2017 hatte man Nawalny Seljonka ins Gesicht gespritzt (womöglich gemischt mit Säure). Die Folgen der schweren Verätzungen im Auge mussten lange behandelt werden. Der Angreifer ist untergetaucht, ob er gestellt und bestraft wurde, ist nicht bekannt.
Im Sommer 2019 wurde Nawalny während einer Haftstrafe, die er aufgrund einer Ordnungswidrigkeit absaß, mit einer starken allergischen Reaktion in ein Krankenhaus eingeliefert, obwohl er nie zuvor unter Allergien gelitten hatte. Der Allergieauslöser wurde nicht gefunden. (In derselben Zelle hatte zuvor auch Nawalnys Mitstreiter Leonid Wolkow gesessen, bei ihm zeigten sich unmittelbar nach Freilassung ebenfalls Anzeichen einer plötzlichen starken Allergie.)

Vergiftungen von politischen und anderen Aktivisten mit ähnlichen Symptomen wie bei Nawalny sind leider auch keine Seltenheit mehr. [Mediazona-Herausgeber und Pussy Riot-Aktivist – dek] Pjotr Wersilow kam 2018 mit Anzeichen einer schweren Vergiftung ins Krankenhaus, er wurde schließlich zur Behandlung nach Deutschland ausgeflogen. Er hat bereits geäußert, dass ihn das, was mit Nawalny geschehen ist, an seine eigene Geschichte erinnert. Wersilow hatte die Vergiftung damals in Verbindung gebracht zu seinen Recherchen zum Mord an russischen Journalisten in der Zentralafrikanischen Republik. Der Giftagent wurde nicht gestellt. Der stellvertretende Vorsitzende von Open Russia, Wladimir Kara-Mursa junior, wurde zweifach mit ungeklärten Substanzen vergiftet – 2015 und 2017. Er selbst sprach von einem Mordversuch an ihm, aus Rache für seinen Einsatz für den Magnitski-Akt in den USA und in Europa.
Die Journalistin Anna Politkowskaja hatte 2004 im Flugzeug einen Tee getrunken und wurde daraufhin mit Vergiftungserscheinungen ins Krankenhaus eingeliefert. Sie war damals auf dem Weg nach Beslan, zu der von den Terroristen besetzten Schule. Kollegen der 2006 ermordeten Politkowskaja sehen ebenfalls Ähnlichkeiten zwischen den Vergiftungserscheinungen bei der Journalistin damals und bei Nawalny heute.

In keinem der Vergiftungsfälle wurde je ein Täter identifiziert, Ermittlungen wurden quasi gar nicht aufgenommen oder nie abgeschlossen.

Die Regelmäßigkeit solcher Vergiftungen und die Straffreiheit der Täter ist beängstigend. Durch die Häufigkeit und die ständig wachsende Gefahrenlage sinkt in der Gesellschaft die Sensibilität für derartige Verbrechen. Gewalt gegen Regierungsgegner oder lediglich unzufriedene Bürger wird zur Routine. Zweifellos festigt sich auch bei denen, die missliebige Personen auf die ein oder andere Art „bestrafen“ wollen, das Gefühl, dass ihnen alles erlaubt ist. Im Fall von Nawalny gibt es von solchen Leuten potentiell sehr viele, angefangen bei den Protagonisten seiner Korruptions-Enthüllungen (darunter sind auch hochrangige Silowiki und Vertreter der Elite) bis hin zu inoffiziellen Helfern der Staatsmacht, die so auf ihre Art mit „Bedrohungen für die Stabilität“ des Regimes umgehen.

Ein Attentat auf einen Staatsvertreter oder eine Person des öffentlichen Lebens (Artikel 277 des Strafrechts der Russischen Föderation) wird in Russland hart bestraft: 12 bis 20 Jahre Freiheitsentzug (die in dem Paragraphen ebenfalls vorgesehene Todesstrafe wird nicht angewendet). Aber solche Fälle sind eine Seltenheit. Nach Angaben der Rechtsdienststelle am Obersten Gericht wurden in den vergangenen zehn Jahren nach diesem Paragraphen drei Menschen verurteilt.

