PUTIN’s HENCHMEN WANT TO FINE NAWALNY 950,000 RUBLES

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Putin’s henchman has asked Moscow’s Babushinsky District Court to fine opposition politician Alexey Navalny 950,000 rubles (nearly $13,000) for slandering a World War II veteran, Meduza’s correspondent reported from the courtroom on Tuesday, February 16.

Navalny’s defense team, in turn, has asked the court for his acquittal.

Tuesday’s proceedings marked Navalny’s third hearing in the defamation case launched against him in June 2020, after he called a group of public figures “corrupt hacks” for appearing in an advertisement for Russia’s constitutional plebiscite aired by the state-run media outlet Russia Today. State investigators maintained that Navalny’s comments “discredited the honor and dignity” of Ignat Artemenko, a World War II veteran who appeared in the video.

At the beginning of the hearing on Tuesday, state prosecutor Ekaterina Frolova suggested dividing the materials from the criminal case into separate proceedings. Frolova argued that state investigators should look into Navalny’s “offensive” statements to the judge, the prosecutor, and the complainant.

In response, Navalny called himself a “lovely defendant” and said that “we have been present at the birth of a new criminal case.” Judge Vera Akimova deemed the prosecution’s petition premature, adding that she will make a decision on this issue when making ruling in the criminal case. 

Navalny’s defamation trial will resume at 2:00 p.m. Moscow time, on Saturday, February 20.The opposition politician now has two hearings scheduled for that day: at 10:00 a.m. local time, the Moscow City Court is set to consider his appeal against the Simonovsky District Court’s decision to imprison him for allegedly violating the terms of probation in the Yves Rocher case.

How Navalny will be transported between the two courts remains unknown. Spokespeople for the Moscow City Court promised to offer clarification on this procedure at a later time.

In a comment on today’s hearing, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov underscored that “insulting veterans is not allowed in this country,” RIA Novosti reported

On February 2, the Simonovsky District Court revoked Navalny’s probation in the Yves Rocher case and sentenced him to three and a half years in prison. Pending the appellate ruling, Navalny will spend two years and eight months behind bars due to time already served under house arrest. 

Navalny is also facing felony fraud charges for allegedly embezzling hundreds of millions of rubles in donations made to his non-profit and other organizations. If convicted, he faces up to 10 years in prison. 

Putin’s castle’ connected to financier Yuri Kovalchuk and Khrushchev

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Most recently, investigative reporters at Sobesednik, Proekt, The Bell, and other outlets have linked the infamous “palace” to Yuri Kovalchuk, the principal shareholder of Rossiya Bank and one of Vladimir Putin’s oldest friends.

The corporate email address listed for the St.-Petersburg-based firm “Binom” (the registered owner of Vladimir Putin’s alleged “palace” on the Black Sea coast) is hosted on the domain “llcinvest.ru.” According to the website Sobesednik, this domain belongs to the company “Standart,” which is in turn affiliated with Yuri Kovalchuk.

“Standart” is registered at the same address as “Igora Drive” and several other assets owned by Kovalchuk, says the news site The Bell. In fact, some of these businesses also use the llcinvest.ru domain. Spokespeople for Binom confirmed to Sobesednik that these firms all belong to a single conglomerate.

Binom also verified that it employs Denis Matyunin, whose name appears in documents as the legal representative for the owner of the “Shellest” yacht, which Sobesednik says periodically “ferries up” to the coastline near Gelendzhik, where Vladimir Putin’s alleged “palace” is located. The yacht itself is registered to the “Revival of Maritime Traditions” nonprofit partnership, which is also reportedly tied to Yuri Kovalchuk, according to both Sobesednik and the anti-corruption initiative Scanner Project.

