Liebe Leser,

die STASI-Fälschungen der selbsternannten “Nachrichtenagentur” “GoMoPa” – angeblich aus New York, in Wirklichkeit mutmasslich in Verden an der Aller bzw. Ost-Berlin ansässig, werden immer absurder.

Nach den bekannten Fällen

– Wirceard

– Ethikbank

– Professor Minister Stelter

– Ex-Justiz-Senator Braun

– Immovation

– WGF

und 5.000 Personen und Firmen auf der fingierten STASI-Warnliste kommen jetzt noch die Fälle Loipfinger und Daum auf das Konto der wegen Betruges am eigenen Anleger vorbestraften “GoMoPa” hinzu. Auf eigene Rechnung oder auf fremde Rechnung – nur das ist hier die Frage.

Auch ich habe diese perfiden anonymen E-Mails der “GoMoPa” alias Dave U Random erhalten und wurde ebenfalls massivst gestalkt und geschädigt.

Deswegen wehre ich mich gegen diese Typen – ich weiss aber auch ganz sicher:

In den nächsten Tagen kommen garantiert die nächsten Personen und Firmen, die von “GoMoPa” entsprechend behandelt werden, weil sie so ihr Geld verdienen – siehe die zahlreichen Presse-Artikel über “GoMoPa”.

Dies führt zwangsläufig dazu, dass die “GoMoPa”-Lage und die ihrer Auftraggeber, Helfershelfer und Mitgenossen immer prekärer wird.

Die fingierten Pressemeldungen und getarnten Stalking-Seiten der “GoMoPa”, in denen ihren Gegnern Ungeheurliches vorgeworfen wird,  sollen doch nur von diesen Tatsachen ablenken.

Dabei werden die wahren Tatsachen bösartig verdreht

– siehe Meridian Capital

– siehe Ethik Bank

– siehe Wirecard

– siehe Immovation

– siehe WGF

– siehe Ex-Justiz-Senator Braun

– siehe – Professor Minister Stelter

– siehe “GoMoPa”-Kinder-Portal

An dieser Stelle könnte ich eine ganze Enzyklopädie aufführen..

Dabei heiligt der Zweck die unheiligen Mittel.

Das setzen die Stasi-Stalker um, wie sie es einst gelernt haben.

Etwas anderes z.B.  konstruktiv agieren, können diese Typen nicht.

Herzlichst Ihr

Bernd Pulch

Magister Artium der Publizistik, Germanistik und Komparatistk

http://www.ndr.de/fernsehen/sendungen/zapp/medien_politik_wirtschaft/verleumdung101.html

Zitat:

“Verlage und Sender werden systematisch mit Post überflutet: immer derselbe, anonyme Brief. Vom Intendanten über den Fernsehdirektor bis in alle möglichen Redaktionen. Aufgemacht als einfache Zuschauermail, garniert mit Attacken. Von “Lügen und Manipulationen aus der Feder des Herrn Loipfinger” ist die Rede.

Es geht auch schärfer: In einer ebenfalls anonymen Mail, massenhaft versandt an Geschäftspartner, Journalisten und auch seine Familie, heißt es: “Staranalyst Stefan Loipfinger ist ein Kinderschänder”. Es folgen perverse Sex-Fanatasien, angeblich Loipfingers. Dann heißt es: “Du Stricher! (…) Für das, was du getan hast, wirst du bezahlen.” Und weiter: “Wir machen Dich fertig, Du Hurensohn! Dich […] und Deine ganze dreckige Verwandtschaft gleich mit!”. Auch so etwas findet sich mittlerweile im Internet.”

GoMoPa GmbH

Berlin

Jahresabschluss zum Geschäftsjahr vom 12.02.2008 bis zum 31.12.2008

Bilanz

Anhang

Allgemeine Angaben

Der Jahresabschluss der Gesellschaft wurde auf der Grundlage der Rechnungslegungsvorschriften des Handelsgesetzbuchs aufgestellt.

Soweit Wahlrechte für Angaben in der Bilanz oder im Anhang ausgeübt werden können, wurde der Vermerk in der Bilanz gewählt.

Für die Gewinn- und Verlustrechnung wurde das Gesamtkostenverfahren gewählt.

Nach den in § 267 HGB angegebenen Größenklassen ist die Gesellschaft eine kleine Kapitalgesellschaft.

Angaben zur Bilanzierung und Bewertung einschließlich der Vornahme steuerrechtlicher Maßnahmen

Bilanzierungs- und Bewertungsgrundsätze

Der Jahresabschluss der Gesellschaft wurde auf der Grundlage der Rechnungslegungsvorschriften des Handelsgesetzbuchs aufgestellt.

Ergänzend zu diesen Vorschriften waren die Regelungen des GmbH-Gesetzes zu beachten.

Erworbene immaterielle Anlagewerte wurden zu Anschaffungskosten angesetzt und sofern sie der Abnutzung unterlagen, um planmäßige Abschreibungen vermindert.

Das Sachanlagevermögen wurde zu Anschaffungs- bzw. Herstellungskosten angesetzt und soweit abnutzbar, um planmäßige Abschreibungen vermindert.

Die planmäßigen Abschreibungen wurden nach der voraussichtlichen Nutzungsdauer der Vermögensgegenstände und entsprechend den steuerlichen Vorschriften linear und degressiv vorgenommen.

Der Übergang von der degressiven zur linearen Abschreibung erfolgt in den Fällen, in denen dies zu einer höheren Jahresabschreibung führt.

Bewegliche Gegenstände des Anlagevermögens bis zu einem Wert von € 150,- wurden im Jahr des Zugangs aktiviert und planmäßig abgeschrieben.

Die Finanzanlagen wurden wie folgt angesetzt und bewertet:

Soweit erforderlich, wurde der am Bilanzstichtag vorliegende niedrigere Wert angesetzt.

Die Vorräte wurden zu Anschaffungs- bzw. Herstellungskosten angesetzt. Sofern die Tageswerte am Bilanzstichtag niedriger waren, wurden diese angesetzt.

Forderungen und Wertpapiere wurden unter Berücksichtigung aller erkennbaren Risiken bewertet.

Die Steuerrückstellungen beinhalten die das Geschäftsjahr betreffenden, noch nicht veranlagten Steuern.

Die sonstigen Rückstellungen wurden für alle weiteren ungewissen Verbindlichkeiten gebildet. Dabei wurden alle erkennbaren Risiken berücksichtigt.

Verbindlichkeiten wurden zum Rückzahlungsbetrag angesetzt. Sofern die Tageswerte über den Rückzahlungsbeträgen lagen, wurden die Verbindlichkeiten zum höheren Tageswert angesetzt.

Abschreibungen des Geschäftsjahres nach allein steuerrechtlichen Vorschriften

In den Abschreibungen sind Abschreibungen nach allein steuerlichen Vorschriften nicht enthalten.

Angaben und Erläuterungen zu einzelnen Posten der Bilanz- und Gewinn- und Verlustrechnung

Bruttoanlagenspiegel

Die Aufgliederung und Entwicklung der Anlagenwerte ist aus dem dem Jahresabschluss beigefügtem Anlagespiegel zu entnehmen.

Geschäftsjahresabschreibung

Die Geschäftsjahresabschreibung je Posten der Bilanz ist aus dem Anlagenverzeichnis zu entnehmen

Aktivierte Disagiobeträge

Aktivierte Disagiobeträge sind nicht vorhanden.

Betrag der Verbindlichkeiten und Sicherungsrechte mit einer Restlaufzeit von mehr als 5 Jahren

Der Gesamtbetrag der bilanzierten Verbindlichkeiten mit einer Restlaufzeit von mehr als 5 Jahren beträgt € 0,00.

Haftungsverhältnisse aus nicht bilanzierten Verbindlichkeiten gemäß § 251 HGB

Neben den in der Bilanz aufgeführten Verbindlichkeiten sind keine weiteren Haftungsverhältnisse zu vermerken:

Vorschlag der Ergebnisverwendung

Die Geschäftsführung schlägt den Gesellschaftern vor, das Jahresergebnis in voller Höhe auf neue Rechnung vorzutragen.

Namen der Geschäftsführer

Während des abgelaufenen Geschäftsjahrs wurden die Geschäfte des Unternehmens durch folgende Personen geführt:

Geschäftsführer: Peter Reski

Angabe der Ausleihungen, Forderungen und Verbindlichkeiten gegenüber Gesellschaftern

Der Betrag der Verbindlichkeiten gegenüber Gesellschaftern beträgt 76.333,34 EUR. Der Betrag der Forderungen und sonstigen Vermögensgegenstände gegenüber Gesellschaftern beträgt 4.214,30 EUR.

QUELLE:

https://www.unternehmensregister.de/ureg/result.html;jsessionid=0F1601118B6C1EEB4CC59BD0438D2AAB.www01-1?submitaction=showDocument&id=4501358

HIER KÖNNEN SIE DIE “GoMoPa”-BILANZ 2008 DOWNLOADEN

GoMoPa Bilanz 2008

GoMoPa GmbH

Berlin

Jahresabschluss zum Geschäftsjahr vom 01.01.2009 bis zum 31.12.2009

Bilanz

Anhang

Allgemeine Angaben

Der Jahresabschluss der Gesellschaft wurde auf der Grundlage der Rechnungslegungsvorschriften des Handelsgesetzbuchs aufgestellt.

Soweit Wahlrechte für Angaben in der Bilanz oder im Anhang ausgeübt werden können, wurde der Vermerk in der Bilanz gewählt.

Für die Gewinn- und Verlustrechnung wurde das Gesamtkostenverfahren gewählt.

Nach den in § 267 HGB angegebenen Größenklassen ist die Gesellschaft eine kleine Kapitalgesellschaft.

Angaben zur Bilanzierung und Bewertung einschließlich der Vornahme steuerrechtlicher Maßnahmen

Bilanzierungs- und Bewertungsgrundsätze

Der Jahresabschluss der Gesellschaft wurde auf der Grundlage der Rechnungslegungsvorschriften des Handelsgesetzbuchs aufgestellt.

Ergänzend zu diesen Vorschriften waren die Regelungen des GmbH-Gesetzes zu beachten.

Erworbene immaterielle Anlagewerte wurden zu Anschaffungskosten angesetzt und sofern sie der Abnutzung unterlagen, um planmäßige Abschreibungen vermindert.

Das Sachanlagevermögen wurde zu Anschaffungs- bzw. Herstellungskosten angesetzt und soweit abnutzbar, um planmäßige Abschreibungen vermindert.

Die planmäßigen Abschreibungen wurden nach der voraussichtlichen Nutzungsdauer der Vermögensgegenstände und entsprechend den steuerlichen Vorschriften linear und degressiv vorgenommen.

Der Übergang von der degressiven zur linearen Abschreibung erfolgt in den Fällen, in denen dies zu einer höheren Jahresabschreibung führt.

Bewegliche Gegenstände des Anlagevermögens bis zu einem Wert von € 150,- wurden im Jahr des Zugangs aktiviert und planmäßig abgeschrieben.

Die Finanzanlagen wurden wie folgt angesetzt und bewertet:

Soweit erforderlich, wurde der am Bilanzstichtag vorliegende niedrigere Wert angesetzt.

Die Vorräte wurden zu Anschaffungs- bzw. Herstellungskosten angesetzt. Sofern die Tageswerte am Bilanzstichtag niedriger waren, wurden diese angesetzt.

Forderungen und Wertpapiere wurden unter Berücksichtigung aller erkennbaren Risiken bewertet.

Die Steuerrückstellungen beinhalten die das Geschäftsjahr betreffenden, noch nicht veranlagten Steuern.

Die sonstigen Rückstellungen wurden für alle weiteren ungewissen Verbindlichkeiten gebildet. Dabei wurden alle erkennbaren Risiken berücksichtigt.

Verbindlichkeiten wurden zum Rückzahlungsbetrag angesetzt. Sofern die Tageswerte über den Rückzahlungsbeträgen lagen, wurden die Verbindlichkeiten zum höheren Tageswert angesetzt.

Abschreibungen des Geschäftsjahres nach allein steuerrechtlichen Vorschriften

In den Abschreibungen sind Abschreibungen nach allein steuerlichen Vorschriften nicht enthalten.

Angaben und Erläuterungen zu einzelnen Posten der Bilanz- und Gewinn- und Verlustrechnung

Bruttoanlagenspiegel

Die Aufgliederung und Entwicklung der Anlagenwerte ist aus dem dem Jahresabschluss beigefügtem Anlagespiegel zu entnehmen.

Geschäftsjahresabschreibung

Die Geschäftsjahresabschreibung je Posten der Bilanz ist aus dem Anlagenverzeichnis zu entnehmen

Aktivierte Disagiobeträge

Aktivierte Disagiobeträge sind nicht vorhanden.

Betrag der Verbindlichkeiten und Sicherungsrechte mit einer Restlaufzeit von mehr als 5 Jahren

Der Gesamtbetrag der bilanzierten Verbindlichkeiten mit einer Restlaufzeit von mehr als 5 Jahren beträgt € 0,00.

Haftungsverhältnisse aus nicht bilanzierten Verbindlichkeiten gemäß § 251 HGB

Neben den in der Bilanz aufgeführten Verbindlichkeiten sind keine weiteren Haftungsverhältnisse zu vermerken:

Vorschlag der Ergebnisverwendung

Die Geschäftsführung schlägt den Gesellschaftern vor, das Jahresergebnis in voller Höhe auf neue Rechnung vorzutragen.

Namen der Geschäftsführer

Während des abgelaufenen Geschäftsjahrs wurden die Geschäfte des Unternehmens durch folgende Personen geführt: Geschäftsführer: Peter Reski

Angabe der Ausleihungen, Forderungen und Verbindlichkeiten gegenüber Gesellschaftern

1.1.2009 – 31.12.2009

Der Betrag der Verbindlichkeiten gegenüber Gesellschaftern beträgt 81.848,00 EUR. Der Betrag der Forderungen und sonstigen Vermögensgegenstände gegenüber Gesellschaftern beträgt 0,00 EUR.

12.2.2008 – 31.12.2008

Der Betrag der Verbindlichkeiten gegenüber Gesellschaftern beträgt 76.333,34 EUR. Der Betrag der Forderungen und sonstigen Vermögensgegenstände gegenüber Gesellschaftern beträgt 4.214,30 EUR.

QUELLE:

https://www.unternehmensregister.de/ureg/result.html;jsessionid=0F1601118B6C1EEB4CC59BD0438D2AAB.www01-1?submitaction=showDocument&id=6163764

HIER KÖNNEN SIE DIE “GoMoPa”-BILANZ 2009 DOWNLOADEN

GoMoPa Bilanz 2009

Nachfolgend die Stellujngnahme der Meridian Capital zu “GoMoPa”:

 

 

Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren,

die Betrüger und durch uns inhaftierten Erpresser der GoMoPa versuchen mit einer gefälschten Presse-Mitteilung von sich abzulenken und einen investigativen Journalisten, Bernd Pulch, zu belasten.

Die Presse-Mitteilung auf pressreleaser.org ist eine Fälschung und die gesamte Webseite ist der GoMoPa zu zuordnen.

Hier noch einmal die tatäschlichen Geschehnisse:

Hier der Artikel von “GoMoPa” über Meridian Capital.