Nawalnys Kollegen haben sich bereits an das Ermittlungskomitee gewendet mit der Forderung, ein Verfahren nach Paragraph 277 Strafgesetzbuch zu eröffnen. Wie die Strafverfolgungsbehörde darauf reagierte, ist bislang nicht bekannt – außer, dass im Omsker Krankenhaus ziemlich viele Vertreter der unterschiedlichsten staatlichen Sicherheits- und Strafverfolgungsbehörden versammelt sind. Indes sind das Hinauszögern der Untersuchung, die Imitation von Ermittlungen, das Abbremsen des ganzen Falls das schlimmste Signal, das die Regierung der Gesellschaft jetzt geben kann. Jetzt, da es um den Anführer der russischen Opposition geht – dessen Namen sein größter Rivale – Wladimir Putin – lieber gar nicht erst laut ausspricht. Es ist zynisch darüber zu diskutieren, wem eine Vergiftung Nawalnys nutzen könnte, aber eine gründliche und professionelle Untersuchung des Vorgangs würde zweifellos auch der Regierung nutzen.

Ja, die Politik ist eine toxische Angelegenheit, aber der politische Kampf darf niemals in politischen Terror ausarten, wenn der Staat nicht selbst zu einem Terrorstaat werden soll.

Video – Boris Nemzow – Tod an der Kremlmauer

Am 27. Februar 2015 ereignete sich der Mord an dem russischen Oppositionspolitiker Boris Nemzow. Die Welle der Empörung und Anteilnahme nach der Ermordung war sowohl in Russland als auch im Ausland hoch. Russlands Präsident Putin versprach umgehende Aufklärung. Was ist seitdem passiert, und was weiß man heute über die Drahtzieher des Mordes?

Spur nach Moskau – Warum musste Litwinenko sterben

“2006 starb in London der ehemalige KGB-Offizier Alexander Litwinenko an einer Vergiftung durch radioaktives Polonium. Indizien deuten auf den russischen Geheimdienst als Auftraggeber. In einem öffentlichen Anhörungsverfahren in London wurden in den letzten Monaten viele Details des Polonium-Mordes bekannt. Russland weigert sich bis heute die beiden mutmaßlichen Mörder Andrei Lugowoi und Dmitri Kowtun nach England auszuliefern. Alexander Litwinenko starb am 23. November 2006 in der Londoner Universitätsklinik. Drei Wochen zuvor war er mit radioaktivem Polonium vergiftet worden, das seinen Körper von innen zerfraß. Die mutmaßlichen Mörder waren schnell identifiziert: Andrei Lugowoi und Dmitri Kowtun, zwei Geschäftsleute mit Verbindungen zum russischen Geheimdienst. Die britische Justiz erließ internationale Haftbefehle, doch der Kreml weigert sich, Lugowoi und Kowtun auszuliefern. In einem öffentlichen Anhörungsverfahren vor den Courts of Justice in London, für das die Witwe Marina Litwinenko jahrelang gekämpft hatte, wurden viele Einzelheiten und Umstände der Tat bekannt. Und die Indizien deuten darauf hin, dass Präsident Putin zumindest davon wusste. Egmont R. Koch geht in seiner Reportage diesen Vorwürfen nach. Er trifft in Moskau, Sankt Petersburg und an der amerikanischen Ostküste Freunde und ehemalige Kollegen von Litwinenko. Sie sind davon überzeugt, dass es sich bei dem Giftanschlag um einen Staatsmord handelte. Litwinenko und Putin trafen sich ein einziges Mal persönlich, im August 1998. Damals versuchte der Offizier des FSB (vormals KGB) seinen obersten Chef, den gerade ernannten FSB-Direktor Wladimir Putin, von der grassierenden Korruption im Geheimdienst zu überzeugen. Putin wollte davon nichts wissen, befahl stattdessen, Litwinenkos Privattelefon anzuzapfen und ihn zu überwachen. Seit diesem Ereignis herrschte eine erbitterte Feindschaft zwischen den beiden. Und blanker Hass. 2000 floh Litwinenko mit seiner Familie nach London, wo er seine Vorwürfe Richtung Kreml verschärfte. Er behauptete, Putin habe in seiner Vergangenheit mit der Russenmafia kooperiert und am Drogenschmuggel partizipiert. Aber waren diese Beschuldigungen gerechtfertigt? Oder hatte er sie erfunden, um dem Präsidenten zu schaden? „Litwinenko war besessen von der Idee, Putin als Präsident stürzen zu können“, erinnert sich sein Freund, der Historiker Juri Felshtinsky. Irgendwann habe der FSB offenbar geglaubt, ihn zum Schweigen bringen zu müssen.”