Navalny’s investigation into “Putin’s palace” also mentioned Yuri Kovalchuk.
Rumors and reports about a mansion for Vladimir Putin outside Gelendzhik have circulated since 2010. The public’s interest reawakened in January 2021 when Alexey Navalny released an investigative report describing the construction (and perpetual remodeling) of the seaside compound. In his report, Navalny mentions Yuri Kovalchuk as one of the businessmen who allegedly helped finance both the palace and several adjacent vineyards and wineries.

After Navalny’s investigation became an international sensation, Alexander Ponomarenko announced that he cut ties with the property back in 2016 (though federal records still list him as the sole owner), and the billionaire Arkady Rotenberg publicly claimed to own the constriction site, which he says is the future home of an “apartment hotel” complex. But Rotenberg and Ponomarenko are old business partners, and open sources alone make it “difficult, to say the least,” to verify the palace’s true owner, says The Bell.


‘I loved this country’ Meduza talks to the architect behind ‘Putin’s palace’ about his career in Russia — and how it came to a sad end
It’s good to be the president Meduza spoke to contractors who helped build Vladimir Putin’s alleged seaside palace. Also, new blueprints reveal a subterranean fortress, multiple ‘aqua-discos,’ and more.
Kovalchuk might also have helped Putin buy a dacha complex near Yalta that was a famous retreat for Soviet leaders
The “Wisteria” dacha complex outside Yalta was originally built for Nikita Khrushchev, but his successor Leonid Brezhnev enjoyed more time there than any Soviet leader. After the USSR’s collapse, the compound became a vacation resort. In 2004, the Russian state bank VTB (then “Vneshtorgbank”) bought the facility, but the Ukrainian government canceled the sale a year later. According to Leonid Kuchma, who was Ukraine’s president at the time, Russia wanted Wisteria as a residence for Vladimir Putin.

After Russia’s annexation of Crimea, the authorities seized Wisteria and then privatized it in 2019, selling the property for 1.2 billion rubles ($16.3 million). The Crimean government has not disclosed the buyers’ names, but the news outlet Krym Realii (designated by the Russian Justice Ministry as a “foreign agent”) reported that a firm called “Oreanda-12,” owned by someone named Janis Ermanis, ultimately bought the dacha complex — a remarkable acquisition for a company with just 10,000 rubles ($135) in charter capital, no profits, and no website or contacts listed publicly.

Journalists at Proekt tracked down Ermanis in Moscow and learned that he’s a trained economist who offers private lessons in Wing Chun kung fu. Speaking to Proekt, he neither confirmed nor denied his role in buying Wisteria. Colleagues and relatives say he lives a modest life.

Ermanis is listed as Oreanda-12’s director and sole shareholder, says Proekt. The company’s shareholder register, moreover, is a St.-Petersburg-based firm called “Accounting and Registration Center,” which formally belongs to five individuals with known ties to Kovalchuk’s Rossiya Bank. The same firm in St. Petersburg acts as the shareholder register for Rossiya Bank, the National Media Group, and almost all Kovalchuk’s assets in Crimea.

Wisteria hasn’t welcomed any new guests in more than five years, locals told Proekt. An employee working at the neighboring Kremlin-run “Nizhnyaya Oreanda” retreat told journalists that construction work is underway at the vacant compound. Including Wisteria, President Putin may have more than 20 official and unofficial residences across Russia and Crimea, writes Proekt.

Meduza Photo Story – How Navalny became Navalny

Evgeny Feldman

On February 2, a Moscow court incarcerated Alexey Navalny, making him not only Russia’s most outspoken opposition politician and most serious opponent to Vladimir Putin but also the country’s most famous political prisoner. Drawing heavily on work by Evgeny Feldman, Meduza studied photo archives to recall how Navalny went from a young Moscow activist and blogger in the mid-2000s to the international figure he is today. His journey, which features arrests, political campaigns, criminal cases, assaults, and a near-fatal poisoning, hasn’t been easy.