„GoMopa“ schreibt:08.09.2008 Weltweite Finanzierungen mit WidersprüchenDie Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. gibt an, weltweite Finanzierungen anbieten zu können und präsentiert sich hierbei auf aufwendig kreierten Webseiten. GOMOPA hat die dort gemachten Angaben analysiert und Widersprüche entdeckt.Der FirmensitzDer Firmensitz befindet sich laut eigener Aussage in Dubai, Vereinigte Arabische Emirate. In einem GOMOPA vorliegenden Schreiben der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. heißt es jedoch, der Firmensitz sei in London. Auf der Homepage des Unternehmens taucht die Geschäftsadresse in der Londoner Old Broad Street nur als „Kundenabteilung für deutschsprachige Kunden“ auf. Eine weitere Adresse in der englischen Hauptstadt, diesmal in der Windsor Avenue, sei die „Abteilung der Zusammenarbeit mit Investoren“.Die Meridian Capital Enterprises ist tatsächlich als „Limited“ (Ltd.) mit Sitz in England und Wales eingetragen. Aber laut Firmenhomepage hat das Unternehmen seinen „rechtlichen Geschäftssitz“ in Dubai. Eine Abfrage beim Gewerbeamt Dubais (DED) zu dieser Firmierung bleibt ergebnislos.Bemerkenswert ist auch der vermeintliche Sitz in Israel. Auf der Webseite von Meridian Capital Enterprises heißt es: „Die Firma Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. ist im Register des israelischen Justizministeriums unter der Nummer 514108471, gemäß dem Gesellschaftsrecht von 1999, angemeldet.“ Hierzu Martin Kraeter, Gomopa-Partner und Prinzipal der KLP Group Emirates in Dubai: „Es würde keinem einzigen Emirati – geschweige denn einem Scheich auch nur im Traum einfallen, direkte Geschäfte mit Personen oder Firmen aus Israel zu tätigen. Und schon gar nicht würde er zustimmen, dass sein Konterfei auch noch mit vollem Namen auf der Webseite eines Israelischen Unternehmens prangt.“Auf der Internetseite sind diverse Fotos mit Scheichs an Konferenztischen zu sehen. Doch diese großen Tagungen und großen Kongresse der Meridian Capital Enterprises werden in den Pressearchiven der lokalen Presse Dubais mit keinem Wort erwähnt. Martin Kraeter: „ Ein ‚britisch-arabisch-israelisches bankfremdes Finanzinstitut sein zu wollen, wie die Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. es darstellt, ist mehr als zweifelhaft. So etwas gibt es schlicht und ergreifend nicht! Der Nahostkonflikt schwelt schon seit mehr als 50 Jahren. Hier in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten (VAE) werden Israelis erst gar nicht ins Land gelassen. Israelische Produkte sind gebannt. Es gibt nicht einmal direkte Telefonverbindungen. Die VAE haben fast 70% der Wiederaufbaukosten des Libanon geschultert, nachdem Israel dort einmarschiert ist.“Zwei angebliche Großinvestitionen der Meridian Capital Enterprises in Dubai sind Investmentruinen bzw. erst gar nicht realisierte Projekte. Das Unternehmen wirbt mit ihrer finanziellen Beteiligung an dem Dubai Hydropolis Hotel und dem Dubai Snowdome. Der Aktivitätsstatus der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. ist laut englischen Handelsregister (UK Companies House) „dormant“ gemeldet. Auf der Grundlage des englischen Gesellschaftsrechts können sich eingetragene Unternehmen selbst „dormant“ (schlafend) melden, wenn sie keine oder nur unwesentliche buchhalterisch zu erfassende Transaktionen vorgenommen haben. Dies ist angesichts der angeblichen globalen Investitionstätigkeit der Meridian Capital Ltd. sehr erstaunlich. Der Webauftritt Die Internetseite der MCE ist sehr aufwendig gestaltet, die Investitionen angeblich in Millionen- und Milliardenhöhe. Bei näherer Betrachtung der Präsentationselemente fällt jedoch auf, dass es sich bei zahlreichen veröffentlichen Fotos, die Veranstaltungen der Meridian Capital Enterprises dokumentieren sollen, meist um Fotos von Online-Zeitungen oder frei zugänglichen Medienfotos einzelner Institutionen handelt wie z.B. der Börse Dubai. Auf der Internetpräsenz befinden sich Videofilmchen, die eine frappierende Ähnlichkeit mit dem Werbematerial von NAKHEEL aufweisen, dem größten Bauträger der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate. Doch den schillernden Videos über die berühmten drei Dubai Palmen „Jumeirah, Jebel Ali und Deira“ oder das Archipel „The World“ wurden offensichtlich selbstproduzierte Trailersequenzen der Meridian Capital Enterprises vorangestellt. Doch könnte es sich bei den Werbevideos um Fremdmaterial handeln. Auch die auf der Webseite wahllos platzierten Fotos von bekannten Sehenswürdigkeiten Dubais fungieren als Augenfang für den interessierten Surfer mit eigenem Finanzierungswunsch. Bei einem Volumen von 10 Millionen Euro oder höher präsentiert sich die Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. als der passende Investitionspartner. Das Unternehmen verfügt weltweit über zahlreiche Standorte: Berlin, London, Barcelona, Warschau, Moskau, Dubai, Riad, Tel Aviv, Hong Kong und New York. Aber nahezu alle Standorte sind lediglich Virtual Offices eines global arbeitenden Büroservice-Anbieters. „Virtual Office“ heißt im Deutschen schlicht „Briefkastenfirma“. Unter solchen Büroadressen sollen laut Meridian Capital Enterprises ganze Kommissionen ansässig sein, alles zum Wohle des Kunden.“ Zitatende

Hier die Hintergründe der Erpressung:

http://www.immobilien-vertraulich.com/law/7154-opfer-nach-immovation-und-estavis-versucht-gomopa-nun-dkb-zu-erpressen-gomopa-hintermann-ra-resch.html

Hier unsere Original-Stellungnahme:

Anfang Oktober 2008 erhielt einer der Arbeiter der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. eine Meldung von einem anonymen Sender, dass in naher Zukunft – zuerst im Internet, dann im Fernsehen, im Radio und in der deutschen Presse – Informationen erscheinen, die die Funktionsweise und Tätigkeiten der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. in einem äußerst negativen Licht darstellen. Der Mitarbeiter der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. wurde also informiert, dass diese Meldungen/Nachrichten zweifelsohne deutlich das Aussehen und den guten Ruf der Firma Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. beeinträchtigen.
Der an dieser Stelle erwähnte „Gesprächspartner” hat den Arbeiter der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. informiert, dass die Möglichkeit besteht die peinliche Situation zu vermeiden, indem die Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. auf das von der Person gezeigte Konto die Summe von 100.000,00 EUR überweist. Wie sich aber später zeigte, war der Herr Klaus Maurischat – dieser anonyme Gesprächspartner – „Gehirn“ und „Lider des GOMOPA“. Die Ermittlungen wurden angestellt durch die Bundeskriminalpolizei (Verfolgungs- und Ermittlungsorgan auf der Bundesebene) während des Ermittlungsverfahrens wegen einer finanziellen Erpressung, Betrügereien auch wegen der Bedrohungen, welche von Herrn Maurischat und seine Mitarbeiter praktiziert wurden sowie wegen Teilnahme anderer (Leiter der Internetservices und Moderatoren der Blogs) an diesem Prozedere. Diese Straftaten wurden begangen zu Schaden vieler Berufs- und Justizpersonen, darunter auch der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. Die Opfer dieses Verbrechens sind in Deutschland, Österreich, der Schweiz, Spanien, Portugal, Großbritannien, den USA und Kanada sichtbar.
In diesem Moment taucht folgende Frage auf: Wie war die Reaktion der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. auf die Forderungen seitens GOMOPA? Entsprach die Reaktion den Erwartungen von GOMOPA? Hat die Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. die geforderte Summe 100.000,00 EUR überwiesen?
Seites der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. gab es überhaupt keine Reaktion auf den Erpressungsversuch von GOMOPA. Ende August 2008 auf dem Service http://www.gompa.net sind zahlreiche Artikel/Meldungen erscheinen, welche die Tätigkeit der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. in einem sehr negativen Licht dargestellt haben. Nachdem die auf http://www.gomopa.net enthaltenen Informationen ausführlich und vollständig analysiert worden waren, ergab es sich, dass sie der Wahrheit nicht einmal in einem Punkt entsprechen und potenzielle und bereits bestehende Kunden der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. in Bezug auf die von diesem Finanzinstitut geführten Geschäftstätigkeit irreführen. Infolge der kriminellen Handlugen von GOMOPA und der mit ihm kooperierenden Services und Blogs im Netz hat die Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. beachtliche und messbare geschäftliche Verluste erlitten. Die Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. hat nämlich in erster Linie eine wichtige Gruppe von potenziellen Kund verloren. Was sich aber als wichtiger ergab, haben sich die bisherigen Kunden von der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. kaum abgewandt. Diejenigen Kunden haben unsere Dienstleitungen weiterhin genutzt und nutzen die immer noch. In Hinblick auf die bisherige Zusammenarbeit mit der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd., werden ihrerseits dem entsprechend keine Einwände erhoben .
GOMOPA hat so einen Verlauf der Ereignisse genau prognostiziert, dessen Ziel beachtliche und messbare geschäftliche durch die Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. erlittene Verluste waren. Der Verlauf der Ereignisse hat das Service GOMOPA mit Sicherheit gefreut. GOMOPA hat nämlich darauf gerechnet, dass die Stellung der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. nachlässt und das Finanzinstitut die geforderte Summe (100.000,00 EUR) bereitstellt. Im Laufe der Zeit, als das ganze Prozedere im Netz immer populärer war, versuchte GOMOPA noch vier mal zu der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. Kontakte aufzunehmen, indem es jedes mal das Einstellen dieser kriminellen „Kompanie” versprochen hat, wobei es jedes mal seine finanziellen Forderungen heraufsetzte. Die letzte für das Einstellen der „Kompanie“ gegen die Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. vorgesehene Quote betrug sogar 5.000.000,00 EUR (in Worten: fünfmilionen EURO). Die Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. konnte sich aber vor den ständig erhöhenden Forderungen seitens des Services GOMOPA behaupten.
Im Oktober 2008 traf die Leitung der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. Entscheidung über die Benachrichtigung der Internationalen Polizei INTERPOL sowie entsprechender Strafverfolgungsorgane der BRD (die Polizei und die Staatsanwaltschaft) über den bestehenden Sachverhalt. In der Zwischenzeit meldeten sich bei der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. zahlreiche Firmen und Korporationen, sogar Berufsperson wie Ärzte, Richter, Priester, Schauspieler und anderen Personen aus unterschiedlichen Ländern der Welt, die der Erpressung von GOMOPA nachgegeben und die geforderten Geldsummen überwiesen haben. Diese Personen gaben bereits Erklärungen ab, dass sie dies getan haben, damit man sie bloß endlich „in Ruhe lässt” und um unnötige Probleme, Schwierigkeiten und einen kaum begründbaren Ausklang vermeiden zu können. Die Opfer dieses kriminellen Vorgehens haben die Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. über unterschiedliche Geldsummen, welche verlangt wurden, informiert.
In einem Fall gab es verhältnismäßig kleine (um ein paar tausend EURO), in einem anderen Fall handelte es schon um beachtliche Summen (rund um paar Millionen EURO).
Zusätzlich wendeten sich an die Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. Firmen, welche dem GOMOPA noch keine „Gebühr” überweisen haben und bereits überlegen, ob sie dies tun sollen, oder nicht. Diese Firmen erwarteten von der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. eine klare Stellungnahme sowie eine professionelle praktische Beratung, wie man sich in solch einer Lage verhalten soll und wie man diese Geldforderungen umgehen kann. Die Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. hat ausnahmslos allen Verbrechensopfern, welche sich bei unserer Firma gemeldet haben, eine Zusammenarbeit vorgeschlagen. Als oberste Aufgabe stellt sich diese Kooperation, gemeinsam entschlossene und wirksame Maßnahmen gegen GOMOPA, gegen andere Services im Netz sowie gegen alle Bloggers zu treffen, die an dem hier beschriebenen internationalen kriminellen Vorgehen mit GOMOPA-Führung teilnehmen.Auf unsere Bitte benachrichtigten alle mitbeteiligten Firmen die Internationale Polizei INTERPOL sowie ihre heimischen Verfolgungsorgane, u. a. die zuständige Staatsanwaltschaft und die Polizeibehörden über den bestehenden Sachverhalt.
In Hinblick auf die Tatsache, dass das verbrecherische Handeln von GOMOPA sich über viele Staaten erstreckte und dass die Anzahl der in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland erstatteten Anzeigen wegen der durch GOMOPA, Internetservices und Bloggers begangenen Straftaten, rasant wuchs – was zweifelsohne von einer weit gehenden kriminellen Wirkungskraft des GOMOPA zeugt – schlug die Internationale Wirtschaftspolizei INTERPOL der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. vor, dass sich ihr Vertreter in Berlin mit dem Vertreter von GOMOPA trifft, um die „Zahlungsmodalitäten“ und Überweisung der Summe von 5.000.000,00 EUR zu besprechen. Dieser Schritt meinte, eine gut durchdachte und durch die Bundeskriminalpolizei organisierte Falle durchzuführen, deren Ziel die Festnahme der unter GOMOPA wirkenden internationalen Straftäter war.
Die koordinierten Schritte und Maßnahmen der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. und anderer Beschädigter, geleitet von der Internationalen Wirtschaftspolizei INTERPOL, dem Bundeskriminalamt und der Staatsanwaltschaft der Bundesrepublik Deutschland haben zur Aus-, Einarbeitung und Durchführung der oben beschriebenen Falle beigetragen. Im November 2008 führte die in Berlin vorbereitete Falle zur Festnahme und Verhaftung des Vertreters des GOMOPA, der nach der Festnahme auf Herrn Klaus Maurichat – als den Hauptverantwortlichen und Anführer der internationalen kriminellen Gruppe GOMOPA verwies. Der Festgenommene benannte und zeigte der Bundeskriminalpolizei zugleich den aktuellen Aufenthaltsort des Herrn Klaus Maurischat. „Gehirn“ und Gründer dieser internationalen kriminellen Gruppe GOMOPA, Herr Klaus Maurischat wurde am selben Tag auch festgenommen und auf Frist verhaftet, wird bald in Anklagezustand gestellt, wird die Verantwortung für eigene Straftaten und die des Forums GOMOPA vor einem zuständigen Bundesgericht tragen. Die Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. unternahm bereits alle möglichen Schritte, damit Herr Klaus Maurischat auch auf der Anklagebank des zuständigen Gerichts des Vereinigten Königsreiches Großbritannien erscheint. Unter den beschädigten Berufs- und Justizpersonen aus Großbritannien, neben der Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd. gibt es noch viele Opfer von GOMOPA…

Die dreisten Verbrecher wagen es unter http://www.pressreleaser.org, einer eigenen “GoMoPa”-Seite unsere Pressemitteilung oben zu verfälschen und unschuldige Personen zu belasten.

Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd.. unveils new criminal phenomena in network. In recently appeared on the net more often at the same time a new a very worrying phenomenon of criminal nature. Professional criminals groups in the network are taking part, to extortion, fraud, Erschwindeln relating to certain specifically selected companies and businesses are capable of. These criminals developed new methods and means, simply and in a short time to bereichern.Strategien and manifestations, which underlie this process are fairly simple. A criminal is looking to “carefully” on the Internet specific companies and corporations (victims of crime) and informed them in the next step, that of the business activities of such companies and corporations in the near future – first on the Internet then in other available mass media – numerous and very unfavorable information appears. At the same time, the criminals beat their future victims an effective means of reducing unnecessary difficulties and problems to escape the loss of good name and image of the company and corporate sector. These offenders are aware of that reputation, name and appearance of each company is a value in itself. It was therefore a value of what each company is prepared to pay any price. But the reason for difficulties and problems arising from the loss of good name and reputation result. The criminals and their victims are already aware that this loss is devastating consequences might have been the closing down of a particular business can enforce. It takes both to No as well as at large companies regard. The company is concerned that in virtually every industry in each country and cross-border activities sind.Das criminal procedure in the form of a blackmail on money, a fraud is becoming rapidly and globally, ie led cross-border and internationally. Among the victims of extortion, fraud is now looking both at home (domestic) and international corporations, the major emphasis on conservation, keeping and maintaining their reputation in the business according to their credibility lay. The criminals in the network have understood that maintaining an unassailable reputation and name of a company the unique ability to provide fast and easy enrichment forms. The above-mentioned criminal procedure is difficult to track because it is international in nature, and by overlapping or even nonexistent (fictional) professional and judicial persons in various countries and operated company wird.Diese offenders in the network publish it and disseminate false information about your victims on remote servers, which are not uncommon in many exotic countries. There are those countries in which serious gaps in the legal system, investigative and prosecution procedures are visible. As an example, at this point mention India werden. Mit criminals working in the network grid portals known leader of blogs with your seat-consciously or unconsciously, even in highly developed countries. For example, at this point, countries such as Germany, Austria, Switzerland, the United States, Britain, Spain or Portugal are mentioned. The below listed criminals were able to act unpunished today. As a symptom of such action appears here the activity and “effectiveness” of the company GOMOPA, which is on countries such as Germany, Switzerland, Austria, the United States, Britain, Spain and India. A good example of such an action is Mr. Klaus Mauri Chat – the leader and “brain” of the company GOMOPA with many already in force and criminal judgments “on his account”, which in this way for years and funded its maintenance in the industry almost unlimited activity. This status will change dramatically, however, including far and wide thanks to discontinued operations of the firm Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd.. who would oppose such offenses addressed in the network. Other companies and corporations, in which the crime network and outside of this medium have fallen victim to contribute to combating such crimes bei.Die situation is changing, thanks to effective steps and the successful cooperation of the firm Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd.. with the international police Interpol, with the federal agency (FBI) in the U.S., the Federal Criminal Police in Germany, with Scotland Yard in Britain, as well as with the Russian secret service FSB.Die Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd.. – Together with other companies and cooperations, the victim of criminal activities of the network of crime have fallen – has undeniably already started to yield results. The fact that in recent weeks (November 2008) on the territory of the Federal Republic of Germany of the above-mentioned leaders and “brain” of the company GOMOPA, Mr Klaus Maurishat was arrested should not be ignored. The Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd.. information available results clearly show that the next arrests of persons participating in this process in such countries as: Austria, Switzerland, Russia, Ukraine, Poland, Spain, Mexico, Portugal, Brazil, the USA, Canada, UK, Ireland , Australia, New Zealand and made in a.. The ultimate goal of Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd.. and the other victims of crime in the network is to provide all participants in this criminal procedure before the competent court to lead. All professional and judicial persons, regardless of the seat and out of the business, which the above-described criminal action (fraud, extortion) to have fallen victim can of Meridian Capital Enterprises Ltd.. led company to join the goal set at all at this point the procedure described those associated in the public and the economic life out. II blacklist blackmail and with international fraudsters and their methods (opus operandi) in the following countries: 1 The Federal Republic Deutschland2. Dubai 3rd Russia 1st The Federal Republic of Germany GmbH GOMOPA, Goldman Morgenstern & Partners LLC., Goldman Morgenstern & Partners Consulting LLC, Wottle collection. In these firms are quite active following persons: – Klaus Mauri Chat ( “Father” and “brain” of the criminal organization responsible for countless final judgments have been achieved (arrested in Germany in November 2008) – Josef Rudolf Heckel ( “right hand “when Mr Klaus Mauri chat, denounced former banker who is excessive in many Bankschmuggeleien was involved.
The study of 900 pages named Toxdat by Ehrenfried Stelzer is the “Stasi Killer Bible”. It lists all kind of murder methods and concentrates on the most effective and untraceable.
“The toxdat study was ordered by Stasi Vice-President Gerhard Neiber, the second man in rank after boss Erich Mielke. The toxdat study was also the theoretical “story book” for the murder of the famous German watchdog and journalist Heinz Gerlach by former Stasi member under the guidance of “GoMoPa”,” an informer stated. “Ehrenfried stelzer” was nicknamed “Professor Murder” by his victims. Even close co-worker now compare him with the German SS”doctor” Mengele, “Dr. Death” from Auschwitz.
Only two articles let the German audience believe that the famous journalist and watchdog Heinz Gerlach died on natural courses by blood pollution.

