How Russian Cops utilize compromised Informers to imprison innocent Individuals

K.G.B. Museum Closes; Lipstick Gun and Other Spy Relics Go on Sale - The  New York Times
A KGB Office in the KGB Museum, New York City, NYC, USA

Correspondents from iStories and Meduza inspected Moscow court archives and discovered more than 140 “proficient observers” — individuals who consistently affirm in legal disputes identified with drug charges. The training is unmitigatedly illicit, however judges send individuals to jail for quite a long time dependent on these observers’ declarations.

In May 2018, 35 year-old Natalya Goloborodko contacted Moscow police with an end goal to “uncover a seller of illegal substances.” The officials chose to lead a “test buy” — Goloborodko would purchase drugs from the vendor under official watch. The police discovered two observers, and together they all went to the home of Nikolai Grigoryev, the supposed street pharmacist. When the arrangement was made, the officials captured Grigoryev. Back at the station, they seized the cash Grigoryev had supposedly gotten from Goloborodko for the medications, and — within the sight of witnesses — they discovered MDMA, amphetamines, and hash in his loft. The specialists accused Grigoryev of two checks of selling medications and one tally of endeavoring to sell (they found data about future medication bargains on his telephone). He admitted to everything upon cross examination.

In court, notwithstanding, Grigoryev kept up his guiltlessness, saying that the police constrained his admission and that Natalya Goloborodko outlined him. He confessed to knowing Goloborodka, yet demanded that he never sold her amphetamines. The police planted the cash on him, he said. Nikolai’s mom and sister said in court that they had “never associated him with managing drugs.” The wrongdoing’s just observers were the cops, Goloborodko, and the two authority witnesses.

Grigoryev ended up gathering one of them in a squad car before his condemning hearing. 38 year-old Mikhail Rakhmankin, whose duty as an authority witness was to go about as a free onlooker during the hunt, had just been attempted twice for managing drugs himself. He was in the squad car with Grigoryev on the grounds that he was at the same time under scrutiny, and the two men were being kept in a similar pretrial detainment office.

Regardless, the adjudicator decided that “the safeguard’s assessment that the hunt included observers who were subject to cops is unconfirmed.” On August 1, 2019, the Kuntsevsky District Court indicted Nikolai Grigoryev and condemned him to 11 years in jail.

iStories and Meduza’s investigation found that Grigoryev’s story is just a drop in a larger sea of fabricated drug cases. They analyzed tens of thousands of sentences and discovered more than 140 “professional witnesses” in Moscow alone; many of them were officers’ acquaintances, drug addicts, or people who had previously been convicted. Police officers regularly used these people to fabricate criminal cases, ultimately sending defendants to prison for years, despite their lawyers’ protests.

GoMoPa – Stasi – KGB – Toxdat – Ehrenfried Stelzer – Resch – Alles Dr. Mabuse Oder Was ?

GoMoPa – Financal “Intelligence Service” oder was ? Resch in Moskau 1989 oder was ? Stelzer Autor von “Toxdat” oder was ?

Stelzer bei Resch Verein Boss oder was ? Gerlach tot oder was ? Gerlach Blutvergiftung oder was ? Fondsinitiator Günter Eisenhauer mit Flugzeug abgestürzt oder was ? Ibiza Video Drahtzieher bei Resch – Kooperation bei “Anlegerschutz” oder was ?

Alles Dr. Mabuse oder was ?

Beware of the Fake Stasi Lists of the Neo-Stasi – Visit berndpulch.org

BELARUSSIANS JOURNALISTS SENTENCED TO PRISON FOR LIVESTREAMING PROTEST

On Thursday, February 18, a Minsk court condemned columnists Darya Chultsova and Katsyaryna Andreyeva from the free TV station Belsat to two years in jail. They were seen as liable of getting sorted out fights, regardless of the way that they were just running a live stream of the meeting being referred to. Columnists from nations around the globe have stood up on the side of these two ladies and common liberties safeguards have proclaimed them political detainees. Meduza relates how the criminal argument against Darya Chultsova and Katsyaryna Andreyeva happened and how their preliminary finished.