Then the executive secretary of the “Committee to Protect Muscovites,” Alexey Navalny speaks in the summer of 2006 at a rally organized by the “DA!” movement in support of Moscow technical schools, which the city had decided to demolish and replace with residential and commercial buildings. Russia’s Federal Anti-Monopoly Service later overturned the city’s policy. The Committee to Protect Muscovites was founded in 2004 to combat illegal land development.
Alexey Navalny at the nationalist “Russian March” on November 4, 2011. Two years later, after participating in Moscow’s mayoral race, the politician who once called himself “a decent Russian nationalist” would decline to participate in further Russian Marches, saying he needed to “maintain the political balance” that had lifted his public profile.
Co-founders of the “Narod” movement (from left to right) Andrey Dmitriev, Zakhar Prilepin, Sergey Gulyaev, and Alexey Navalny hold a press conference on June 25, 2007, devoted to the creation of their organization. The group’s manifesto calls for “a new, nationally minded, and socially responsible government” in Russia. The liberal opposition party Yabloko previously expelled Navalny for “causing political damage to the party, in particular for nationalist activities.” Navalny says the real reason for his expulsion was his demand that Grigory Yavlinksy step down as the party’s leader.
Now a well-known politician, blogger, and the founder of the “Rospil” project (which exposed corruption in government contracts), Navalny addresses a crowd of demonstrators at a protest against fraud in Russia’s 2011 parliamentary elections. Roughly 5,000 people joined a rally at Chistoprudny Boulevard on December 5, 2011. Several hundred people were arrested.
On May 6, 2012, Navalny helps stage a mass protest at Moscow’s Bolotnaya Square against Vladimir Putin’s re-election and return to the presidency. In this photo, Navalny joins two of the demonstration’s other leaders, Boris Nemtsov and Ilya Yashin, in staging a sit-in. The rally ends in clashes with the police and dozens of criminal cases alleging riots and violence against the police. These investigations later became known collectively as the “Bolotnoye Delo.”
Navalny on May 8, 2012, after being arrested during the capital’s “public festivities” — the name activists used to describe protests in Moscow against the city’s crackdown on the May 6 demonstrators.
Alexey Navalny and his wife, Yulia, on July 19, 2013, at the Kirov regional court, following a judge’s decision to cancel his arrest (and the arrest of Petr Ofitsevov), a day after a lower court sentenced him to prison. Navalny is released until his prison sentence (which is later reduced to probation) takes effect.
Alexey Navalny at the Kirov regional court on October 16, 2013
Alexey Navalny and his wife, Yulia, on October 16, 2013, in the Kirov regional court, awaiting the judges’ verdict. The court changed prison sentences against Navalny and Petr Ofitserov in the so-called “Kirovles” case from prison time to probation. The two men were nevertheless convicted of embezzling property for buying products from the “Kirovles” firm and later reselling the goods at a premium. The Russian Supreme Court’s Presidium would later send the case for a retrial, following a ruling by the European Court of Human Rights that found the two defendants’ actions to be ordinary business activity. The court in Kirov only reconvicted them, however.
Alexey Navalny on August 25, 2013, during his mayoral campaign in Moscow, running on the “RPR-PARNAS” party ticket. In his campaign platform, he promised more transparent control over the city’s expenditures, expanded powers for local self-government, easier access to permits for public assemblies, and a revision of Moscow’s policy on migrant workers.
Alexey Navalny meets with voters during his mayoral campaign in Moscow. August 21, 2013
Another scene from Navalny’s summer 2013 mayoral campaign. His team was the first to deploy “pop-up cubes” around the city to draw voters’ attention.
Another moment during Navalny’s mayoral campaign on August 21, 2013, just two weeks before incumbent Mayor Sergey Sobyanin won and narrowly avoided a runoff election. Navalny got 27.2 percent of the vote.
Alexey Navalny and his brother, Oleg, on December 30, 2014, at a Moscow court after the verdicts are announced in the “Yves Rocher” case. Prosecutors claim that the two men mislead executives at “Yves Rocher Vostok” and provided the cosmetics company with transportation services at marked-up prices. Oleg Navalny insisted that it was a standard business contract, and Alexey denied any involvement in the business at all. The court nevertheless sentenced Alexey to three and a half years of probation. Navalny’s brother got three and a half years in prison. The European Court of Human Rights later determined that the Russian court’s ruling was “arbitrary and manifestly unreasonable.”
While under house arrest following the Yves Rocher case verdict, Alexey Navalny challenges the extension of his house arrest. On January 5, 2015, he publishes a photograph on Twitter showing that he’s removed his electronic tracking bracelet. He says he refuses to observe the terms of his arrest any further, arguing that his house arrest is illegal.
Navalny at a meeting held at the Anti-Corruption Foundation on February 14, 2017.