For more Information the victims have launched a new site: http://www.victims-opfer.com

The first one, published only hours after the death of Mr Heinz Gerlach by the notorious “GoMoPa” (see article below) and a second 3 days later by a small German local newspaper, Weserbergland Nachrichten.
Many people including the hostile Gerlach website “Akte Heinz Gerlach” doubted that this man who had so many enemies and friends would die of natural causes without any previous warning. Rumours occured that Mr. Gerlach’s doctor doubted natural courses at all. After many critical voices discussed the issue a small website of a small German local newspaper – which never before had reported about Mr. Heinz Gerlach and which is not even in the region of Mr Gerlachs home – published that Mr Gerlach died of blood pollution. Weserbergland-Nachrichten published a long article about the deadly consequences of blood pollution and did not even name the source of such an important statement. It claimed only that somebody of Gerlachs inner circle had said this. It is a proven fact that after the collpase of the Eastern German Communist Regime many former Communist propaganda agents went to regional newspapers – often in Western Germany like Günther Schabowski did the man who opened the “Mauer”.
The theatre stage was set: One day later the hostile Gerlach website “Akte Heinz Gerlach” took the agenda publishing that Mr Gerlach had died for natural causes without any further research at all.
This was done by a website which for months and months and months reported everything about Mr. Gerlach.
Furthermore a research proves that the technical details regarding the website hosting of this hostile website “Akte Heinz Gerlach” proves that there are common details with the hosting of “GoMoPa” and their affiliates as proven by the SJB-GoMoPa-victims (see http://www.sjb-fonds-opfer.com)
Insiders believe that the murderers of Mr. Heinz Gerlach are former members of the Eastern German Terror Organisation “Stasi” with dioxins. They also believe that “GoMoPa” was part of the plot. At “GoMoPa”’ a person named Siegfried Siewers was officialy responsible for the press but never appeared in public. “GoMoPa”-victims say that this name was a cameo for “GoMoPa” frontrunner Klaus Maurischat who is controlled by the Stasi Top Agent Ehrenfried Stelzner, Berlin.
Siegfried Sievers, a former Stasi member is responsible for the pollution of millions Germanys for many years with dioxins. This was unveiled at 5th of January 2011 by German prosecutors.
The victims say that Maurischat (probably also a Stasi cameo) and Sievers were in contact as Sievers acted as Stasi Agent and was in fact already a specialist in dioxins under the Communist Terror Regime in Eastern Germany.
Furthermore the Stasi Top Agent Ehrenfried Stelzer disguised as Professor for Criminal studies during the Communist Regime at the Eastern Berlin Humboldt University.
Background:
The man behind the Berlin lawyer Jochen Resch and his activities is Ehrenfried Stelzer, former Stasi Top officer in Berlin and “Professor for Criminal Studies” at the Eastern Berlin Humboldt University during the Communist regime, the SJB-GoMoPa-victims say (www.sjb-fonds-opfer.com) is responsable for the killing of German watchdog and journalist Heinz Gerlach.
These informations stem from various sources who were close to the criminal organization of GoMoPa in the last years. The SJB-GoMoPa say that the well-known German watchdog and journalist Heinz Gerlach was killed by former Stasi members with dioxins. Polychlorinated dibenzodioxins (PCDDs), or simply dioxins, are a group of organic polyhalogenated compounds that are significant because they act as environmental pollutants. They are commonly referred to as dioxins for simplicity in scientific publications because every PCDD molecule contains a dioxin skeletal structure. Typically, the p-dioxin skeleton is at the core of a PCDD molecule, giving the molecule a dibenzo-p-dioxin ring system. Members of the PCDD family have been shown to bioaccumulate in humans and wildlife due to their lipophilic properties, and are known teratogens, mutagens, and confirmed (avered) human carcinogens. They are organic compounds.
Dioxins build up primarily in fatty tissues over time (bioaccumulate), so even small exposures may eventually reach dangerous levels. In 1994, the US EPA reported that dioxins are a probable carcinogen, but noted that non-cancer effects (reproduction and sexual development, immune system) may pose an even greater threat to human health. TCDD, the most toxic of the dibenzodioxins, is classified as a Group 1 carcinogen by the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC).
In 2004, a notable individual case of dioxin poisoning, Ukrainian politician Viktor Yushchenko was exposed to the second-largest measured dose of dioxins, according to the reports of the physicians responsible for diagnosing him. This is the first known case of a single high dose of TCDD dioxin poisoning, and was diagnosed only after a toxicologist recognized the symptoms of chloracne while viewing television news coverage of his condition.
German dioxin scandal: In January 2011 about 4700 German farms were banned from making deliveries after tests at the Harles und Jentzsch plant in the state of Schleswig-Holstein showed high levels of dioxin. Again this incident appears to involve PCBs and not PCDDs at all. Dioxin were found in animal feed and eggs in many farms. The person who is responsible for this, Siegfried Sievert is also a former Stasi Agent. At “GoMoPa” the notorious Eastern-Berlin press agency (see article below) one of the henchmen acted under the name of “Siegfried Siewert”.
Further evidence for the killing of Mr.Heinz Gerlach is provided by the SJB-GoMoPa-victims by analyzing the dubious role of former Stasi-Top-agent Ehrenfried Stelzer, also a former “Professor for Crime Studies” under the Communist regime in Eastern Germany and the dubious role of “detective” Medard Fuchsgruber. Both are closely tied to the dubious “GoMoPa” and Berlin lawyer Jochen Resch.
According to the SJB-GoMoPa-victims is Berlin lawyer Jochen Resch the mastermind of the criminal organization “GoMoPa2. The victims state that they have a source inside “GoMoPa” who helped them discover  the shocking truth. The so-called “Deep Throat from Berlin” has information that Resch had the idea to found the criminal organization “GoMoPa” and use non-existing Jewish lawyers  named Goldman, Morgenstern & Partner as camouflage. Their “office” in Madison Avenue, New York, is a mailbox. This is witnessed by a German Ex-Patriot, a lawyer, whose father, Heinz Gerlach, died under strange circumstances.
Resch seems to use “GoMoPa” as an instrument to blackmail parts of the German Property and Investment.

German authorities are under growing pressure to reopen investigations into at least a dozen suspicious deaths after the arrest of an alleged East German assassin cast new light on the communist regime. Stasi victims quoted a source saying “isolated units” had conducted operations that were “extremely well organised” and had “100 per cent logistical support” from the East German state.
A statement from prosecutors read: “The accused [Jurgen G] is suspected, as a member of a commando of the former DDR, of killing a number of people between 1976 and 1987 who from the point of view of the DDR regime had committed treason or were threatening to do so.”
Details of his Jurgen G’s arrest have been described in suitably florid terms, with the mass circulation tabloid Bild saying he was working at the Wolfsbruch marina near Rheinsberg in north-eastern Germany when a woman approached him. “Excuse me, is that your yellow Trabant in the car park? I just ran into it with my car,” she is said to have asked.
When he followed her to the car park, masked officers jumped out of vans and bushes and overpowered him in an operation worthy of the Stasi itself.
An eyewitness told Bild: “They blindfolded him and raced off in an unmarked car.”
Police across Germany are reported to be sifting through files to see who the victims may have been, and some intelligence officers are greeting the arrest of Jurgen G as a breakthrough.
Thomas Auerbach, who works for the Stasi file authority in Berlin and has written a book based on the death squad files, said: “These people were trained to make such murders look like accidents or suicides, even as ‘ordinary’ crimes such as robberies. They were real terror experts.”
The cases said to be linked to Jurgen G or his unit include many people involved with the commercial arm of the East German ruling socialist party, the SED (Socialist Unity Party).
Uwe Harms, the head of a Hamburg-based haulage firm which was part of a network of companies secretly owned by the SED, disappeared in March 1987 after conversations with various DDR functionaries. Six weeks later, his body was found in a plastic bag.
Weeks before his death he told friends that he felt he was being followed. After reunification, one of the other SED company heads said Mr Harms had been liquidated for refusing to allow his firm to be used to transport arms into East Germany.
Dieter Vogel, a businessman who had been jailed for life for spying for the CIA, was found suffocated in his cell in the East German prison Bautzen on March 9, 1982. The fact that he was due to be taken to the West in a spy swap arrangement just a few weeks later cast doubt on the suicide theory.
He had passed the names of several Stasi moles to the BND, West Germany’s heavily penetrated counter-intelligence service.
The Christian Democrat Union politician Uwe Barschel, 43, was found dead by magazine reporters in his bathtub in a hotel room in Geneva in October, 1987. He died of poisoning, but rumours that he was involved somehow in arms deals and the Stasi have clung to the case.
One of the more high-profile and enduring mysteries is that of Lutz Eigendorf, an East German footballer from the Stasi-backed Dynamo Berlin.
He fled to the West in 1979 amid great publicity. Four years later, he died after crashing his car into a tree on a straight stretch of road with blood alcohol levels way over the limit. Witnesses who had seen him earlier in the evening said he had not been drinking.
Most controversial though is the suggestion that the assassination squad was linked to the murder of a Swedish television reporter and her friend in 1984.
Cats Falk and her friend Lena Graens went missing on Nov 19, 1984. Their bodies were fished out of a Stockholm canal six months later.
Reports suggested a three-man assassination squad killed them, spiking their drinks with drugs, putting them into their car and pushing it into the Hammarby canal.
Shortly before her death, Cats Falk had reportedly uncovered a deal between an arms dealer and an East German firm.
Germany has recently undergone a wave of nostalgia for all things East German, dubbed Ostalgie, with colourful television shows featuring former DDR stars such as the ice skater Katerina Witt talking wistfully about socialist pop music.
A reassessment may be coming in the wake of the revelations.

Victims: The DDR-STASI MURDER GANG “GoMOPa” in murderoplot against Joerg Berger

The Stasi Murder Gang of „GoMoPa“ was involved in many trials to kill the popular East German soccer trainer Joerg Berger, Stasi victims tell in postings on their hompage http://www.sjb-fonds-opfer.com. Berger stated before his early death in his biography that they tried to pollute him with arsenic.
Arsenic and many of its compounds are especially potent poisons. Many water supplies close to mines are contaminated by these poisons. Arsenic disrupts ATP production through several mechanisms. At the level of the citric acid cycle, arsenic inhibits lipoic acid which is a cofactor for pyruvate dehydrogenase; and by competing with phosphate it uncouples oxidative phosphorylation, thus inhibiting energy-linked reduction of NAD+, mitochondrial respiration and ATP synthesis. Hydrogen peroxide production is also increased, which might form reactive oxygen species and oxidative stress. These metabolic interferences lead to death from multi-system organ failure, probably from necrotic cell death, not apoptosis. A post mortem reveals brick red coloured mucosa, owing to severe haemorrhage. Although arsenic causes toxicity, it can also play a protective role.[
Elemental arsenic and arsenic compounds are classified as “toxic” and “dangerous for the environment” in the European Union under directive 67/548/EEC. The International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) recognizes arsenic and arsenic compounds as group 1 carcinogens, and the EU lists arsenic trioxide, arsenic pentoxide and arsenate salts as category 1 carcinogens.
Arsenic is known to cause arsenicosis owing to its manifestation in drinking water, “the most common species being arsenate [HAsO42- ; As(V)] and arsenite [H3AsO3 ; As(III)]”. The ability of arsenic to undergo redox conversion between As(III) and As(V) makes its availability in the environment more abundant. According to Croal, Gralnick, Malasarn and Newman, “[the] understanding [of] what stimulates As(III) oxidation and/or limits As(V) reduction is relevant for bioremediation of contaminated sites (Croal). The study of chemolithoautotrophic As(III) oxidizers and the heterotrophic As(V) reducers can help the understanding of the oxidation and/or reduction of arsenic.
Treatment of chronic arsenic poisoning is easily accomplished. British anti-lewisite (dimercaprol) is prescribed in dosages of 5 mg/kg up to 300 mg each 4 hours for the first day. Then administer the same dosage each 6 hours for the second day. Then prescribe this dosage each 8 hours for eight additional days. However the Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry (ATSDR) states that the long term effects of arsenic exposure cannot be predicted. Blood, urine, hair and nails may be tested for arsenic, however these tests cannot foresee possible health outcomes due to the exposure. Excretion occurs in the urine and long term exposure to arsenic has been linked to bladder and kidney cancer in addition to cancer of the liver, prostate, skin, lungs and nasal cavity.[
Occupational exposure and arsenic poisoning may occur in persons working in industries involving the use of inorganic arsenic and its compounds, such as wood preservation, glass production, nonferrous metal alloys and electronic semiconductor manufacturing. Inorganic arsenic is also found in coke oven emissions associated with the smelter industry.

THE DDR GESTAPO-STASI MURDER GANG responsable for the murder of Lutz Eigendorf

The talented Eigendorf played for East German side Dynamo Berlin.
He made his debut for the GDR in an August 1978 match against Bulgaria, immediately scoring his first two goals in a 2–2 draw. He went on to collect six caps, scoring three goals.[1] His final international was a February 1979 friendly match against Iraq.
On 20 March 1979, after a friendship match between Dynamo and West German club 1. FC Kaiserslautern in Gießen he fled to the west hoping to play for that team. But because of his defection he was banned from play for one year by UEFA and instead spent that time as a youth coach with the club.
This was not the first time an East German athlete had fled to the west, but it was a particularly embarrassing defection. Eigendorf’s club Dynamo was under the patronage of the Stasi, East Germany’s secretive state police, and subject to the personal attentions of the organisation’s head, Erich Mielke. He ensured that the club’s roster was made up of the country’s best players, as well as arranging for the manipulation of matches in Dynamo’s favour. After his defection Eigendorf openly criticised the DDR in the western media.
His wife Gabriele remained behind in Berlin with their daughter and was placed under constant police surveillance. Lawyers working for the Stasi quickly arranged a divorce and the former Frau Eigendorf re-married. Her new husband was eventually revealed as a Lothario – an agent of the state police whose role it was to spy on a suspect while romancing them.
In 1983 Eigendorf moved from Kaiserslautern to join Eintracht Braunschweig, all the while under the scrutiny of the Stasi who employed a number of West Germans as informants. On 5 March that year he was badly injured in a suspicious traffic accident and died within two days. An autopsy indicated a high blood alcohol level despite the testimony of people he had met with that evening indicating that Eigendorf had only a small amount of beer to drink.
After German re-unification and the subsequent opening of the files of the former East Germany’s state security service it was revealed that the traffic accident had been an assassination attempt orchestrated by the Stasi, confirming the longtime suspicions held by many. A summary report of the events surrounding Eigendorf’s death was made on German television on 22 March 2000 which detailed an investigation by Heribert Schwan in the documentary “Tod dem Verräter” (“Death to the Traitor”).
On 10 February 2010, a former East German spy revealed the Stasi ordered him to kill Eigendorf, which he claimed not to have done

MfS has been accused of a number of assassinations against political dissidents and other people both inside and outside the country. Examples include the East German football player Lutz Eigendorf and the Swedish journalist Cats Falck.
The terrorists who killed Alfred Herrhausen were professionals. They dressed as construction workers to lay a wire under the pavement of the road along Mr. Herrhausen’s usual route to work. They planted a sack of armor-piercing explosives on a parked bicycle by the roadside. An infrared beam shining across the road triggered the explosion just when the limousine, one of three cars in a convoy, sped by.
The operation, from the terrorists’ point of view, was flawless: Mr. Herrhausen, the chairman of one of Europe’s most powerful companies, Deutsche Bank, was killed in the explosion along that suburban Frankfurt road on Nov. 30, 1989.
But was everything what it seemed?
Within days, the Red Army Faction — a leftist terrorist group that had traumatized West Germany since 1970 with a series of high-profile crimes and brazen killings of bankers and industrialists — claimed responsibility for the assassination. An intense manhunt followed. In June 1990, police arrested 10 Red Army Faction members who had fled to East Germany to avoid arrest for other crimes. To the police’s surprise, they were willing to talk. Equally confounding to authorities: All had solid alibis. None was charged in the Herrhausen attack.
Now, almost two decades later, German police, prosecutors and other security officials have focused on a new suspect: the East German secret police, known as the Stasi. Long fodder for spy novelists like John le Carré, the shadowy Stasi controlled every aspect of East German life through imprisonment, intimidation and the use of informants — even placing a spy at one point in the office of West German Chancellor Willy Brandt.
According to documents reviewed by The Wall Street Journal, the murders of Mr. Herrhausen and others attributed to the Red Army Faction bear striking resemblance to methods and tactics pioneered by a special unit of the Stasi. The unit reported to Stasi boss Erich Mielke and actively sought in the waning years of the communist regime to imitate the Red Army Faction to mask their own attacks against prominent people in Western Germany and destabilize the country.
“The investigation has intensified in recent months,” said Frank Wallenta, a spokesman for the Federal Prosecutor. “And we are investigating everything, including leads to the Stasi.”
If those leads turn out to be true, it would mean not only rewriting some of the most dramatic episodes of the Cold War, but would likely accelerate a broader soul-searching now under way in Germany about the communist past.
In building a reunified country, many Germans have ignored discussion of the brutal realities of its former communist half. When the former East Germany is discussed, it’s often with nostalgia or empathy for brothers hostage to Soviet influence.