Against the setting of fights leading the pack up to the 2020 official decisions the previous summer, the Belarusian specialists completed a heightening crackdown on autonomous media. In June, Interior Minister Yury Karayeu (who was taken out from office only months after the fact) straightforwardly blamed columnists for getting sorted out exhibits — supposedly, journalists were utilizing live streams to organize the fights. Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko (Alyaksandr Lukashenka) sponsored up Karayeu’s cases — and furthermore requested that writers working for unfamiliar outlets be removed from the country.

The Belarusian specialists didn’t stop there. Since the beginning of the fights in Belarus writers have been kept roughly multiple times; a large number of them were held in guardianship and thrashed by police (counting Meduza’s own unique reporter, Maxim Solopov). As indicated by the Belarusian Association of Journalists (BAJ), nine columnists are dealing with criminal indictments.

On February 9, perhaps the most prominent bodies of evidence against Belarusian writers went to preliminary — journalist Katsyaryna Andreyeva and camera administrator Darya Chultsova from Belsat TV had their first of four meetings in court. These two columnists work in announcing and live streaming, and were covering fight rallies.

Katsyaryna Andreyeva is 27 years of age — previously, she teamed up with Radio Svoboda, and was distributed in the autonomous Russian paper Novaya Gazeta. She began working for Belsat TV in the spring of 2017.

Daria Chultsova is four years more youthful — only 23 years of age. She moved on from the Faculty of History and Philology at Mogilev University and filled in as a correspondent prior to turning into a camera administrator. After the August 2020 official political race in Belarus, she moved to Minsk.

On Thursday, February 18, judge Natallya Buhuk saw the two young ladies as liable of “coordinating mass occasions that terribly abuse public request” and condemned every one of them to two years in jail.

A chase for writers

Andreyeva and Chultsova were captured on November 15, 2020. On that day, a remembrance rally was occurring in the Belarusian capital out of appreciation for Raman Bandarenka — a resistance nonconformist killed in Minsk. Individuals assembled close to Bandarenka’s home, in the patio of a private complex known as “Changes Square.” The specialists had closed down versatile Internet totally in Minsk that day, so the proprietors of a loft in a skyscraper sitting above the meeting’s area permitted Andreyeva and Chultsova to communicate a live stream from their home.

Towards night, the security powers brutally scattered the meeting, capturing a large number of its members. Outfitted exceptional powers officials separated the entryway of the condo that the writers were working from and blamed them for participating in the fights and defying security officials — both Andreyeva and Chultsova were condemned to seven days in regulatory confinement.

“Each time Katya [Katsyaryna Andreyeva] went to such an assembly she knew that she probably won’t get back. Adequately, after the 2020 decisions, a genuine chase for writers was proclaimed. Each time she left with a knapsack containing all the necessities if there should arise an occurrence of capture,” Andreyeva’s better half Ihar (Igor) Ilyash told Meduza.

Ilyash also works as a journalist for Belsat and has collaborated with Meduza on more than one occasion. According to him, Andreyeva fell ill after her arrest. She got a headache and then lost consciousness. She was escorted to the hospital and though the doctors didn’t find any serious injuries, they recommended that she see a neurologist and prescribed medications. Instead of being allowed to follow the doctors’ advice, Andreyeva and Chultsova were sent to the Okrestina Street detention center — a Minsk jail that became a symbol of police brutality amid the 2020 protests. 

Their four-person cell held a total of 11 people. The detainees weren’t given blankets or sheets and were forced to sleep on old mattresses.

A criminal case was opened against Andreyeva and Chultsova while they were still serving time in administrative detention — even though the court’s ruling on the administrative charges noted that there was no evidence of a crime in their actions. Andreyeva and Chultsova stood accused of “organizing and preparing actions that grossly violate public order.” State investigators claimed that the journalists had used the live streat to “gather the protesters” on “Changes Square,” which, in turn, disrupted public transit. The damage to “Minsktrans” was estimated at 11,526 Belarusian rubles (about $4,440).