On February 27, 2016, Navalny joins a march in honor of Boris Nemtsov on the first anniversary of his assassination. At the demonstration, Navalny announces his intention to challenge Vladimir Putin in Russia’s next presidential election. He also releases a presidential platform advocating a system crackdown on corruption, an end to Russia’s confrontation with the West, higher taxes, and new efforts against social inequality.
Navalny and his wife during a flight to Yekaterinburg, where his presidential campaign is opening a local headquarters. February 24, 2017.
Alexey Navalny has a quick bite to eat during a campaign coordination conference in Tarusa on August 29, 2017.
Navalny campaigns for president in Kazan on March 5, 2017.
On March 20, 2017, before Navalny can attend the opening of his campaign office in Barnaul, a man attacks him and sprays green antiseptic in his face. Navalny’s chief of staff, Leonid Volkov, says the assailant fled in a car that escaped into the regional government’s compound.
On April 27, 2017, Navalny is attacked with antiseptic again, this time sustaining a serious eye injury. He blames the assault on men working for the Kremlin. One of the perpetrators is later identified as an activist from the right-wing “SERB” movement.
Navalny and his wife on February 24, 2017.
Navalny is arrested at a protest on March 26, 2017, against corruption. The nationwide demonstrators are inspired largely by an investigative report released by the Anti-Corruption Foundation about illicit financial schemes alleging involving then Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. City officials in Moscow denied demonstrators a permit to assemble in public, but Navalny nevertheless called on his supporters to “join him for a stroll.” The day ended with mass arrests.
The Anti-Corruption Foundation’s office in Moscow after a police raid on March 31, 2017. The group had recently live-streamed the nationwide protests against corruption. (The dust visible on the desk above is a powder used for fingerprinting.)
Navalny meets with voters in Khabarovsk on September 24, 2017.
Navalny and his wife on August 29, 2017, before a regional coordination conference in Tarusa for his presidential campaign.
Alexey Navalny on December 25, 2017, before visiting Russia’s Central Election Commission, which is due to rule on his eligibility for presidential candidacy.
Navalny and his campaign’s attorneys make their way to the Central Election Commission building in Moscow. December 25, 2017.
Russia’s Central Election Commission rejects Navalny’s presidential candidacy, arguing that his “criminal record” is not yet expunged. December 25, 2017.
The Navalnys with their son, Zakhar, in Moscow’s subway system. The family is en route to a rally against the mayor’s controversial renovations program. May 14, 2017.
Alexey Navalny reunites with his brother, Oleg, who is released from prison on June 29, 2018, after three and a half years behind bars.
On July 20, 2019, the Navalnys attend a protest against Moscow officials’ refusal to register more than a dozen independent candidates in upcoming local elections. Subsequent demonstrations end in a violent police crackdown and a series of felony prosecutions against activists that becomes known as the “Moscow case.”
On August 20, 2020, Alexey Navalny collapses aboard a flight from Tomsk to Moscow. The pilots make an emergency landing in Omsk, where Navalny receives emergency medical attention. After two days, he is loaded into an ambulance plane and transferred to Berlin, where experts determine that he was poisoned with a Novichok-class nerve agent. Navalny later pairs with investigative reporters at Bellingcat, The Insider, and other outlets to uncover evidence that agents from Russia’s Federal Security Service apparently carried out the attempt on his life. Russian officials deny these allegations and have refused to open a criminal investigation into Navalny’s poisoning.
Still unconscious, Navalny is loaded into an ambulance plane in Omsk to be transferred to a clinic in Berlin. August 22, 2020.
Navalny and his family at the Charité Clinic in Berlin on September 15, 2020.
Alexey Navalny boards a plane in Berlin to return home to Moscow, where he is arrested almost immediately. January 17, 2021.
Navalny’s arrest at Sheremetyevo airport after returning to Moscow from Berlin. During his recovery in Germany, Russian prison officials issued an arrest warrant for Navalny, claiming that he had violated the parole terms of his probation sentence in the “Yves Rocher” case. The authorities filed a lawsuit demanding that his probation be revoked and replaced with a prison sentence. Navalny is jailed for a month, pending the results of the hearing. January 17, 2021.
After his arraignment, Navalny is transferred to Moscow’s Matrosskaya Tishina prison until his trial in early February.
Moscow’s regional court hears Navalny’s challenge against the decision to jail him until his “Yves Rocher” parole trial. He teleconferences into the courtroom from jail. January 28, 2021.
On February 2, a Moscow court replaces Navalny’s probation sentence in the Yves Rocher case with prison time. Pending appellate rulings, Navalny will have to spend at least the next two years and eight months in prison. Pictured above: Navalny gestures to his wife in court.