Stasi boss Erich Mielke, middle, with unnamed associates
That taboo is slowly being broken. Last year’s Oscar-winning movie, “The Lives of Others,” chronicled in dark detail a Stasi agent’s efforts to subvert the lives of ordinary people. Material in the Stasi archives shows that senior leaders had a shoot-to-kill order against those fleeing from East to West — a controversial order that contradicts East German leaders’ claims that they never ordered any shootings.
This story is based on more than a dozen interviews with police, prosecutors and other security officials. Several policemen and prosecutors confirmed that the allegation of extensive Stasi involvement with the Red Army Faction is a key part of the current investigation.
Court cases in West Germany in the 1990s established that members of the Red Army Faction were granted free passage to other countries in the 1970s and refuge in East Germany in the 1980s. But the current investigation and documents from Stasi archives suggest far deeper involvement — that members of the Red Army Faction were not only harbored by the Stasi but methodically trained in sophisticated techniques of bombing and murder.
Traudl Herrhausen, Mr. Herrhausen’s widow, is one of those pushing for further investigation. She says she long suspected involvement by the Stasi or other intelligence service such as the KGB, but never spoke publicly because she didn’t have evidence and didn’t want to interfere in the investigation. She says she is now breaking an 18-year silence in her desire to see justice done. “Now I want to look my husband’s killers in the eye,” she said in an interview.
The Red Army Faction was founded about 1970 by a band of leftists who justified their terrorism based on opposition to West Germany’s ruling elite. Killing members of this elite would provoke the West German state to take repressive measures that would show its true fascist face, Red Army Faction leaders believed.
In its early years, the group, also known as the Baader-Meinhof band, made headlines with prison breaks, bank robberies, bomb attacks and deadly shootouts. Four gang members led by Ulrike Meinhof freed Red Army Faction leader Andreas Baader from a Berlin jail a month after his arrest.
Red Army Faction violence in West Germany intensified in 1977 when Jürgen Ponto, then head of Dresdner Bank, was shot and killed at his home. Five weeks later, the group killed four people and abducted the chairman of the German employer association, Hans-Martin Schleyer, one of West Germany’s most prominent businessmen. It was the start of a six-week ordeal in which neither government nor terrorists would compromise. To support the Red Army Faction cause, Palestinian terrorists hijacked a Lufthansa jet in Spain, forcing it to land in Mogadishu, Somalia. After the plane was rushed by West German commandos, top Red Army Faction leaders in West Germany committed suicide and Mr. Schleyer was executed by his captors.
Red Army Faction violence began to abate in the late 1970s after the Lufthansa incident. Many in Germany thought the group — whose attacks were often crude — lost its will to kill after the arrest of its senior leaders in 1982. So when the group appeared to renew its terror campaign with a series of high-profile attacks in 1985, police were stunned by the level of their sophistication and determination.
This time, the group dazzled police with its ability to hit targets and leave little substantial evidence behind. They used high-tech devices no one thought they possessed. Their marksmen killed with military precision.

Weapons used by terrorists during the 1977 kidnapping of German industrialist Hanns-Martin Schleyer.
Surprisingly, members of the Red Army Faction so-called third generation had a policeman’s understanding of forensic science. From 1985 onward, the Red Army Faction rarely left a fingerprint or other useful piece of evidence at a crime scene, according to court records. The murder cases from this era are still open. Some suspected Stasi involvement, but no one could ever prove it, according to a senior police official.
The 1989 car-bomb murder of Mr. Herrhausen particularly stunned police with its audacity and sophistication. Mr. Herrhausen was the head of Deutsche Bank, Germany’s largest bank. He was part of the political-business elite that helped turn West Germany from a war-ravaged rump state into an economic powerhouse — all while East Germany languished in frustration. Mr. Herrhausen was a vocal proponent of a united Germany.
In November 1989, Mr. Herrhausen was following the fall of the Berlin wall and events in the Soviet Union closely, conferring frequently with Mikhail Gorbachev, according to his wife and friends. Then on Nov. 27, Mr. Herrhausen announced a plan to acquire the investment banking firm Morgan Grenfell — at the time a record-breaking bank acquisition.
Also during November, a spot along Mr. Herrhausen’s usual route to work was closed because of construction. Terrorists, dressed as construction workers, laid an electric wire under the road’s pavement. On Nov. 29, the stretch reopened.
On the morning of Nov. 30, like every workday morning, Mr. Herrhausen stepped into his limousine at about 8:30. Mr. Herrhausen’s driver waited about one minute to allow the first of the three-car entourage to drive ahead and survey the road.
“It was the route they hadn’t used in weeks,” Mrs. Herrhausen said.
As Mr. Herrhausen sped down the road, a team of terrorists waited. Beside the road, a parked bicycle held a sack of armor-piercing explosives. The detonator was connected by the electric wire under the road to a trigger activated by an interruption in an infrared beam shining across the road.
A terrorist activated the detonator after the first car of bodyguards drove past the bomb. Mr. Herrhausen died at the scene.
As they had during previous attacks, police set up dragnets to round up Red Army Faction cadre. But the June 1990 arrests of 10 members of the group who had earlier been granted political asylum in East Germany produced no leads. All the seized Red Army Faction members had solid alibis.
In July 1991, prosecutors believed they had a breakthrough when an informant claimed he had allowed two members of the Red Army Faction to stay at his home near the Herrhausen residence. Prosecutors followed that trail 13 years before dropping charges in 2004.
Frustrated with the inability of prosecutors to solve the Herrhausen case and believing that prosecutors were ignoring other leads including possible Stasi involvement, German officials replaced the prosecutor overseeing the case.
Police acknowledge that part of the reason for their focus on possible Stasi involvement was that all other leads had dried up. But they say they also knew that over the years the Stasi had worked with and given explosives to other terrorists, including “Carlos the Jackal” and the Basque group ETA in Spain. And in 2001 to 2003, an undercover police officer met with a man who claimed he had been a killer for the Stasi operating in Western Germany, although police were never able to tie him to specific murders.
German investigators turned their attention to Wartin, a small eastern German village nestled in yellow-brown fields of grain near the Polish border. Today, sheep graze in a field spotted with wooden posts.
In the 1980s, however, Wartin was home to the Stasi’s AGM/S — “Minister Working Group/Special Operations.” It got its name because it reported to Mr. Mielke, the minister who headed the Stasi for almost all of East Germany’s 40-year history.
The Wartin unit’s peacetime duties included the kidnapping and murder of influential people in the West, according to Stasi records reviewed by The Wall Street Journal in the Stasi archives in Berlin.
The documents say the unit’s activities included “intimidating anti-communist opinion leaders” by “liquidation,” and “kidnapping or hostage taking, connected with the demand that political messages be read,” according to a description of the unit’s activities written by a senior Wartin official in 1982.
Based on these documents, German investigators increasingly believe that the Stasi played a more active role than previously believed in Red Army Faction terrorism. After years of not being able to draw parallels between the Stasi unit in Wartin and the Red Army Faction killings, police are now focusing closely on such a link. Joachim Lampe, who assisted the successful prosecution of the first wave of Red Army Faction terrorists up until 1982 and was then assigned to prosecute Stasi-related crimes in West Germany, says it’s time to compare the activities of Wartin with the activities of the Red Army Faction to see where they overlap. “It is an important line of investigation,” he said.
A year after the Red Army Faction’s first generation collapsed in 1972, an internal Wartin report said cooperation with terrorists is possible if the individuals could be trusted to maintain secrecy and obey orders. Initial contacts, however, may not have taken place until later in the decade. Disillusionment gripped many of the terrorists living on the lam, according to court records citing witness statements by accused terrorists. Beginning about 1980, the Stasi granted refuge to 10 members of the Red Army Faction in East Germany and gave them assumed identities.
The Stasi sympathized with the anti-capitalist ideals of the Red Army Faction, but Stasi leaders were concerned about placing their trust in a group of uncontrollable leftist militants, a review of Stasi records shows. Stasi officials did not want to tarnish East Germany’s international reputation, so they toyed with different concepts for cooperation with terrorist groups, according to a prosecutor who has investigated Stasi involvement with terrorism.
One suggestion, contained in a document prepared for new officers assigned to the unit, was to emulate Romanian intelligence, which successfully worked with the terrorist “Carlos” to bomb the Radio Free Europe office in Munich, Germany, in 1981. To assist in such operations, the Wartin unit developed highly specialized explosives, poisons and miniature firearms.
About 1980 the Stasi also proposed a second strategy: instead of using a terrorist group directly — such cooperation always contained risk of discovery — they could simply execute attacks so similar to those of known terrorists that police would never look for a second set of suspects, according to Wartin records. The Wartin leadership called this strategy the “perpetrator principle,” according to Stasi records. The unit’s progress in implementing the steps to imitate terrorist attacks is described in a series of progress reports by Wartin officials between 1980 and 1987.
In September 1981, Red Army Faction terrorists attempted to kill U.S. Gen. James Kroesen in Heidelberg, Germany, shooting a bazooka at his car. About the same time, members of the same Red Army Faction team visited East Germany, where they were asked by the Stasi to shoot a bazooka at a car containing a dog. The dog died, according to court records.
In Wartin, officials wrote up a detailed description of the Red Army Faction members’ re-enactment of the Kroesen attack. “It is important to collect all accessible information about the terrorist scene in imperialist countries, to study and analyze their equipment, methods and tactics, so we can do it ourselves,” a senior Wartin official wrote in February 1982, according to the report.
In 1982, West German police discovered two troves of Red Army Faction weapons and documents buried in German forests. Three terrorists, including Red Army Faction leader Christian Klar, were arrested when they approached the sites. The troves were buried in locations easy to find at night, a tactic used by Wartin’s own agents to store operational equipment in West Germany, according to an investigator who viewed the troves and Stasi records.
That same year, a Wartin official described the staged bombing of a moving vehicle. According to the report, several Stasi officers shed “tears of joy” when electronic sensors detected the approaching car and ignited the detonator.
A spokesman at Germany’s federal police investigative agency, the equivalent of the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation, declined to comment on the close similarity between the detonator used in the demonstration and the device that killed Mr. Herrhausen, saying this is part of their investigation.
Wartin officers continued their preparations for imitating terrorist attacks in West Germany, according to a 1985 internal Wartin report. They created a special archive profiling the characteristics of known terrorists and terrorist groups, and taught staff members to execute nearly identical attacks, according to Stasi records. Each year, the unit’s officers detailed the unit’s success in teaching these techniques in their annual reports, according to the reports.
Then, in 1987, the AGM/S stopped offensive operations. The unit was disbanded.
Werner Grossmann, a former three-star Stasi General and former head of foreign intelligence operations, says the AGM/S was responsible for planning attacks in West Germany, but was dissolved “because it didn’t produce results.” Mr. Grossmann assumed control of part of the AGM/S after most of the unit was dissolved.
Mr. Grossmann says he took control of part of the AGM/S because he wanted to run intelligence operations against West Germany’s civil defense infrastructure.
“I refused to have anything to do with terrorism and terrorists,” Mr. Grossmann said in an interview. He said he didn’t have any influence over the AGM/S activities before 1987 and wasn’t informed about the unit’s activities before it came under his control.
Olaf Barnickel, a career Stasi officer who served at Wartin, says his unit planned murders in West Germany, but never committed one. “It was all theory and no practice,” Mr. Barnickel said in an interview.
But some German police are unpersuaded. They believe the seeds may have been planted for future violent attacks.
In November 1989, as East Germany disintegrated, groups of citizens forced their way into Stasi installations, seizing control. In Wartin, a local church minister led a group of demonstrators to the main entrance of the Stasi base. The base closed.
Within the Stasi as a whole, the chain of command began to disintegrate. Links to organizations in West Germany, including the Red Army Faction, were broken.
Sixteen months after Mr. Herrhausen’s murder, the Red Army Faction claimed its last victim, killing Detlev Karsten Rohwedder, the head of the Treuhandanstalt, the powerful trust that controlled most state-owned assets in the former East Germany and was overseeing their privatization. Mr. Rohwedder was killed while he was standing by the window of his house in Düsseldorf.
The murder was performed by a trained sharpshooter, according to a police official familiar with the investigation. The Stasi trained members of the Red Army Faction in sharpshooting skills and had its own teams of sharpshooters, according to witness statements by Stasi officials to a Berlin prosecutor and Stasi records.
In 1998, the Red Army Faction issued the last of its communiques, announcing it was disbanding. German police attribute the group’s disappearance to changing times, which made the group seem a relic of the past. Indeed, the Red Army Faction today is largely seen by the German public as part of the social upheaval that plagued West Germany in the 1970s and 1980s. More than one in four Germans consider former Red Army Faction members to have been misguided idealists. More than half now think the investigations should be closed for good in the coming decade when the current group of Red Army Faction prisoners finish serving their prison sentences.
German prosecutors say their investigation of the Stasi’s role is continuing.
Since last month, Mrs. Herrhausen has been in contact with the next of kin of victims in the other unsolved Red Army Faction murder cases, looking for support to push the investigation. The bomb that killed her husband nearly 18 years ago exploded soon after he left for work, within earshot of their home in suburban Frankfurt.
“I still hear that bomb every day,” she says.

Only two articles let the German audience believe that the famous journalist and watchdog Heinz Gerlach died on natural courses by blood pollution.
The first one, published only hours after the death of Mr Heinz Gerlach by the notorious “GoMoPa” (see article below) and a second 3 days later by a small German local newspaper, Weserbergland Nachrichten.
Many people including the hostile Gerlach website “Akte Heinz Gerlach” doubted that this man who had so many enemies and friends would die of natural causes without any previous warning. Rumours occured that Mr. Gerlach’s doctor doubted natural courses at all. After many critical voices discussed the issue a small website of a small German local newspaper – which never before had reported about Mr. Heinz Gerlach and which is not even in the region of Mr Gerlachs home – published that Mr Gerlach died of blood pollution. Weserbergland-Nachrichten published a long article about the deadly consequences of blood pollution and did not even name the source of such an important statement. It claimed only that somebody of Gerlachs inner circle had said this. It is a proven fact that after the collpase of the Eastern German Communist Regime many former Communist propaganda agents went to regional newspapers – often in Western Germany like Günther Schabowski did the man who opened the “Mauer”.
The theatre stage was set: One day later the hostile Gerlach website “Akte Heinz Gerlach” took the agenda publishing that Mr Gerlach had died for natural causes without any further research at all.
This was done by a website which for months and months and months reported everything about Mr. Gerlach.
Furthermore a research proves that the technical details regarding the website hosting of this hostile website “Akte Heinz Gerlach” proves that there are common details with the hosting of “GoMoPa” and their affiliates as proven by the SJB-GoMoPa-victims (see http://www.sjb-fonds-opfer.com)
Insiders believe that the murderers of Mr. Heinz Gerlach are former members of the Eastern German Terror Organisation “Stasi” with dioxins. They also believe that “GoMoPa” was part of the plot. At “GoMoPa”’ a person named Siegfried Siewers was officialy responsible for the press but never appeared in public. “GoMoPa”-victims say that this name was a cameo for “GoMoPa” frontrunner Klaus Maurischat who is controlled by the Stasi Top Agent Ehrenfried Stelzner, Berlin.
Siegfried Sievers, a former Stasi member is responsible for the pollution of millions Germanys for many years with dioxins. This was unveiled at 5th of January 2011 by German prosecutors.
The victims say that Maurischat (probably also a Stasi cameo) and Sievers were in contact as Sievers acted as Stasi Agent and was in fact already a specialist in dioxins under the Communist Terror Regime in Eastern Germany.
Furthermore the Stasi Top Agent Ehrenfried Stelzer disguised as Professor for Criminal studies during the Communist Regime at the Eastern Berlin Humboldt University.
Background:
The man behind the Berlin lawyer Jochen Resch and his activities is Ehrenfried Stelzer, former Stasi Top officer in Berlin and “Professor for Criminal Studies” at the Eastern Berlin Humboldt University during the Communist regime, the SJB-GoMoPa-victims say (www.sjb-fonds-opfer.com) is responsable for the killing of German watchdog and journalist Heinz Gerlach.
These informations stem from various sources who were close to the criminal organization of GoMoPa in the last years. The SJB-GoMoPa say that the well-known German watchdog and journalist Heinz Gerlach was killed by former Stasi members with dioxins. Polychlorinated dibenzodioxins (PCDDs), or simply dioxins, are a group of organic polyhalogenated compounds that are significant because they act as environmental pollutants. They are commonly referred to as dioxins for simplicity in scientific publications because every PCDD molecule contains a dioxin skeletal structure. Typically, the p-dioxin skeleton is at the core of a PCDD molecule, giving the molecule a dibenzo-p-dioxin ring system. Members of the PCDD family have been shown to bioaccumulate in humans and wildlife due to their lipophilic properties, and are known teratogens, mutagens, and confirmed (avered) human carcinogens. They are organic compounds.
Dioxins build up primarily in fatty tissues over time (bioaccumulate), so even small exposures may eventually reach dangerous levels. In 1994, the US EPA reported that dioxins are a probable carcinogen, but noted that non-cancer effects (reproduction and sexual development, immune system) may pose an even greater threat to human health. TCDD, the most toxic of the dibenzodioxins, is classified as a Group 1 carcinogen by the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC).
In 2004, a notable individual case of dioxin poisoning, Ukrainian politician Viktor Yushchenko was exposed to the second-largest measured dose of dioxins, according to the reports of the physicians responsible for diagnosing him. This is the first known case of a single high dose of TCDD dioxin poisoning, and was diagnosed only after a toxicologist recognized the symptoms of chloracne while viewing television news coverage of his condition.
German dioxin scandal: In January 2011 about 4700 German farms were banned from making deliveries after tests at the Harles und Jentzsch plant in the state of Schleswig-Holstein showed high levels of dioxin. Again this incident appears to involve PCBs and not PCDDs at all. Dioxin were found in animal feed and eggs in many farms. The person who is responsible for this, Siegfried Sievert is also a former Stasi Agent. At “GoMoPa” the notorious Eastern-Berlin press agency (see article below) one of the henchmen acted under the name of “Siegfried Siewert”.
Further evidence for the killing of Mr.Heinz Gerlach is provided by the SJB-GoMoPa-victims by analyzing the dubious role of former Stasi-Top-agent Ehrenfried Stelzer, also a former “Professor for Crime Studies” under the Communist regime in Eastern Germany and the dubious role of “detective” Medard Fuchsgruber. Both are closely tied to the dubious “GoMoPa” and Berlin lawyer Jochen Resch.
According to the SJB-GoMoPa-victims is Berlin lawyer Jochen Resch the mastermind of the criminal organization “GoMoPa2. The victims state that they have a source inside “GoMoPa” who helped them discover  the shocking truth. The so-called “Deep Throat from Berlin” has information that Resch had the idea to found the criminal organization “GoMoPa” and use non-existing Jewish lawyers  named Goldman, Morgenstern & Partner as camouflage. Their “office” in Madison Avenue, New York, is a mailbox. This is witnessed by a German Ex-Patriot, a lawyer, whose father, Heinz Gerlach, died under strange circumstances.
Resch seems to use “GoMoPa” as an instrument to blackmail parts of the German Property and Investment.