Todkranker Kreml-Kritiker Alexej Nawalny in Berlin eingetroffen – Video

Der womöglich vergiftete russische Kremlkritiker Alexej Nawalny ist zur medizinischen Behandlung in Berlin eingetroffen. Ein Spezialflug mit dem im Koma liegenden Oppositionellen sei am Samstag gelandet, sagte eine Sprecherin des 44-Jährigen. Jaka Bizilj von der Organisation Cinema For Peace, die den Transport Nawalnys aus einem Krankenhaus in der sibirischen Stadt Omsk organisiert hatte, bestätigte: «Nawalny ist in Berlin». Vorausgegangen war ein Tauziehen mit den russischen Ärzten des Oppositionellen, die sich gegen seine Verlegung ausgesprochen hatten, weil er ihrer Ansicht nach nicht stabil genug für den Transport war. Anhänger Nawalnys vermuteten dahinter aber politische Gründe und mutmaßten, dass die russische Regierung die Verlegung so lange hinauszögern wollte, bis kein Gift mehr in seinem Blut nachweisbar sei. Kreml-Sprecher Dmitri Peskow wies das zurück und sagte, es sei eine rein medizinische Entscheidung gewesen. Nawalny war am Donnerstag auf einem Flug von Sibirien nach Moskau plötzlich zusammengebrochen, das Flugzeug landete daraufhin in Omsk, wo er ins Krankenhaus gebracht wurde. Am Freitag gelangte dann ein Spezialflugzeug mit modernem medizinischen Gerät und deutschen Ärzten nach Omsk, um Nawalny in die Charité zu bringen. Es dauerte aber bis zum frühen Samstagmorgen, bis er dann auch wirklich abfliegen konnte. Nawalnys Anhänger vermuten, dass er vor dem Flug einen vergifteten Tee getrunken habe und dass der Kreml dahinterstecke. Die russischen Ärzte erklärten hingegen, es gebe keine Belege für eine Vergiftung. Die Nachrichtenseite NGS55 in Omsk veröffentlichte eine Videostellungnahme des Chefarzts des örtlichen Krankenhauses, Alexander Murachowski. Dieser sagte, eine Stoffwechselstörung sei die wahrscheinlichste Diagnose. «Sie könnte durch einen starken Abfall des Blutzuckers im Flugzeug angestoßen worden sein, was den Verlust des Bewusstseins verursacht hat», sagte er. Nawalnys Anhänger wiesen diese Theorie zurück. «Sie erlauben den Transport von Alexej nicht wegen einer Stoffwechselstörung und eines Abfalls des Blutzuckers?!», fragte der Chef von Nawalnys Stiftung für den Kampf gegen Korruption, Iwan Schdanow, auf Twitter. Auch einige Toxikologen zeigten sich skeptisch, wie man so schnell eine Vergiftung ausschließen könne. So etwas brauche Zeit, sagte Alastair Hay, ein emeritierter Professor und Experte von der Universität von Leeds. Besonders wenn es eine hochgiftige Substanz sei, wäre diese nur in geringer Konzentration im Blut und deshalb durch Tests nicht so leicht nachweisbar.

AGAIN: A MURDER THREAT FOR THE PUBLICATION OF THE STASI LISTS WITH CLEAR NAMES

Hello Bernd Pulch,

You know very well about Toxdat.

Then, according to the theory, it is time for practical experience.

A loyal reader

Annotation:

Toxdat is the murder study of the GDR by GDR murder expert Ehrenfried Stelzer, bosom friend of RA Resch, business friend of Resch and co-founder of GoMoPa.

The study describes how people can be murdered without the murder being discovered.

WIEDER EINMAL: MORD-DROHUNG WG PUBLIKATION DER STASI-LISTEN MIT KLARNAMEN

Hallo Bernd Pulch,

Du weisst ja bestens über Toxdat Bescheid.

Na dann wird es nach der Theorie Zeit für die Erfahrung in der Praxis.