EU Parliament wants Sanctions against Putin’s Inner Circle and Russian Oligarchs

Nawalny veröffentlicht Video zu angeblichem Luxus-Palast von Putin |  STERN.de

The European Parliament has adopted a resolution calling on EU member states to “significantly strengthen” sanctions against Russia and stop work on completing the Nord Stream 2 pipeline in response to the arrest of opposition figure Alexey Navalny. 

In particular, the members of the European Parliament are calling for sanctions against:

  • “Individuals and legal entities” involved in the decision to imprison Navalny
  • “Russian oligarchs linked to the regime”
  • Members of President Vladimir Putin’s inner circle
  • And “Russian media propagandists, who possess assets in the EU and can currently travel there.”

Additional restrictive measures could also be taken for human rights violations, under the new EU GlobalHuman Rights Sanctions Regime.

The resolution demands Navalny’s “immediate and unconditional release,” as well as the release of all other individuals detained in connection with his return to Russia.

After Alexey Navalny’s arrest, his associate Vladimir Ashurkov published a list of Russian nationals who, in Navalny’s opinion, ought to be placed under sanctions. Among others, the list includes oligarch Alisher Usmanov, billionaire Roman Abramovich, TV host Vladimir Solovyov, and Health Minister Mikhail Murashk.

Nawalny veröffentlicht investigatives Video über Putin | Machtkampf in Russland

Putin´s berühmtester Kritiker Nawalny veröffentlichte vor einigen Stunden ein investigatives Antikorruptionsvideo gegen den russischen Präsidenten. Innerhalb weniger Stunden wurde das Video bereits 18 Millionen mal angeklickt. Studio Berlin veröffentlicht das fast 2 Stunden lange Video ungekürzt. Das Video ist in russischer Sprache, allerdings kann man in den Youtube-Einstellungen “englisch” als Untertitel aktivieren. Die Studio Berlin Community hat viele russisch-sprachige Follower. Vielleicht mag der eine oder andere seine Meinung zu dem Video in die Kommentare schreiben. Kurz nach dem Nawalny in Moskau verhaftet wurde, hat sein Team dieses Video veröffentlicht. Dazu sagt Nawalny im Video selbst: »Wir haben ausgemacht, dass wir diese Recherche erst veröffentlichen, wenn ich wieder in Moskau bin, damit ihr wichtigster Held nicht glaubt, wir haben Angst vor ihm«. Dabei sitzt Nawalny auf einer Bank in Dresden (In Dresden war Putin einst als KGB-Offizier aktiv). Dies werde »ein psychologisches Porträt«, so Nawalny: »Wir wollen verstehen, wie aus einem einfachen Sowjetoffizier ein Irrer wurde, der auf Geld und Luxus fixiert ist.«