The name of Benno Ohnesorg became a rallying cry for the West German left after he was shot dead by police in 1967. Newly discovered documents indicate that the cop who shot him may have been a spy for the East German secret police.
It was one of the most important events leading up to the wave of radical left-wing violence which washed over West Germany in the 1970s. On the evening of June 2, 1967, the literature student Benno Ohnesorg took part in a demonstration at West Berlin’s opera house. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the shah of Iran, was to attend and the gathered students wanted to call attention to his brutal regime.
The protests, though, got out of hand. Pro-shah demonstrators, some of them flown in from Iran for the occasion, battled with the student protestors. West Berlin police also did their part, brutally beating back the crowd. At 8:30 p.m., a shot was fired, and a short time later the 26-year-old Ohnesorg, having been hit in the back of the head, became the left wing’s first martyr.
Now, though, the history of the event may have to be re-written. New documents discovered in the Stasi archive — the vast collection of files left behind by the East German secret police — reveal that the policeman who shot Ohnesorg, Karl-Heinz Kurras, could in fact have been a spy for East Germany’s communist regime.
In an article that will appear in late May in Deutschlandarchiv, a periodical dedicated to the ongoing project of German reunification, Helmut Müller-Enbergs and Cornelia Jabs reveal that documents they found in the Stasi papers show that Kurras began working together with the Stasi in 1955. He had wanted to move to East Berlin to work for the East German police. Instead, he signed an agreement with the Stasi to remain with the West Berlin police force and spy for the communist state.
As a result of the new information, criminal charges have once again been filed against Kurras, who was acquitted twice, once in 1967 and again in 1970, of negligent homicide charges related to Ohnesorg’s death. Kurras told the Berlin paper Tagesspiegel on Friday that he had never worked together with the Stasi.
But in addition to finding the agreement between Kurras and the Stasi, the two researchers also discovered numerous documents indicating that the East Germans were pleased with the information Kurras passed along — particularly given that he was posted to a division responsible for rooting out moles within the West German police force.
Immediately after Ohnesorg’s death, Kurras received a Stasi communication ordering him to destroy his records and to “cease activities for the moment.” Kurras responded with his acquiescence and wrote “I need money for an attorney.”
The exact circumstances surrounding the death of Ohnesorg have never been completely clarified. Kurras himself, now 81, gave conflicting versions of the story during the investigation but the official version has long been that Kurras fired in self defense. Many others point to witness accounts whereby the police were beating Ohnesorg when the shot was fired.
It is still unclear how the new evidence might play into history’s understanding of the tragic event. The day was one full of violence, with demonstrators and police battling each other with pipes, wooden clubs and stones. Police were further incited by rumors that an officer had been stabbed earlier in the evening. Ohnesorg himself, however, was not directly involved in the violence.
West Berlin in the 1960s and 70s became a focal point of German left wing radicalism. The city had long been left-leaning, and the fact that Berliners were exempt from military service meant that it became a magnate for pacifists and anti-state activists.
Ohnesorg’s death gave them an immediate rallying cry. As the left-wing movement became more radical, many justified their violent activities by pointing to the police brutality that led to the student’s death. A letter written by Ulrike Meinhof announcing the founding of the Red Army Faction, which appeared in SPIEGEL in the fall of 1967, explicitly mentioned the Ohnesorg incident. The RAF went on to terrorize Germany for decades, ultimately killing over 30 people across the country. The radical “June 2 Movement” used the date of the incident in its name.
Kurras, for his part, seems to have been a highly valued Stasi agent. In his files, it is noted that “he is prepared to complete any task assigned to him.” It also mentions that he is notable for having the “courage and temerity necessary to accomplish difficult missions.”

Now it seems the STASI is back again in business after transforming it in to the CYBER-STASI of the 21st Century.

The serial betrayer and cyberstalker Klaus Maurischat is on the run again. The latest action against him (see below) cause him to react in a series of fake statements and “press releases” – one more absurd than the other. Insider analyze that his criminal organisation “GoMoPa” is about to fade away.

On our request the German criminal police (Kriminalpolizei) has opened new cases against the notorious “GoMoPa” organisation which already fled in the underground. Insiders say they have killed German journalist and watchdog Heinz Gerlach and their criminal record is bigger than the Encyclopedia – Britannica

The case is also directed against Google, Germany, whilst supporting criminal action of “GoMoPa” for years and therefore give them the chance to blackmail successfull businessman. This case is therefore an example and will be followed by many others as far as we can project. Furthermore we will bring the case to the attention of the German lawyers community which will not tolerate such misconduct by Googles German legal representative Dr. Arndt Haller and we will bring the case to the attention ofGoogle Inc in Mountain View, USA, and the American ministry of Justice to stop the Cyberstalkers once and for all.
Besides that many legal institutions, individuals and firms have already contacted us to help to clarify the death of Mr. Heinz Gerlach and to prosecute his murderers and their backers.
The case number is ST/0148943/2011

In a series of interviews beginning 11 months before the sudden death of German watchdog Heinz Gerlach Berlin lawyer Joschen Resch unveilved secrets of Gerlach, insiders say. Secret documents from Mr Gerlachs computer were published on two dubious hostile German websites. Both have a lot of similarities in their internet registration. One the notorious “GoMoPa” website belongs to a n Eastern German organization which calls itself “
Numerous attempts have been made to stop our research and the publication of the stories by “GoMoPa” members in camouflage thus confirming the truth and the substance of it in a superior way.
Only two articles let the German audience believe that the famous journalist and watchdog Heinz Gerlach died on natural courses by blood pollution. The first one, published only hours after the death of Mr Heinz Gerlach by the notorious “GoMoPa” (see article below) and a second 3 days later by a small German local newspaper, Weserbergland Nachrichten.

Many people including the hostile Gerlach website “Akte Heinz Gerlach” doubted that this man who had so many enemies and friends would die of natural causes without any previous warning. Rumours occured that Mr. Gerlach’s doctor doubted natural courses at all. After many critical voices discussed the issue a small website of a small German local newspaper – which never before had reported about Mr. Heinz Gerlach and which is not even in the region of Mr Gerlachs home – published that Mr Gerlach died of blood pollution. Weserbergland-Nachrichten published a long article about the deadly consequences of blood pollution and did not even name the source of such an important statement. It claimed only that somebody of Gerlachs inner circle had said this. It is a proven fact that after the collpase of the Eastern German Communist Regime many former Communist propaganda agents went to regional newspapers – often in Western Germany like Günther Schabowski did the man who opened the “Mauer”.

The theatre stage was set: One day later the hostile Gerlach website “Akte Heinz Gerlach” took the agenda publishing that Mr Gerlach had died for natural causes without any further research at all.

This was done by a website which for months and months and months reported everything about Mr. Gerlach.
Furthermore a research proves that the technical details regarding the website hosting of this hostile website “Akte Heinz Gerlach” proves that there are common details with the hosting of “GoMoPa” and their affiliates as proven by the SJB-GoMoPa-victims (see http://www.sjb-fonds-opfer.com)

Insiders believe that the murderers of Mr. Heinz Gerlach are former members of the Eastern German Terror Organisation “Stasi” with dioxins. They also believe that “GoMoPa” was part of the plot. At “GoMoPa”’ a person named Siegfried Siewers was officialy responsible for the press but never appeared in public. “GoMoPa”-victims say that this name was a cameo for “GoMoPa” frontrunner Klaus Maurischat who is controlled by the Stasi Top Agent Ehrenfried Stelznr, Berlin.

Siegfried Sievers, a former Stasi member is responsible for the pollution of millions Germanys for many years with dioxins. This was unveiled at 5th of January 2011 by German prosecutors.
The victims say that Maurischat (probably also a Stasi cameo) and Sievers were in contact as Sievers acted as Stasi Agent and was in fact already a specialist in dioxins under the Communist Terror

The Stasi murder:
„GoMoPa“ & Backers: Blackmailing, Extortion, Racketeering, Internet Murder and Murder. These are the weapons of the East-German “NACHRICHTENDIENST” “GoMoPa”, a renegate confesses.
Deep Throat, Berlin; confesses: „Since months the „GoMoPa“ keyfigures like Klaus-Dieter Maurischat< are in hide-aways because the German police is hunting them for the wirecard fraud and a lot of other criminal actions. I left the group when I noticed that. The found and former Stasi-Colonel Ehrenfried Stelzer died under strange circumstances in Berlin. This has been told to us. But it is also possible that his death was staged. In any case the criminal organization of “GoMoPa” is responsible for the murder of Heinz Gerlach by dioxin. Now my life is also in danger that is why I hide myself.”
According to Deep Throat, Hans J. the murder was done with the help of the old Stasi-connections of the “NACHRICHTENDIENST” “GoMoPa”.
The renegate says that computer hacker Thomas Promny and Sven Schmidt are responsible for the computer crimes and he states that the crime organization of “GoMoPa” has also helpers inside internet companies like Go-Daddy, Media-on and even in Google, Hamburg..

THE “NACHRICHTENDIENST”:New criminal police action against “GoMoPa”:

German criminal police (Kriminalpolizei) has opened new cases against the notorious “GoMoPa” organisation which already fled in the underground.

On our request the German criminal police (Kriminalpolizei) has opened new cases against the notorious “GoMoPa” organisation which already fled in the underground. Insiders say they have killed German journalist and watchdog Heinz Gerlach and their criminal record is bigger than the
Encyclopedia – Britannica

The case is also directed against Google, Germany, whilst supporting criminal action of “GoMoPa” for years and therefore give them the chance to blackmail successfull businessman. This case is therefore an example and will be followed by many others as far as we can project. Furthermore we will bring the case to the attention of the German lawyers community which will not tolerate such misconduct by Googles German legal representative Dr. Arndt Haller and we will bring the case to the attention of Google Inc in Mountain View, USA, and the American ministry of Justice to stop the Cyberstalkers once and for all.

Besides that many legal institutions, individuals and firms have already contacted us to help to clarify the death of Mr. Heinz Gerlach and to prosecute his murderers and their backers.

The case number is

ST/0148943/2011

Stasi-Dioxin: The “NACHRICHTENDIENST”  searching for the perfect murder:

Viktor Yushchenko was running against Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych. Yanukovych was a political ally of outgoing president Leonid Kuchma. Kuchma’s administration depended upon corruption and dishonesty for its power. Government officials ruled with a sense of terror rather than justice. For the powerful and wealthy few, having Yanukovych elected president was important. Should Yushchenko win, Ukraine’s government was sure to topple. Yushchenko’s campaign promises included a better quality of life for Ukrainians through democracy. His wife, Katherine, told CBS in a 2005 interview, “He was a great threat to the old system, where there was a great deal of corruption, where people were making millions, if not billions.”
On September 6, 2004, Yushchenko became ill after dining with leaders of the Ukrainian secret police. Unlike other social or political engagements, this dinner did not include anyone else on Yushchenko’s team. No precautions were taken regarding the food. Within hours after the dinner, Yushchenko began vomiting violently. His face became paralyzed; he could not speak or read. He developed a severe stomachache and backache as well as gastrointestinal pain. Outwardly, Yushchenko developed what is known as chloracne, a serious skin condition that leaves the face scarred and disfigured.
By December 2004, doctors had determined that Yushchenko had been the victim of dioxin poisoning. Dioxin is a name given to a group of related toxins that can cause cancer and even death. Dioxin was used in the biochemical weapon called Agent Orange during the Vietnam War controversial war in which the United States aidedSouth Vietnam in its fight against a takeover by Communist North Vietnam). Yushchenko had a dioxin level six thousand times greater than that normally found in the bloodstream. His is the second-highest level ever recorded.
Yushchenko immediately suspected he had been poisoned, though Kuchma’s camp passionately denied such allegations. Instead, when Yushchenko showed up at a parliamentary meeting shortly after the poisoning incident, Kuchma’s men teased him, saying he must have had too much to drink or was out too late the night before.
Dioxin can stay in the body for up to thirty-five years. Experts predict that his swelling and scars will fade but never completely disappear. John Henry, a toxicologist at London’s Imperial Hospital, told RedNova.com, “It’ll be a couple of years, and he will always be a bit pockmarked. After damage as heavy as that, I think he will not return to his film star looks.” And Yushchenko will live with the constant threat of cancer.
At first it was believed the poison must have come from a Russian laboratory. Russia was a strong supporter of Kuchma and lobbied against Yushchenko in the 2004 election. But by July 2005, Yushchenko’s security forces were able to trace the poison to a lab in Ukraine. Though not entirely ruling out Russia’s involvement, Yushchenko is quoted on his Web site as saying “I’m sure that even though some people are running from the investigation, we will get them. I am not afraid of anything or anybody.”

Evidence shows that such a perfect murder plotted by former Stasi agents is the cause of the death of German watchdog and journalist Heinz Gerlach.

The Ministry for State Security (German: Ministerium für Staatssicherheit (MfS), commonly known as the Stasi (IPA: [‘?tazi?]) (abbreviation German: Staatssicherheit, literally State Security), was the official state security service of East Germany. The MfS was headquartered in East Berlin, with an extensive complex in Berlin-Lichtenberg and several smaller facilities throughout the city. It was widely regarded as one of the most effective and repressive intelligence and secret police agencies in the world. The MfS motto was “Schild und Schwert der Partei” (Shield and Sword of the Party), that is the ruling Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED).

According to the confessions of an informer, Berlin lawyer Jochen Resch writes most of the “articles” of the communist “STASI” agency “GoMoPa” himself or it is done by lawyers of his firm. The whistleblower states that lawyer Resch is the mastermind behind the “CYBER-STASI” called “NACHRICHTENDIENST” “GoMoPa”. Bizarre enough they use Jewish names of non-existing Jewish lawyers by the name of “Goldman, Morgenstern and Partner” to stage their bogus “firm”.  Further involved in their complots are a “detective” Medard Fuchsgruber and “STASI”-Colonel Ehrenfried Stelzer, “the first crime expert” in the former communist East-Germany.
According to London based Meridian Capital hundreds and thousands of wealthy people and companies have paid to the “NACHRICHTENDIENST” to avoid their cyberstalking (see article below).
Finally the German criminal police started their investigations (case number ST/0148943/2011).
The “NACHRICHTENDIENST” is also involved in the death of the well-known German watchdog and journalist Heinz Gerlach who died under strange circumstances in July 2010.
Only hours after his death the “NACHRICHTENDIENST” was spreading the news that Mr Gerlach died of blood pollution and set the stage for a fairy tale. Months before his death the “NACHRICHTENDIENST” started a campaign to ruin his reputation and presumably was also responsable for cyberattacks to bring his website down. In fact they presumably used the same tactics also against our servers. Therefore we investigated all internet details of them and handed the facts to the FBI and international authorities.

Story background:
Now it seems the STASI is back again in business after transforming it in to the CYBER-STASI of the 21st Century.

The serial betrayer and  cyberstalker Klaus Maurischat is on the run again. The latest action against him (see below) cause him to react in a series of fake statements and “press releases” – one more absurd than the other. Insider analyze that his criminal organisation “GoMoPa” is about to fade away.
On our request the German criminal police (Kriminalpolizei) has opened new cases against the notorious “GoMoPa” organisation which already fled in the underground. Insiders  say they  have killed German journalist and watchdog Heinz Gerlach and their criminal record is bigger than the Encyclopedia – Britannica
The case is also directed against Google, Germany, whilst supporting criminal action of  “GoMoPa” for years and therefore give them the chance to blackmail successfull businessman. This case is therefore an example and will be followed by many others as far as we can project. Furthermore we will bring the case to the attention of the German lawyers community which will not tolerate such misconduct by Googles German legal representative Dr. Arndt Haller and we will bring the case to the attention of Google Inc in Mountain View, USA, and the American ministry of Justice to stop the Cyberstalkers once and for all.
Besides that many legal institutions,  individuals and firms have already contacted us to help to clarify the death of Mr. Heinz Gerlach and to prosecute his murderers and their backers.
The case number is ST/0148943/2011
In a series of interviews beginning 11 months before the sudden death of German watchdog Heinz Gerlach Berlin lawyer Joschen Resch unveilved secrets of Gerlach, insiders say. Secret documents from Mr Gerlachs computer were published on two dubious hostile German websites. Both have a lot of similarities in their internet registration. One the notorious “GoMoPa” website belongs to a n Eastern German organization which calls itself “
Numerous attempts have been made to stop our research and the publication of the stories by “GoMoPa” members in camouflage thus confirming the truth and the substance of it in a superior way.
Only two articles let the German audience believe that the famous journalist and watchdog Heinz Gerlach died on natural courses by blood pollution. The first one, published only hours after the death of Mr Heinz Gerlach by the notorious “GoMoPa” (see article below) and a second 3 days later by a small German local newspaper, Weserbergland Nachrichten.

Many people including the hostile Gerlach website “Akte Heinz Gerlach” doubted that this man who had so many enemies and friends would die of natural causes without any previous warning. Rumours occured that Mr. Gerlach’s doctor doubted natural courses at all. After many critical voices discussed the issue a small website of a small German local newspaper – which never before had reported about Mr. Heinz Gerlach and which is not even in the region of Mr Gerlachs home – published that Mr Gerlach died of blood pollution. Weserbergland-Nachrichten published a long article about the deadly consequences of blood pollution and did not even name the source of such an important statement. It claimed only that somebody of Gerlachs inner circle had said this. It is a proven fact that after the collpase of the Eastern German Communist Regime many former Communist propaganda agents went to regional newspapers – often in Western Germany like Günther Schabowski did the man who opened the “Mauer”.