The two women were transferred to a prison in Zhodino (a city located 50 kilometers, or 30 miles, from Minsk), which held many of the protesters arrested during the opposition demonstrations. Katsyaryna Andreyeva and Darya Chultsova pleaded not guilty to the charges. Belarusian human rights activists declared them political prisoners. The Belarusian Association of Journalists spoke out in their defense, as did the European Federation of Journalists. A number of Russian public figures also made personal appeals to Alexander Lukashenko demanding their release. 

On January 20, 2021, Ihar Ilyash published an open letter to the investigators handling the case against Katsyaryna Andreyeva and Darya Chultsova. “You’re slipping into complete absurdity — you’re [looking] Katsyaryna’s relatives in the eyes and saying that she supposedly isn’t a journalist, that she wasn’t fulfilling any professional duties on ‘Changes Square.’ Not only is this a blatant lie, but it also makes no sense: it’s as if a non-journalist can be illegally imprisoned,” he wrote.

Despite being arrested and charged, the two girls remained optimistic, their family members said. According to Ilyash, Katsyaryna often emphasized in her letters that she didn’t regret anything. Darya Chultsova’s mother Natallya also noted that her daughter never doubted her decision to become a journalist.

In total, there were four sessions in the trial of Katsyaryna Andreyeva and Darya Chultsova. The first took place on February 9 and the last on the morning of February 18.

Before the trial began Katsyaryna Andreyeva made an appeal. “My case is fabricated from beginning to end, and fabricated very ineptly. I consider this the revenge of the special forces for professional journalistic activity. On November 15, I was detained on a criminal order. On that day, the security forces told me: ‘You won’t conduct your live streams ever again!’ Then another criminal order was issued and they put me in jail,” said her statement, as read out by her husband Ihar Ilyash during a special press conference. 

According to Ilyash, the process itself was very strange. For example, only journalists from state media were allowed to attend the hearings. Ilyash is convinced that this was intended to draw international attention away from the trial, because it was covered by Le MondeBBCDeutsche Welleand many other international outlets.

Ilyash himself, who was also detained amid the protests and then placed in administrative detention, appeared in court as a witness. “They asked me about some details that had nothing to do with Katsyaryna and Darya. For example, do I have a marriage contract, what my salary is, and so on,” he told Meduza. 

In total seven witnesses were questioned in court. According to the defense, they weren’t able to say anything specific about the defendants’ alleged guilty. For example, when they questioned Nikolai Skorin, a pensioner who lives on “Changes Square,” he said that on November 15 he stood at his window for three hours and saw that the number 18 bus had stopped running. He also noticed a car in the courtyard which, in his opinion, could have “coordinated the protesters” and reported it to the police. That said, he didn’t see any journalists.

The owners of the apartment where the journalists ran their live stream also spoke in court — they emphasized that they didn’t hear any calls to participate in the rally from them. A “Minsktrans” employee by the name of Raman Pranovich was also called to the stand — he said that the disruptions to public transport were caused by protesters who blocked the road. The journalists’ relatives paid compensation to Minsktrans for the damages, after which the enterprise withdrew a separate claim against Andreyeva and Chultsova. 

The defense argued that the court hadn’t investigated what exactly had stopped the buses from running — perhaps it was the actions of the security forces, who themselves blocked roads in order to detain protesters. 

In addition, according to Ihar Ilyash, during the trial it became known that the investigators and the prosecutor’s office didn’t take issue with the entire multi-hour-long live stream, but rather with 12 short clips from the broadcast, in which Katsyaryna Andreyeva describes the actions of the protester and the security forces. The four specialists who provided linguistics analysis for the case agreed that the report didn’t contain any “signs of organizing” or inciting the actions of the protesters. 

In conversation with Meduza, Katsyaryna Andreyeva’s lawyer Syarhei Zikratsky also underscored that the prosecution didn’t provide any evidence that a crime was committed at all. In turn, Darya Chultsova’s lawyer Alyaksandr Khayetsky noted that investigators obtained many of the case materials in violation of the criminal procedure code. For example, they conducted searches of the journalists’ apartments without the necessary authorization.