Borat at Putin’s Palace from the investigation of Alexei Navalny

Freedom for Alexei Navalny. Wikipedia: Putin’s Palace(Residence at Cape Idokopas). On 19 January 2021, two days after Navalny was detained by Russian authorities upon his return to Russia, a video investigation by him and the Anti-Corruption Foundation FBK was published accusing President Vladimir Putin of using fraudulently obtained funds to build the estate for himself in what he called “the world’s biggest bribe”. In the investigation, Navalny said that the estate is 39 times the size of Monaco and cost over 100 billion rubles $1.35 billion to construct. It also showed aerial footage of the estate via a drone and a detailed floorplan of the palace that Navalny said was given by a contractor, which he compared to photographs from inside the palace that were leaked onto the Internet in 2011. He also detailed an elaborate corruption scheme allegedly involving Putin’s inner circle that allowed Putin to hide billions of dollars to build the estate. World community Alexey Navalny needs your help. The Residence at Cape Idokopas Russian: Резиденция на мысе Идокопас, also known as Putin’s Palace is a large Italianate palace complex located on the Black Sea coast near the village of Praskoveevka in Gelendzhik, Krasnodar Krai, Russia. The palace was claimed to have been built for President Vladimir Putin


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“Where injustice becomes right, resistance becomes a duty!”

 

Alexej Nawalny: Wie der Anti-Putin wirklich tickt und was ihn antreibt

“Where injustice becomes right, resistance becomes a duty!”

This motto does not only apply to the Hitler era, but also to Russia under Putin.

Alexey Navalny lives this resistance, setting an example for all of us – as do Julian Assange and Edward Snowden.

This becomes all the more important as the mainstream media of all countries are often corrupt and use the above-mentioned lone fighters as an alibi.

Allow me to remind you that even in Germany former Chancellors and active Prime Ministers still actively support Putin and his system of injustice.

A murderous system of injustice to which former Stasi employees and their IMs will still be subject to in 2021.

The federal German legislature, judiciary and executive are also disintegrated by these figures.

As is well known, the fish stinks from the head.

Sincerely you

Bernd Pulch

“Wo Unrecht zu Recht wird, wird Widerstand zur Pflicht !”

Gemeinsam gegen Putin: Chodorkowski unterstützt Nawalny - n-tv.de

“Wo Unrecht zu Recht wird, wird Widerstand zur Pflicht !”

Dieses Motto gilt nicht nur für die Hitler-Zeit, sondern ebenso für das Russland unter Putin.

Alexey Nawalny lebt diesen Widerstand, beispiel gebend für uns alle – ebenso wie Julian Assange und Edward Snowden.

Dies wird um so wichtiger als die Mainstream-Medien aller Länder oft korrupt sind und die oben genannten Einzelkämpfer als Alibi nutzen.

Es sei mir erlaubt daran zu erinnern, dass auch in Deutschland noch ehemalige Bundeskanzler und aktive Ministerpräsidentinnen Putin und sein Unrechtssystem aktiv unterstützen.

Ein mörderisches Unrechtssystem, dem weiter ehemalige Stasi-Mitarbeiter und deren IM auch in 2021 noch untertan sind.

Auch die bundesdeutsche Legislative, Judikative und Exekutive ist von diesen Gestalten zersetzt.

Der Fisch stinkt bekanntlich vom Kopf her.

Herzlichst Ihr

Bernd Pulch

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