The theatre stage was set: One day later the hostile Gerlach website “Akte Heinz Gerlach” took the agenda publishing that Mr Gerlach had died for natural causes without any further research at all.

This was done by a website which for months and months and months reported everything about Mr. Gerlach.
Furthermore a research proves that the technical details regarding the website hosting of this hostile website “Akte Heinz Gerlach” proves that there are common details with the hosting of “GoMoPa” and their affiliates as proven by the SJB-GoMoPa-victims (see http://www.sjb-fonds-opfer.com)
Insiders believe that the murderers of Mr. Heinz Gerlach are former members of the Eastern German Terror Organisation “Stasi” with dioxins. They also believe that “GoMoPa” was part of the plot. At “GoMoPa”’ a person named Siegfried Siewers was officialy responsible for the press but never appeared in public. “GoMoPa”-victims say that this name was a cameo for “GoMoPa” frontrunner Klaus Maurischat who is controlled by the Stasi Top Agent Ehrenfried Stelzner, Berlin.

Siegfried Sievers, a former Stasi member is responsible for the pollution of millions Germanys for many years with dioxins. This was unveiled at 5th of January 2011 by German prosecutors.
The victims say that Maurischat (probably also a Stasi cameo) and Sievers were in contact as Sievers acted as Stasi Agent and was in fact already a specialist in dioxins under the Communist Terror Regime in Eastern Germany.
Furthermore the Stasi Top Agent Ehrenfried Stelzer disguised as Professor for Criminal studies during the Communist Regime at the Eastern Berlin Humboldt University.

Background:
The man behind the Berlin lawyer Jochen Resch and his activities is Ehrenfried Stelzer, former Stasi Top officer in Berlin and “Professor for Criminal Studies” at the Eastern Berlin Humboldt University during the Communist regime, the SJB-GoMoPa-victims say (www.sjb-fonds-opfer.com) is responsable for the killing of German watchdog and journalist Heinz Gerlach.
These informations stem from various sources who were close to the criminal organization of GoMoPa in the last years. The SJB-GoMoPa say that the well-known German watchdog and journalist Heinz Gerlach was killed by former Stasi members with dioxins. Polychlorinated dibenzodioxins (PCDDs), or simply dioxins, are a group of organic polyhalogenated compounds that are significant because they act as environmental pollutants. They are commonly referred to as dioxins for simplicity in scientific publications because every PCDD molecule contains a dioxin skeletal structure. Typically, the p-dioxin skeleton is at the core of a PCDD molecule, giving the molecule a dibenzo-p-dioxin ring system. Members of the PCDD family have been shown to bioaccumulate in humans and wildlife due to their lipophilic properties, and are known teratogens, mutagens, and confirmed (avered) human carcinogens. They are organic compounds.
Dioxins build up primarily in fatty tissues over time (bioaccumulate), so even small exposures may eventually reach dangerous levels. In 1994, the US EPA reported that dioxins are a probable carcinogen, but noted that non-cancer effects (reproduction and sexual development, immune system) may pose an even greater threat to human health. TCDD, the most toxic of the dibenzodioxins, is classified as a Group 1 carcinogen by the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC).
In 2004, a notable individual case of dioxin poisoning, Ukrainian politician Viktor Yushchenko was exposed to the second-largest measured dose of dioxins, according to the reports of the physicians responsible for diagnosing him. This is the first known case of a single high dose of TCDD dioxin poisoning, and was diagnosed only after a toxicologist recognized the symptoms of chloracne while viewing television news coverage of his condition.
German dioxin scandal: In January 2011 about 4700 German farms were banned from making deliveries after tests at the Harles und Jentzsch plant in the state of Schleswig-Holstein showed high levels of dioxin. Again this incident appears to involve PCBs and not PCDDs at all. Dioxin were found in animal feed and eggs in many farms. The person who is responsible for this, Siegfried Sievert is also a former Stasi Agent. At “GoMoPa” the notorious Eastern-Berlin press agency (see article below) one of the henchmen acted under the name of “Siegfried Siewert”.
Further evidence for the killing of Mr.Heinz Gerlach is provided by the SJB-GoMoPa-victims by analyzing the dubious role of former Stasi-Top-agent Ehrenfried Stelzer, also a former “Professor for Crime Studies” under the Communist regime in Eastern Germany and the dubious role of “detective” Medard Fuchsgruber. Both are closely tied to the dubious “GoMoPa” and Berlin lawyer Jochen Resch.
According to the SJB-GoMoPa-victims is Berlin lawyer Jochen Resch the mastermind of the criminal organization “GoMoPa2. The victims state that they have a source inside “GoMoPa” who helped them discover  the shocking truth. The so-called “Deep Throat from Berlin” has information that Resch had the idea to found the criminal organization “GoMoPa” and use non-existing Jewish lawyers  named Goldman, Morgenstern & Partner as camouflage. Their “office” in Madison Avenue, New York, is a mailbox. This is witnessed by a German Ex-Patriot, a lawyer, whose father, Heinz Gerlach, died under strange circumstances.
Resch seems to use “GoMoPa” as an instrument to blackmail parts of the German Property and Investment section.

-”Worse than the Gestapo.” —Simon Wiesenthal, Nazi hunter said about the notorious “Stasi”.

Less than a month after German demonstrators began to tear down the Berlin Wall on November 9, 1989, irate East German citizens stormed the Leipzig district office of the Ministry for State Security (MfS)—the Stasi, as it was more commonly called. Not a shot was fired, and there was no evidence of “street justice” as Stasi officers surrendered meekly and were peacefully led away. The following month, on January 15, hundreds of citizens sacked Stasi headquarters in Berlin. Again there was no bloodshed. The last bit of unfinished business was accomplished on May 31 when the Stasi radioed its agents in West Germany to fold their tents and come home.
The intelligence department of the Nationale Volksarmee (NVA), the People’s Army, had done the same almost a week earlier, but with what its members thought was better style. Instead of sending the five-digit code groups that it had used for decades to message its spies in West Germany, the army group broadcast a male choir singing a children’s ditty about a duck swimming on a lake. There was no doubt that the singing spymasters had been drowning their sorrow over losing the Cold War in schnapps. The giggling, word-slurring songsters repeated the refrain three times: “Dunk your little head in the water and lift your little tail.” This was the signal to agents under deep cover that it was time to come home.
With extraordinary speed and political resolve, the divided nation was reunified a year later. The collapse of the despotic regime was total. It was a euphoric time for Germans, but reunification also produced a new national dilemma. Nazi war crimes were still being tried in West Germany, forty-six years after World War II. Suddenly the German government was faced with demands that the communist officials who had ordered, executed, and abetted crimes against their own people—crimes that were as brutal as those perpetrated by their Nazi predecessors—also be prosecuted.
The people of the former Deutsche Demokratische Republik (DDR), the German Democratic Republic, as the state had called itself for forty years, were clamoring for instant revenge. Their wrath was directed primarily against the country’s communist rulers—the upper echelon of the Sozialistische Einheitspartei (SED), the Socialist Unity Party. The tens of thousands of second-echelon party functionaries who had enriched themselves at the expense of their cocitizens were also prime targets for retribution.
Particularly singled out were the former members of the Stasi, the East German secret police, who previously had considered themselves the “shield and sword” of the party. When the regime collapsed, the Stasi had 102,000 full-time officers and noncommissioned personnel on its rolls, including 11,000 members of the ministry’s own special guards regiment. Between 1950 and 1989, a total of 274,000 persons served in the Stasi.
The people’s ire was running equally strong against the regular Stasi informers, the inoffizielle Mitarbeiter (IMs). By 1995, 174,000 had been identified as IMs, or 2.5 percent of the total population between the ages of 18 and 60. Researchers were aghast when they found that about 10,000 IMs, or roughly 6 percent of the total, had not yet reached the age of 18. Since many records were destroyed, the exact number of IMs probably will never be determined; but 500,000 was cited as a realistic figure. Former Colonel Rainer Wiegand, who served in the Stasi counterintelligence directorate, estimated that the figure could go as high as 2 million, if occasional stool pigeons were included.
“The Stasi was much, much worse than the Gestapo, if you consider only the oppression of its own people,” according to Simon Wiesenthal of Vienna, Austria, who has been hunting Nazi criminals for half a century. “The Gestapo had 40,000 officials watching a country of 80 million, while the Stasi employed 102,000 to control only 17 million.” One might add that the Nazi terror lasted only twelve years, whereas the Stasi had four decades in which to perfect its machinery of oppression, espionage, and international terrorism and subversion.
To ensure that the people would become and remain submissive, East German communist leaders saturated their realm with more spies than had any other totalitarian government in recent history. The Soviet Union’s KGB employed about 480,000 full-time agents to oversee a nation of 280 million, which means there was one agent per 5,830 citizens. Using Wiesenthal’s figures for the Nazi Gestapo, there was one officer for 2,000 people. The ratio for the Stasi was one secret policeman per 166 East Germans. When the regular informers are added, these ratios become much higher: In the Stasi’s case, there would have been at least one spy watching every 66 citizens! When one adds in the estimated numbers of part-time snoops, the result is nothing short of monstrous: one informer per 6.5 citizens. It would not have been unreasonable to assume that at least one Stasi informer was present in any party of ten or twelve dinner guests.

THE STASI OCTOPUS

Like a giant octopus, the Stasi’s tentacles probed every aspect of life. Full-time officers were posted to all major industrial plants. Without exception, one tenant in every apartment building was designated as a watchdog reporting to an area representative of the Volkspolizei (Vopo), the People’s Police. In turn, the police officer was the Stasi’s man. If a relative or friend came to stay overnight, it was reported. Schools, universities, and hospitals were infiltrated from top to bottom. German academe was shocked to learn that Heinrich Fink, professor of theology and vice chancellor at East Berlin’s Humboldt University, had been a Stasi informer since 1968. After Fink’s Stasi connections came to light, he was summarily fired. Doctors, lawyers, journalists, writers, actors, and sports figures were co-opted by Stasi officers, as were waiters and hotel personnel. Tapping about 100,000 telephone lines in West Germany and West Berlin around the clock was the job of 2,000 officers.
Stasi officers knew no limits and had no shame when it came to “protecting the party and the state.” Churchmen, including high officials of both Protestant and Catholic denominations, were recruited en masse as secret informers. Their offices and confessionals were infested with eavesdropping devices. Even the director of Leipzig’s famous Thomas Church choir, Hans-Joachim Rotch, was forced to resign when he was unmasked as a Spitzel, the people’s pejorative for a Stasi informant.
Absolutely nothing was sacred to the secret police. Tiny holes were bored in apartment and hotel room walls through which Stasi agents filmed their “suspects” with special video cameras. Even bathrooms were penetrated by the communist voyeurs.8 Like the Nazi Gestapo, the Stasi was the sinister side of deutsche Gründlichkeit (German thoroughness).
After the Berlin wall came down, the victims of the DDR regime demanded immediate retribution. Ironically, their demands were countered by their fellow Germans in the West who, living in freedom, had diligently built einen demokratischen Rechtsstaat, a democratic state governed by the rule of law. The challenge of protecting the rights of both the victims and the accused was immense, given the emotions surrounding the issue. Government leaders and democratic politicians recognized that there could be no “quick fix” of communist injustices without jeopardizing the entire system of democratic jurisprudence. Moving too rapidly merely to satisfy the popular thirst for revenge might well have resulted in acquittals or mistrials. Intricate jurisdictional questions needed to be resolved with both alacrity and meticulousness. No German government could afford to allow a perpetrator to go free because of a judicial error. The political fallout from any such occurrence, especially in the East, could prove fatal to whatever political party occupied the chancellor’s office in Bonn at the time.
Politicians and legal scholars of the “old federal states,” or West Germany, counseled patience, pointing out that even the prosecution of Nazi criminals had not yet been completed. Before unification, Germans would speak of Vergangenheitsbewältigung (“coming to grips with the past”) when they discussed dealing with Nazi crimes. In the reunited Germany, this word came to imply the communist past as well. The two were considered comparable especially in the area of human rights violations. Dealing with major Nazi crimes, however, was far less complicated for the Germans: Adolf Hitler and his Gestapo and Schutzstaffel (SS) chief, Heinrich Himmler, killed themselves, as did Luftwaffe chief and Vice Chancellor Hermann Göring, who also had been the first chief of the Gestapo. The victorious Allies prosecuted the rest of the top leadership at the International War Crimes Tribunal in Nürnberg. Twelve were hanged, three received life terms, four were sentenced to lesser terms of imprisonment (up to twenty years), and three were acquitted.
The cases of communist judges and prosecutors accused of Rechtsbeugung (perversion of justice) are more problematic. According to Franco Werkenthin, a Berlin legal expert charged with analyzing communist crimes for the German parliament, those sitting in judgment of many of the accused face a difficult task because of the general failure of German justice after World War II. Not a single judge or prosecutor who served the Nazi regime was brought to account for having perverted justice—even those who had handed down death sentences for infringements that in a democracy would have been considered relatively minor offenses. Werkenthin called this phenomenon die Jauche der Justiz, the cesspool of justice.
Of course, the crimes committed by the communists were not nearly as heinous as the Nazis’ extermination of the Jews, or the mass murders in Nazi-occupied territories. However, the communists’ brutal oppression of the nation by means including murder alongside legal execution put the SED leadership on a par with Hitler’s gang. In that sense, Walter Ulbricht or Erich Honecker (Ulbricht’s successor as the party’s secretary-general and head of state) and secret police chief Erich Mielke can justifiably be compared to Hitler and Himmler, respectively.
Arrest warrants were issued for Honecker and Mielke. The Soviet government engineered Honecker’s escape to Moscow, where he became the ward of Soviet President Mikhail S. Gorbachev. When the Soviet Union crumbled, the new Russian President Boris Yeltsin expelled Honecker. He was arrested on his return to Germany, but a court decided against a trial when he was diagnosed with liver cancer. Honecker flew to Chile with his wife Margot to live with their daughter, a Chilean citizen by marriage. His exile was short, and he died in 1994. Mielke was not so fortunate: His KGB friends turned their backs on him. He was tried in Germany for the 1931 murder of two police officers, found guilty, and sentenced to six years in prison. Other charges, including manslaughter, were dismissed because of his advanced age and poor health.
Three other members of the twenty-one-member ruling Politburo also have been tried. Former Defense Minister Heinz Kessler was convicted of manslaughter in connection with the order to kill people who were trying to escape to the West. He received a seven-and-a-half-year term. Two others, members of the Central Committee and the National Defense Council, were tried with Kessler and sentenced to seven and a half years and five years, respectively. Politburo member Harry Tisch, who was also head of the communist trade union, was found guilty of embezzlement and served eighteen months. Six others, including Egon Krenz (Honecker’s successor as party chief), were charged with manslaughter. Krenz was found guilty, and on August 25, 1997, was sentenced to six and a half years in prison.
However, eight years after reunification, many of the 165 members of the Central Committee have not yet been put under investigation. In 1945, Nazis holding comparable or lesser positions were subject to automatic arrest by the Allies. They spent months or even years in camps while their cases were adjudicated. Moreover, the Nürnberg Tribunal branded the Reich and its Corps of Political Leaders, SS, Security Service (SD), Secret State Police (Gestapo), SA (Storm Troopers), and Armed Forces High Command criminal organizations. Similarly sweeping actions against communist leaders and functionaries such as Stasi officers were never contemplated, even though tens of thousands of political trials and human rights abuses have been documented. After the East German regime fell, German judicial authorities scrupulously avoided the appearance of waging witch-hunts or using the law as a weapon of vengeance. Prosecutors and judges made great efforts to be fair, often suspending legal action while requesting rulings from the supreme court on possible constitutional conflicts.
The victims of oppression clamored for revenge and demanded speedy prosecution of the erstwhile tyrants. They had little patience for a judicial system that was handicapped by a lack of unblemished and experienced criminal investigators, prosecutors, and judges. Despite these handicaps, the Berlin Central Police Investigations Group for Government Criminality, mindful that the statute of limitations for most communist crimes would expire at the end of 1999, made significant progress under its director Manfred Kittlaus, the able former director of the West Berlin state police. Kittlaus’s major task in 1998 was to investigate wrongful deaths, including 73 murders, 30 attempted murders, 583 cases of manslaughter, 2,938 instances of attempted manslaughter, and 425 other suspicious deaths. Of the 73 murders, 22 were classified as contract murders.
One of those tried and convicted for attempted contract murder was former Stasi collaborator Peter Haak, who was sentenced to six and a half years in prison. The fifty-two-year-old Haak took part in the Stasi’s 1981 Operation Scorpion, which was designed to pursue people who helped East Germans escape to the West. Proceedings against former General Gerhard Neiber, whose Stasi directorate was responsible for preventing escapes and for wreaking vengeance, were still pending in 1998.
Peter Haak’s murder plot was hatched after he befriended Wolfgang Welsch and his family. Welsch was a thorn in the side of the Stasi because of his success in smuggling people out of the DDR. Haak joined Welsch and the latter’s wife and seven-year-old daughter on a vacation in Israel, where he mixed a gram of thallium, a highly poisonous metallic chemical element used in rat poison, into the hamburgers he was preparing for a meal. Welsch’s wife and daughter vomited immediately after ingesting the poison and recovered quickly. Welsch suffered severe aftereffects, but eventually recovered: He had consumed a large amount of beer with the meal, and an expert testified that the alcohol had probably flushed the poison from his system.
Berlin Prosecutor General Christoph Schäfgen revealed that after the DDR’s demise 15,200 investigations had been launched, of which more than 9,000 were still active at the beginning of 1995. Indictments were handed down in 153 cases, and 73 perpetrators were convicted. Among those convicted were the aforementioned Politburo members as well as a number of border guards who had killed people who were trying to escape to the West.
Despite widespread misgivings about the judicial failures in connection with some Nazi crimes, a number of judges and prosecutors were convicted and jailed for up to three years for perversion of justice. In collusion with the Stasi, they had requested or handed down more severe sentences in political cases so that the state could collect greater amounts when the “convicts” were ransomed by the West German government. {The amount of ransom paid was governed by the time a prisoner had been sentenced to serve.)
The enormity of the task facing judicial authorities in reunified Germany becomes starkly evident when one examines the actions they have taken in all five former East German provinces and in East Berlin. From the end of 1990 to July 1996, 52,050 probes were launched into charges of murder, attempted murder, manslaughter, kidnapping, election fraud, and perversion of justice. A total of 29,557 investigations were halted for various reasons including death, severe illness, old age, or insufficient evidence. In those five and a half years, there were only 139 convictions.
The problem is even more staggering when cases of espionage are included. Between 1990 and 1996, the office of the federal prosecutor general launched 6,641 probes, of which 2,431 were terminated before trial—most due to the statute of limitations. Of 175 indictments on charges of espionage, 95 resulted in convictions. In addition to the cases handled at the federal level, the prosecutor general referred 3,926 investigations to state authorities, who terminated 3,344 without trial. State courts conducted 356 trials, resulting in 248 convictions. Because the statute of limitations for espionage is five years, the prosecutor general’s office told me in 1997 it was unlikely that more espionage trials would be conducted.
It is important to emphasize the difference between the statute’s application to so-called government crimes committed in East Germany before the collapse and to crimes, such as espionage, committed in West Germany. The Unification Treaty specifically permits the belated prosecution of individuals who committed acts that were punishable under the East German criminal code and who due to official connivance were not prosecuted earlier. There is no statute of limitations for murder. For most other crimes the limit is five years; however, due to the obstacles created by previous government connivance, the German parliament in 1993 doubled this time limit for prosecution of the more serious crimes. At the same time, the parliament decreed that all cases must be adjudicated by the end of 2002. For less serious offenses, the statute would have run out on December 31, 1997, but the parliament extended it to 2000.
A number of politicians, jurists, and liberal journalists pleaded for a general amnesty for crimes committed by former DDR leaders and Communist Party functionaries. A former West German supreme court judge, Ernst Mahrenholz, said the “sharp sword of justice prevents reconciliation.” Schäfgen, the Berlin prosecutor general, had this answer for the former high court judge and other amnesty advocates:

I cannot agree. We are raising no special, sharp sword against East Germans. We must pursue state-sponsored injustice in exactly the same manner as we do when a thief steals or when one human being kills another. If one wants to change that, then we would have to do away with the entire criminal justice system, because punishment always hurts. We are not criminalizing an entire people but only an ever shrinking, small portion.

German Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel, who was West Germany’s minister of justice when the nation was unified, said this at a session of parliament in September 1991: “We must punish the perpetrators. This is not a matter of a victor’s justice. We owe it to the ideal of justice and to the victims. All of those who ordered injustices and those who executed the orders must be punished; the top men of the SED as well as the ones who shot [people] at the wall.” Aware that the feelings against communists were running high among their victims, Kinkel pointed to past revolutions after which the representatives of the old system were collectively liquidated. In the same speech before parliament, he said:

Such methods are alien to a state ruled by law. Violence and vengeance are incompatible with the law in any case. At the same time, we cannot tolerate that the problems are swept under the rug as a way of dealing with a horrible past, because the results will later be disastrous for society. We Germans know from our own experience where this leads. Jewish philosophy formulates it in this way: “The secret of redemption is called remembering.”

Defense attorneys for communist officials have maintained that the difficulty lies in the fact that hundreds of thousands of political opponents were tried under laws of the DDR. Although these laws were designed to smother political dissent and grossly violated basic human rights and democratic norms, they were nonetheless laws promulgated by a sovereign state. How could one justly try individual Stasi officers, prosecutors, and judges who had simply been fulfilling their legal responsibility to pursue and punish violators of the law?
Opinions varied widely on whether and how the Stasi and other perpetrators of state-sponsored crimes should be tried. Did the laws of the DDR, as they existed before reunification, still apply in the east? Or was the criminal code of the western part of the country the proper instrument of justice in reunified Germany? However, these questions were moot: As Rupert Scholz, professor of law at the University of Munich and a Christian Democratic member of parliament, pointed out, the Unification Treaty specifies that the penal code of the DDR and not that of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) shall be applied to offenses committed in East Germany. Scholz’s view was upheld by the Bundesverfassungsgericht, the supreme court. Most offenses committed by party functionaries and Stasi officers—murder, kidnapping, torture, illegal wiretapping, mail robbery, and fraud—were subject to prosecution in reunified Germany under the DDR’s penal code. But this would not satisfy the tens of thousands of citizens who had been sent to prison under East German laws covering purely political offenses for which there was no West German equivalent.
Nevertheless, said Scholz, judicial authorities were by no means hamstrung, because West Germany had never recognized the East German state according to international law. “We have always said that we are one nation; that the division of Germany led neither to full recognition under international law nor, concomitantly, to a recognition of the legal system of the DDR,” Scholz said. Accordingly, West German courts have consistently maintained that West German law protects all Germans equally, including those living in the East. Therefore, no matter where the crimes were committed, whether in the East or the West, all Germans have always been subject to West German laws. Applying this logic, East German border guards who had either killed or wounded persons trying to escape to the West could be tried under the jurisdiction of West Germany.
The “one nation” principle was not upheld by the German supreme court. Prior to the court’s decision, however, Colonel General Markus Wolf, chief of the Stasi’s foreign espionage directorate, and some of his officers who personally controlled agents from East Berlin had been tried for treason and convicted. Wolf had been sentenced to six years in prison. The supreme court ruling overturned that verdict and those imposed on Wolf’s cohorts, even though they had obtained the most closely held West German secrets and handed them over to the KGB. The maximum penalty for Landesverrat, or treason, is life imprisonment. In vacating Wolf’s sentence, the court said he could not be convicted because he operated only from East German territory and under East German law.
However, Wolf was reindicted on charges of kidnapping and causing bodily harm, crimes also punishable under East German law. The former Stasi three-star general, on March 24, 1955, had approved in writing a plan to kidnap a woman who worked for the U.S. mission in West Berlin. The woman and her mother were tricked by a Stasi agent whom the woman had been teaching English, and voluntarily got into his car. He drove them into the Soviet sector of the divided city, where they were seized by Stasi officers. The woman was subjected to psychological torture and threatened with imprisonment unless she signed an agreement to spy for the Stasi. She agreed. On her return to the American sector, however, the woman reported the incident to security officials. Wolf had committed a felony punishable by up to fifteen years’ imprisonment in West Germany. He was found guilty in March 1977 and sentenced to two years’ probation.
Those who have challenged the application of the statute of limitations to communist crimes, especially to the executions of citizens fleeing to the West, have drawn parallels to the notorious executive orders of Adolf Hitler. Hitler issued orders mandating the summary execution of Soviet Army political commissars upon their capture and initiating the extermination of Jews. An early postwar judicial decision held that these orders were equivalent to law. When that law was declared illegal and retroactively repealed by the West German Bundestag, the statute of limitations was suspended—that is, it never took effect. Many of those convicted in subsequent trials of carrying out the Führer’s orders were executed by the Allies. The German supreme court has ruled the same way as the Bundestag on the order to shoot people trying to escape to West Germany, making the statute of limitations inapplicable to such cases. The ruling made possible the trial of members of the National Defense Council who took part in formulating or promulgating the order. A number of border guards who had shot would-be escapees also have been tried and convicted.
Chief Prosecutor Heiner Sauer, former head of the West German Central Registration Office for Political Crimes, was particularly concerned with the border shootings. His office, located in Salzgitter, West Germany, was established in 1961 as a direct consequence of the Berlin Wall, which was erected on August 13 of that year. Willy Brandt, at the time the city’s mayor (later federal chancellor) had decided that crimes committed by East German border guards should be recorded. At his behest, a central registry of all shootings and other serious border incidents was instituted. Between August 13, 1961 and the opening of the borders on November 9, 1989, 186 border killings were registered. But when the Stasi archives were opened, investigators found that at least 825 people had paid with their lives for trying to escape to the West. This figure was reported to the court that was trying former members of the National Defense Council. In addition to these border incidents, the registry also had recorded a number of similar political offenses committed in the interior of the DDR: By fall 1991, Sauer’s office had registered 4,444 cases of actual or attempted killings and about 40,000 sentences handed down by DDR courts for “political offenses.”
During the early years of Sauer’s operation, the details of political prosecutions became known only when victims were ransomed by West Germany or were expelled. Between 1963 and 1989, West Germany paid DM5 billion (nearly US$3 billion) to the communist regime for the release of 34,000 political prisoners. The price per head varied according to the importance of the person or the length of the sentence. In some cases the ransom amounted to more than US$56,000. The highest sum ever paid to the East Germans appears to have been DM450,000 (US$264,705 using an exchange rate of US$1.70 to the mark). The ransom “object” in this case was Count Benedikt von Hoensbroech. A student in his early twenties, von Hoensbroech was attending a West Berlin university when the wall went up. He was caught by the Stasi while trying to help people escape and was sentenced to ten years at hard labor. The case attracted international attention because his family was related to Queen Fabiola of Belgium, who interceded with the East Germans. Smelling money, the East German government first demanded the equivalent of more than US$1 million from the young man’s father as ransom. In the end, the parties settled on the figure of DM450,000, of which the West German government paid DM40,000 (about $23,529). Such ransom operations were fully controlled by the Stasi.
Political prisoners released in the DDR could not be registered by the West Germans because their cases remained secret. The victims were admonished to keep quiet or face another prison term. Nonetheless, in the first year after reunification, Sauer’s office added another 20,000 documented cases, for a total of 60,000. Sauer said he believed the final figure of all political prosecutions would be somewhere around 300,000. In every case, the Stasi was involved either in the initial arrest or in pretrial interrogations during which “confessions” were usually extracted by physical or psychological torture, particularly between the mid-1940s and the mid-1960s.
Until 1987, the DDR imposed the death penalty for a number of capital crimes, including murder, espionage, and economic offenses. But after the mid-1950s, nearly all death sentences were kept quiet and executions were carried out in the strictest secrecy, initially by guillotine and in later years by a single pistol shot to the neck. In most instances, the relatives of those killed were not informed either of the sentence or of the execution. The corpses were cremated and the ashes buried secretly, sometimes at construction sites. In reporting about one executioner who shot more than twenty persons to death, the Berlin newspaper Bildzeitung said that a total of 170 civilians had been executed in East Germany. However, Franco Werkenthin, the Berlin official investigating DDR crimes, said he had documented at least three hundred executions. He declined to say how many were for political offenses, because he had not yet submitted his report to parliament. “But it was substantial,” he told me. The true number of executions may never be known because no complete record of death sentences meted out by civil courts could be found. Other death sentences were handed down by military courts, and many records of those are also missing. In addition, German historian Günther Buch believes that about two hundred members of the Stasi itself were executed for various crimes, including attempts to escape to the West.

SAFEGUARDING HUMAN DIGNITY?

The preamble to the East German criminal code stated that the purpose of the code was to “safeguard the dignity of humankind, its freedom and rights under the aegis of the criminal code of the socialist state,” and that “a person can be prosecuted under the criminal code only in strictest concurrence with the law.” However, many of the codified offenses for which East German citizens were prosecuted and imprisoned were unique to totalitarian regimes, both fascist and communist.
Moreover, certain sections of the code, such as those on “Treasonable Relaying of Information” and “Treasonable Agent Activity,” were perversely applied, landing countless East Germans in maximum security penitentiaries. The victims of this perversion of justice usually were persons who had requested legal exit permits from the DDR authorities and had been turned down. In many cases, their “crime” was having contacted a Western consulate to inquire about immigration procedures. Sentences of up to two and a half years’ hard labor were not unusual as punishment for such inquiries.
Engaging in “propaganda hostile to the state” was another punishable offense. In one such case, a young man was arrested and prosecuted for saying that it was not necessary to station tanks at the border and for referring to border fortifications as “nonsense.” During his trial, he “admitted” to owning a television set on which he watched West German programs and later told friends what he saw. One of those “friends” had denounced him to the Stasi. The judge considered the accused’s actions especially egregious and sentenced him to a year and a half at hard labor.
Ironically, another part of this section of the criminal code decreed that “glorifying militarism” also was a punishable offense, although the DDR itself “glorified” its People’s Army beyond any Western norm. That army was clad in uniforms and insignia identical to those of the Nazi Wehrmacht, albeit without eagles and swastikas. The helmets, too, were differently shaped, but the Prussian goose step was regulation during parades.
A nineteen-year-old who had placed a sign in an apartment window reading “When justice is turned into injustice, resistance becomes an obligation!” was rewarded with twenty-two months in the penitentiary. Earlier, the youth had applied for an exit visa and had been turned down. A thirty-four-year-old father of two who also had been denied permission to leave the “workers’ and peasants’ state” with his family similarly advertised that fact with a poster reading “We want to leave, but they won’t let us.” The man went to prison for sixteen months. The “crimes” of both men were covered by a law on “Interference in Activities of the State or Society.”
Two letters—one to a friend in West Germany, seeking assistance to legally emigrate to the West, and another containing a similar appeal to Chief of State Honecker—brought a four-year sentence to their writer, who was convicted under two laws: those on “establishing illegal contacts” (writing to his friend) and on “public denigration” (writing to Honecker). The Stasi had illegally intercepted both letters.
The East German party chiefs were not content to rely only on the Stasi’s millions of informers to ferret out antistate sentiments. Leaving nothing to chance, they created a law that made the failure to denounce fellow citizens a crime punishable by up to five years’ imprisonment. One man was sentenced to twenty-three months for failing to report that a friend of his was preparing to escape to the West. The mandatory denunciation law had its roots in the statutes of the Socialist Unity Party, which were published in the form of a little red booklet. I picked up a copy of this booklet that had been discarded by its previous owner, a Stasi chauffeur, who had written “Ha, Ha” next to the mandate to “report any misdeeds, regardless of the person responsible, to leading party organs, all the way up to the Central Committee.”
Rupert Scholz, member of parliament and professor of law at the University of Munich, said many East Germans feel there is little determination among their Western brethren to bring the Stasi criminals to trial. “In fact, we already have heard many of them say that the peaceful revolution should have been a bloody one instead so they could have done away with their tormentors by hanging them posthaste,” Scholz told me.
The Reverend Joachim Gauck, minister to a Lutheran parish in East Germany, shared the people’s pessimism that justice would be done. Following reunification, Gauck was appointed by the Bonn government as its special representative for safeguarding and maintaining the Stasi archives. “We must at least establish a legal basis for finding the culprits in our files,” Gauck told me. “But it will not be easy. If you stood the millions of files upright in one line, they would stretch for 202 kilometers [about 121 miles]. In those files you can find an unbelievable number of Stasi victims and their tormentors.”
Gauck was given the mandate he needed in November 1991, when the German parliament passed a law authorizing file searches to uncover Stasi perpetrators and their informants. He viewed this legislation as first step in the right direction. With the evidence from Stasi files, the perpetrators could be removed from their public service jobs without any formal legal proceedings. Said Gauck: “We needed this law badly. It is not reasonable that persons who served this apparatus of oppression remain in positions of trust.”

See more at the journalist Bernd Pulch website http://www.berndpulch.org

SZ_03.09.2010_Am_virtuellen_Pranger

Lieber Leser,

Wildwest bei der mutmasslichen STASI:

Vor Zeugen hat mutmasslich “Peter Ehlers” mir mit einem Mordanschlag gedroht – und die Parallele zu dem verstorbenen Journalisten Heinz Gerlach gezogen.

Alle wissen, ich habe als Erster kritisch über Heinz Gerlach berichtet und bin deswegen von ihm verklagt worden.

Den Prozess haben meine Gesellschafter und ich damals gewonnen.

ABER ICH HABE AUCH ALS ERSTER ÜBER DEN MUTMASSLICHEN MORD AN HEINZ GERLACH UND DIE VERDACHTSMOMENTE GEGEN STASI-GOMOPA GESCHRIEBEN

NIE IM LEBEN HABE ICH GEDACHT DASS AUS “PETER EHLERS” MORDDROHUNGEN BLUTIGER ERNST WIRD

Ich habe mich im wahrsten Sinne des Wortes getäuscht.

Heute wissen wir über das STASI-“GoMoPa”-Geflecht Bescheid.

Die mörderischen und rufmörderischen Drohungen von mutmasslich ” Peter Ehlers” und von “GoMoPa” sowie deren Partnern und Aufftraggebern erhalten ich und meine Partner und Kunden täglich.

Desgleichen immer mehr Beweise über die Helfer UND Helfershelfer UND DEREN MUTMASSLICHE AUFTRAGGEBER RESCH UND BENNEWIRTZ , der STASI-“GoMoPa” sowie deren HELFERSHELFER  Thomas P und Beate P, Isabella C und Jan M UND WIE DIE JUSTIZ MANIPULIERT WURDE UND WIRD INDEM BEWEISE UNTERSCHLAGEN UND GEFÄLSCHT WERDEN

Für “PETER EHLERS” sind BUNDESKANZLERIN ANGELA MERKEL UND FINANZMINSITER WOLFGANG SCHÄUBLE DEUTSCHLANDS “GRÖSSTE HEHLER”

Verstehen Sie jetzt, mit wem und was wir hier zu tun haben ?

Schöne Grüsse

Bernd Pulch, MA der Publizistik, Germanistik und Komparatistik

http://nierenspen.de/masterplan.htm

HALLO KINDERFICKER PULCH UND SCHRAMM!!!