In addition, Khaetsky pointed out that because mobile Internet was turned off in Minsk on November 15, it wasn’t even theoretically possible to use the live stream to direct the protesters’ actions.

Regardless, state prosecutor Alina Kasyanchyk reached the conclusion that the journalists’ had been proven guilty and asked the judge to sentence them to two years in prison.

“I haven’t committed any illegal actions. All of the materials point to my innocence. I hope for an honest and fair acquittal,” said Darya Chultsova in her final statement in court.

Katsyaryna Andreyeva spoke in detail about the working conditions for journalists in Belarus: “Each time I went to work I risked my health and my life. Nevertheless, I went to the epicenter of the events. I managed to hide from shooting with rubber bullets, explosions from stun grenades, and blows from truncheons. My colleagues were much less fortunate…on November 15 people came out to ‘Changes Square.’ I showed these events on a live broadcast. For this I was thrown in jail on a made-up charge.”

On February 18, the judge sided with the state prosecutor and sentenced each of the journalists to two years in prison. Lawyer Syarhei Zikratksy told Meduza that the defendants took the verdict calmly and are now planning to make an appeal.

Numerous journalists and politicians have already expressed their support for Katsyaryna Andreyeva and Darya Chultsova. Polish President Andrzej Duda demanded their release and called on the entire European Union to show solidarity and “to respond consistently and decisively to the ongoing suppression of fundamental rights and freedoms” in Belarus.

In conversation with Meduza, Ihar Ilyash told Meduza that Katsyaryna Andreyeva was prepared for any outcome: “We will survive all of these special services and prisons anyway. Our love is stronger than Lukashenko’s regime and certainly more durable than it.” Darya Chultsova’s sister Anastasia said that she was prepared for the worst, but still hoped for a fair trial.

“Katya and Dasha’s sentence isn’t just repression. It’s an act of terrorism aimed at intimidating the journalistic community. Let’s call it like it is: a war is being waged against us. They [the authorities] have declared war on us, because they’re terribly afraid of the truth, they’re afraid of facts. This means we should have a single response: even more truth and even more facts,” Ilyash underscored after the verdict.

THE PRIVATE PUTIN RIVIERA UNDER MEDIA SURVEILLANCE

Bildergebnis für PRIVATE PUTIN RIVIERA
Putin and his bossom friend Randy Gerd from Germany

Very rich person and long-lasting Putin partner Arkady Rotenberg has approached as the authority proprietor of the Russian president’s “castle.” soon, another enormous development adventure will start close to the home — 119 hectares (around 294 sections of land) has been dispensed for a chasing lodge. The “Divnomorskoye” domain is found close by — a 323-hectare (798-section of land) property that incorporates a spa unpredictable, a winery, and a “tasting house.” A private water park is set to be worked there soon. The entirety of this has a place with Putin-connected extremely rich person Gennady Timchenko and financial specialist Vladimir Kolbin (the child of Putin’s cherished companion Petr Kolbin). Farther away is the home of the top of the Russian Orthodox Church, Patriarch Kirill. Worked as a profound and social focus, the property incorporates an indoor pool, 70 hectares (around 173 sections of land) of grape plantations, and a winery — costing roughly 22 billion rubles ($298 million) altogether. Through the woodland interfacing with “Putin’s royal residence” there are two camping areas having a place with very rich person Oleg Deripaska esteemed at 7 billion rubles (almost $95 million), alongside a huge number of hectares of leased chasing grounds, the expense of which specialists wouldn’t endeavor to gauge. The neighbor nearest to “Putin’s royal residence” is the “Parus” office having a place with finance manager Sergey Shishkarev. This plot of land itself costs about 1.2 billion rubles ( $16.2 million) — that is without adding the estimation of the structures on the property, since nothing is thought about them. The close by resort town of Gelendzhik is home to the home of “Putin’s own financier” Yuri Kovalchuk — a 70 hectare property esteemed at 11 billion rubles (more than $148 million). The property’s principle building is 6,752 square meters (72,678 feet), and incorporates a roof pool and all encompassing glass dividers.