Ein treuer Leser

 

Anmerkung:

Toxdat ist die Mordstudie der DDR vom DDR-Mordexperten Ehrenfried Stelzer, Busenfreund von RA Resch, Geschäftsfreund von Resch und Mitgründer von GoMoPa.

Die Studie schildert, wie Personen ermordet werden können, ohne dass der Mord entdeckt wird.

Murdered – Dorothy Kilgallen killed After She Discovered WHO The Kennedy Assassins Were

Author and former criminal defense attorney, Mark Shaw, speaks about his book “The Reporter Who Knew Too Much” and its follow-up, “Denial of Justice.” Each chronicle not only his 12 years of research but most importantly, the life and times and mysterious death of What’s My Line? TV star and crack investigative reporter Dorothy Kilgallen and her 18-month investigation of the Dallas tragedies which included being the only reporter to interview Jack Ruby at his trial. Shaw also discusses his controversial exposure of the most important JFK assassination documents in history, the Jack Ruby trial transcripts.

#DorothyKilgallen #JFK #JackRuby #OnStageAPL #AllenTexas https://www.AllenLibrary.org

The murder of journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia: Malta’s shame

The assassination in Malta of investigative journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia in October 2017 put the island in the headlines. John Sweeney, who reported on the story for Newsnight in the immediate aftermath, has been back to Malta to look into the stories Caruana Galizia was covering before her death and to speak to Malta’s Prime Minister Joseph Muscat.

Report – Five sentenced to death over Jamal Khashoggi’s murder

Saudi Arabia’s public prosecutor says five people have been sentenced to death and three have been handed life sentences, over the murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi. The trial, held at the Criminal Court of Riyadh, took place behind closed doors and the identities of the defendants have not been released. Khashoggi was murdered in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul last year. Crown Prince, Mohammad Bin Salman (MBS) says he had no prior knowledge of the operation.

Grausame Menschenversuche im Kalten Krieg – FILM

Grausame Menschenversuche im Kalten Krieg – FILM

 

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Heinz Gerlachs “Erben” – GoMoPa, Medard Fuchsgruber und mutmasslich Rainer von Holst & Thomas Bremer – Cui bono ?

Heinz Gerlachs “Erben” – GoMoPa, Medard Fuchsgruber und mutmasslich Rainer von Holst & Thomas Bremer – Cui bono ?

Es hat lange gedauert, aber nun ist das Rätsel wohl gelöst: Wer profitiert von Gerlachs Tod ?

  • GoMoPa konnte die eigene Position massiv ausbauen
  • Medard Fuchsgruber übernahm die DFI-Seite
  • Rainer von Holst, Doreen Trampe (Ex-GoMoPa) und Pierre Gersöne stecken mutmasslich hinter der anonymen Webseite gerlachreport.com
  • Thomas Bremer mit seinem Blog-Netzwerk im “Tal der Ahnungslosen” (DDR-Witz) zu Leipzig

In Kürze mehr…

 

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The Polonium plot: The Litvinenko Murder revealed

The Polonium plot: The Litvinenko Murder revealed

In the aftermath of a British Public Inquiry, this is the dramatic full story of how the Russian State was involved in the radioactive poisoning murder in London of Alexander Litvinenko, a former KGB agent.

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EXPOSED – RSF SUPPORTS LAWSUIT ACCUSING ASSAD REGIME OF MURDERING AMERICAN JOURNALIST MARIE COLVIN

EXPOSED – RSF SUPPORTS LAWSUIT ACCUSING ASSAD REGIME OF MURDERING AMERICAN JOURNALIST MARIE COLVIN

Marie Colvin

Dear members, Dear friends,

In 2012, President Bashar al-Assad’s government deliberately murdered US reporter Marie Colvin in Syria.

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and other organizations filed a lawsuit in a federal court with significant evidence of the direct responsibility of Syrian government officials for Colvin’s death in a Syrian army bombardment in Homs on 22 February 2012.

Marie Colvin, who was reporting for the London Sunday Times, was killed along with French photographer Rémi Ochlik while French reporter Edith Bouvier, Syrian media defender Wael al-Omar and British photographer Paul Conroy were wounded in the same bombardment.

We now know that these journalists were targeted and killed because they were providing information about the Syrian army’s crimes against civilians.

Together, let us stand to end Impunity for crimes against journalists.

Delphine Halgand
US Director

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