IER GEHT BALD DIE POST RICHTIG AB.
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SO IN ETWA WIRD ES AUSSEHEN:
INTERNETJAGT AUF DIE KINDERFICKER BERND PULCH
UND STEFAN SCHRAMM!
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AN DIESER STELLE KOMMEN PORNPGRAPHISCHE
FOTOS VON EUREN OPFER-KINDERN.
JETZT GEHT ES LOS PULCH UND SCHRAMM!!!
AUF ALLEN KANAELEN!!!

DAS IST DAS ORIGINAL MIT DEN GRAMMATIK-FEHLERN – NATÜRLICH LIEGEN ALLE DIESE ERPRSSER-MAILS- AUCH BEATE P VOR

RATEN SIE MAL WAS PASSIERT UND PASSIEREN WIRD  VON IHRER SEITE  ?

UND JETZT RATEN SIE MAL WAS WIR TUN WERDEN ?

GRATULIERE !

RICHTIG GERATEN !

Herzlichst Ihr
Nicht korrupter und nicht erpressbarer Bernd Pulch, MA der Publizistik, Germanistk und Komparatistik

http://www.victims-opfer.com/?p=23639

DFB Torwart-Trainer,  Jörg Berger und Jogi Löw – Jörg Berger: “Blei- und Arsenverbindungen wurden mir ins Essen oder Trinken getan”

Zitat: “Nach der Wende forderte man mich auf, meine Krankenakten an Professor Dr. Wolfgang Eisenmenger zu schicken, tätig am Institut für Rechtsmedizin der Münchner Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität. Er kam zu dem Ergebnis, dass es sich aufgrund der darin beschriebenen Symptome wahrscheinlich nicht um eine Viruserkrankung, sondern um eine Vergiftung gehandelt habe. Er konkretisierte dies auch noch in Hinsicht auf eine Schwermetallvergiftung aus der Gruppe der Blei- und Arsenverbindungen.

Die Stasi-Akten geben darüber keine klaren Auskünfte. Das einzige, was aus den Akten selber hervorgeht, ist, dass in der Zeit „agressives Verhalten gegenüber dem Feindbild Berger“ angesagt war. In meiner Lesart: Es ging ihnen bei mir nicht gerade um Mord, sondern darum, mich beruflich außer Gefecht zu setzen. Nicht umsonst hatte man mir wohl ein Gift gegeben, das Lähmungserscheinungen auslöst. Dennoch: In zu hoher Dosierung hätte es meine Gliedmaßen absterben lassen, aber auch zum Tode führen können. Dann wäre es doch ein Auftragsmord gewesen. Mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit hat mir jemand das Mittel in ein Getränk oder ins Essen getan. “

“Ich habe die Stasi unterschätzt”

Trainer Jörg Berger über seine “Republikflucht”, zerstochene Auto-Reifen und vergebliche Warnungen an Lutz Eigendorf.

Herr Berger, Otto Rehhagel hat Sie 1983 erst nach Informationen über Lok Leipzig ausfragt und anschließend zum Dank ins Weserstadion eingeladen. Sie lehnten ab. Warum?

Ich hätte mich damit zur Zielscheibe für die Stasi gemacht. So offensiv wollte ich mich dem DDR-System nicht präsentieren.

Rehhagel hat das damals allerdings überhaupt nicht verstanden.

Otto hat nie geglaubt, dass der Arm der Stasi bis nach Bremen reichen würde, dass die Stasi in Westdeutschland für mich eine Gefahr darstellen könnte.

Hätten Sie ihm das nicht erklären können? Gründe gab es doch genug.

Otto hätte mich nicht verstanden! Als ich meine Problematik vorsichtig andeutete, hat er gesagt: “Du bist doch im Westen, was soll dir schon passieren?” Mit Erklärungen habe ich mich lange zurückgehalten. Bis zu meiner Einsicht in die Stasi-Akten. Selbst meine Frau, die ich ja im Westen kennen gelernt hatte, hat mich manchmal gefragt:”Jörg, leidest du schon unter Verfolgungswahn?” Später hat sie sich dafür entschuldigt.

Sie haben sich insgesamt also sehr bedeckt gehalten?

Ich habe es zumindest immer versucht. Anders als Lutz Eigendorf, der sich sehr provokant inszeniert hat. Wenn Ost-Vereine in Westdeutschland gespielt haben, ist Lutz mit seinem großen Schlitten vorgefahren und hat – überspitzt formuliert – mit den großen Scheinen gewedelt. Der Erfolg von “Republikflüchtlingen” wie Lutz und mir war ein rotes Tuch für das DDR-Regime. Jedes Mal, wenn die uns gesehen haben, war das eine persönliche Niederlage. Ein Verräter, der im Westen gefeiert wird? Eine Katastrophe!

Wann wurde Ihnen bewusst, dass die Stasi auch im Westen hinter Ihnen her war?

Eigentlich schon in der deutschen Botschaft in Belgrad, nach meiner Flucht aus Subotica. Man sagte mir, in ganz Jugoslawien werde bereits nach mir gefahndet. So wichtig hatte ich mich dann doch nicht eingeschätzt. Im Aufnahmelager in Gießen wurde ich stundenlang vom BND und der CIA verhört. Da ist mir erst klar geworden, wie riskant meine Flucht war, welcher riesige Partei-Apparat dahinter steckt. Nach einer Woche in Westdeutschland wurde ich vom MfS (Ministerium für Staatssicherheit, Anm. d. Red.) unter Druck gesetzt. Vor meiner Flucht war ich mir sicher gewesen, im Westen die ganze DDR-Vergangenheit abzuschütteln.

Hätten Sie nicht auch einfach Sportlehrer auf dem Land werden können?

Dass ich Bundesliga-Trainer werde, hätte ich ja nie gedacht. Im Nachhinein wäre mein Fall bei der Stasi dann sicherlich schnell vergessen gewesen. Nur dachte ich damals: Je erfolgreicher und populärer du wirst, desto weniger traut sich die DDR an dich heran! Ich habe die Stasi unterschätzt. So lange, bis das mit Lutz Eigendorf passierte.

Als Eigendorf starb, haben Sie gleich gedacht: Das war Mord?

Sofort. Ich war im Stadion, als in der Halbzeit ein Journalist zu mir kommt und sagt: “Jörg, der Eigendorf ist tot.” Ich frage: “Wie und wo?” – “Mit dem Auto. In Braunschweig.” Danach habe ich zu meiner Frau gesagt: “Jetzt muss ich noch mehr aufpassen. Denen ist alles zuzutrauen.”

Was haben Sie konkret unternommen?

Mein Auto häufiger warten lassen. Reifen prüfen, die Bremsleitung untersuchen. Mir fiel auf, wie oft meine Reifen zerstochen waren. Einmal ist mir bei Tempo 160 das Rad abgefallen. Das war kein Zufall.

In einem Stasi-Eintrag über Eigendorfs Tod heißt es: “Eigendorf verblitzt.” Warum war er zur Zielscheibe geworden?

Lutz war ein Eigenbrötler, sehr von sich eingenommen und ziemlich unbedacht. Er hat dieses schicksalhafte Interview für “Kennzeichen D” direkt vor der Berliner Mauer gegeben, im Hintergrund sah man das Stadion vom BFC. Ich war einen Tag vorher da und sollte mich ebenfalls vor der Mauer befragen lassen. “Das könnt ihr gleich wieder vergessen”, habe ich gesagt. Lutz hat es gemacht. Das war quasi eine Aufforderung an alle Ost-Fußballer: Folgt mir in die Freiheit! Ich habe ihn gewarnt: “Lutz, so kannst du die nicht weiter provozieren, sonst bekommst du irgendwann einen Knüppel auf den Kopf!”

1986 bekamen Sie keinen Knüppel auf den Kopf, sondern wurden vergiftet.

Ich war inzwischen Trainer bei Hessen Kassel und litt plötzlich unter Lähmungen. Zuerst wurde der Fuß taub, dann das Bein und die Hände. Alles war wie abgestorben. Vermutlich eine Schwermetall-Vergiftung, irgendwas wurde mir auf jeden Fall ins Essen getan

Wie hat der Westen darauf reagiert?

Das wurde schnell unter den Tisch gekehrt. Der Tod von Eigendorf, meine Vergiftung: das hätte die diplomatischen Beziehungen zur DDR nur gestört. Offiziell sollte ich vom BND abgeschirmt werden, später habe ich in meinen Stasi-Akten gelesen, dass die Mielke-Behörde tatsächlich über jeden meiner Schritte in Westdeutschland Bescheid wusste.

Wie haben Sie das Ende der DDR erlebt?

Das Regime war für mich gestorben, die DDR abgehakt, nicht aber die Menschen. Meine gesamten Ersparnisse hätte ich darauf verwettet, dass die Grenze niemals wieder geöffnet werden würde. Als die Mauer fiel, war das für mich der politisch bewegendste Moment in meinem Leben. Ich dachte: Was ist denn jetzt passiert? Was hat das für Folgen? Ich habe geheult, ich habe gejubelt. Und wieder geheult. Andere haben Champagner getrunken.

Nach der Wende sind viele Ex-“Genossen” in neuen Ämtern aufgetaucht, auch im Fußball. Sie beschreiben die Szene, als Sie Wolfgang Riedel wieder sehen …

… ausgerechnet den Mann, der mich als Leiter unserer Verbandsdelegation in Jugoslawien nach meiner Flucht durch das ganze Land gejagt hatte. Ein absoluter Hardliner. 100 Prozent SED-treu. Der läuft mir auf der Treppe in der Otto-Fleck-Schneise entgegen, Riedel war inzwischen beim DFB gelandet. Hätte ich dem zwölf Jahre vorher gesagt, wie toll der DFB ist, wäre meine Karriere beendet gewesen. Wenn meine Frau nicht dabei gewesen wäre, ich hätte mich auf den gestürzt! Nach der Wende hat man sich im Fußball nicht genügend um Aufklärung bemüht. Sie glauben doch nicht, dass jemand vom DFB wieder eine ähnliche Position im DDR-Verband bekommen hätte?

Hätten Sie die Verbandsführung nicht aufklären können?

Wie denn? Damals hatte ich doch noch gar keine handfesten Beweise. Die fielen mir erst später in die Hand, bei der Einsicht in meine Stasiakten. Mir hätte direkt nach der Wende kein Mensch geglaubt

Sehr geehrte Frau P,

wir werden Sie und Ihre dubiosen Genossen für Ihre dubiosen Machenschaften zur Verantwortung ziehen

Das garantiere ich mit meinem Namen, ebenso wie ich die Hintermänner der STASI “GoMoPa” wie versprochen aufgedeckt habe !

Nicht Sozialistischer Gruss

Bernd Pulch, früherer Mentor von Thomas P, Ihrem Honeyboy

Liebe Leser,

ein Treppenwitz der deutschen Historie:Wegen Betruges am eigenen Anleger vorbestrafte, anonyme STASI-Schergen, Serien-Rufmörder, Serien-Betrüger und mutmassliche Dioxin-Mörder spielen sich als Moralisten und Verbraucherschützer auf – unter dem Beifall der ehemaligen DDR-Presse wie “Neues Deutschland” und “Neue Welt”, unterstützt vom “Verbraucherschutz Brandenburg”, einer dubiosen “Anwaltskanzlei” als Schaltzentrale und einer Beschützerin im westdeutschen Justiz-Apparat, deren Gatte mutmasslich mit der Dame und der STASI konspiriert sowie einem dubiosen Finanzberater, der dutzendfach Strafanzeigen von seinen eigenen Anlegern kassiert hat und kassiert.

Zusammen haben sie sogar einen unbescholtenen Berliner Justizsenator durch üble Tricks und Medien-Machenschaften gestürzt und über 4.000 Firmen und Personen über eine dubiose “Warnliste” gestalkt.

Aber wie die Mauer gefallen ist – so wird auch diese Seilschaft fallen !

Das Augenmerk von allerhöchster Stelle ist auf diese Kamarilla gerichtet – in Deutschland und auch ganz sicher in den USA und im UK !

Herzlichst Ihr

Bernd Pulch, Magister Artium der Publizistik, Germanistik und Komparatistik

http://www.handelsblatt.com/finanzen/boerse-maerkte/boerse-inside/marktgeruechte-finanzaufsicht-untersucht-kursachterbahn-bei-wirecard/3406252.html

http://www.victims-opfer.com/?p=27980

http://www.victims-opfer.com/?p=27959

http://www.victims-opfer.com/?p=27951

see more info at http://www.victims-opfer.com

Die Liste wurde bereits früher hier publiziert:

http://stasiopfer.de/component/option,com_simpleboard/Itemid,/func,view/id,993815828/catid,4/

Vom “Stasiopfer”-Angebot führt ein Link zu einer Website in den USA (www.jya.com), die sich auch mit den Praktiken von Geheimdiensten beschäftigt. Dort findet sich die “Fipro-Liste”, das detaillierte “Finanzprojekt” der Stasi, angefertigt in den letzten Tagen der DDR, um die Rentenansprüche der rund 100 000 hauptamtlichen Mitarbeiter des MfS auch nach dem Zusammenbruch des Systems belegen zu können. Die “Fipro-Liste” ist seit langem bekannt und diente Anfang der neunziger Jahre etwa zur Identifizierung der so genannten OibE – Offiziere im besonderen Einsatz. Diese  Liste „Offiziere im besonderen Einsatz“im Jahre 1991 erschien  in der “taz. Die Echtheit kann beim BStU überprüft werden.

Siehe u.a. http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/print/d-22539439.html

Auf Druck ehemaliger STASI-Leute und Ihrer Genossen wurde die Liste aus dem Verkehr gezogen.

Hier ist sie wieder:

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050352421749;12;06;00;;WITTKOPP, WOLFGANG:;;;19952,50
211167402778;17;00;00;;WITTKUHN, GREGOR:;;;8950,00
040850502729;99;77;00;;WITTMANN, DORIS:;;;20700,00
010156506124;97;08;00;;WITTMANN, ELLEN:;;;18883,67
190270420210;18;32;00;;WITTMANN, FALK:;;;6958,87
161251427254;98;82;00;;WITTMANN, GUENTHER:;;;25920,00
160370412923;18;35;00;;WITTMANN, HELGE:;;;9510,00
280949520217;11;00;47;;WITTMANN, SIGRID:;;;21605,00
210451412223;99;14;00;;WITTMANN, WOLFGANG:;;;24547,50
010331412214;97;17;00;;WITTMANN, WOLFGANG:;;;27750,00
220641412215;07;09;00;;WITTMEYER, LOTHAR:;;;33750,00
180352413621;95;45;00;;WITTOR, ERWIN:;;;23880,00
030659519048;10;55;00;;WITTRIN, KERSTIN:;;;15210,17
280259422740;10;20;00;;WITTRIN, PIERRE:;;;18645,00
091256416019;09;00;42;;WITTRODT, ANDREAS:;;;22425,00
110954407532;05;08;00;;WITTSACK, HANS-JU(E)RGEN:;;;20155,00
080553507538;05;08;00;;WITTSACK, MARGITTA:;;;17558,27
060643419314;01;18;00;;WITTSCHECK, KARL:;;;22165,00
270450429730;15;20;00;;WITTSTOCK, HARALD:;;;25920,00
080545530041;18;27;00;;WITTSTOCK, INGEBORG:;;;26346,77
250161430120;97;01;00;;WITTSTOCK, JUERGEN:;;;16775,00
080943514717;08;00;62;;WITTSTOCK, KARLA:;;;21895,16
310332400850;01;07;00;936/64, :;WITTSTOCK, MANFRED;2500;LANGE STR. 33;
310332400850;01;07;00;936/64, :;WITTSTOCK, MANFRED;2500;LANGE STR. 33;
190655400843;97;22;00;;WITTSTOCK, REINHARD:;;;24412,50
050250405713;97;07;00;;WITTSTOCK, ROLF:;;;27465,00
020571406728;18;35;00;;WITTSTOCK, STEFFEN:;;;2795,00
291135429717;15;09;00;;WITTUM, PETER:;;;28500,00
121163403846;99;51;00;;WITTWER, ANDREAS:;;;19140,00
031268405144;18;33;00;;WITTWER, DIRK:;;;9744,68
070964405123;04;00;40;;WITTWER, HEIKO:;;;14190,00
181170408025;18;33;00;;WITTWER, MATTHIAS:;;;2795,00
191265404018;94;03;00;;WITTWER, OLAF:;;;16577,40
010666419610;99;43;00;;WITTWER, PETER:;;;16330,50
040164419634;99;43;00;;WITTWER, RALF:;;;17141,66
310164404325;98;85;00;;WITTWER, REIK:;;;16775,00
100567422717;99;53;00;;WITTWER, RENE:;;;16218,00
080468424981;18;35;00;;WITTWER, RONNY:;;;9675,00
270649528920;14;00;54;;WITZ, GERLINDE:;;;14850,00
230452428911;14;00;54;;WITZ, JOERG:;;;23040,00
180946429751;99;43;00;;WITZE, HEINZ-WERNER:;;;28500,00
270947510817;99;43;00;;WITZE, INGRID:;;;24480,00
130347410113;07;06;00;;WITZE, UDO:;;;21187,50
101070419664;18;33;00;;WITZEL, DOMINIK:;;;2795,00
200954429976;96;15;03;;WITZEL, HANS-JUERGEN:;;;19320,00
280954413731;96;15;05;;WITZEL, HENRY:;;;17490,00
290560413738;97;17;00;;WITZEL, HOLGER:;;;22942,50
100431429717;96;15;05;;WITZEL, KARL-HEINZ:;;;30750,00
151263415390;94;03;00;;WITZEL, NORBERT:;;;18645,00
190464403435;96;15;00;3581/88, M:;WITZEL, RAINER;1090;WARTINER STR. 59;
190464403435;96;15;00;3581/88, M:;WITZEL, RAINER;1090;WARTINER STR. 59;
240271411933;07;69;00;;WITZEL, THOMAS:;;;2911,13
170968420214;11;00;47;;WITZENHAUSEN, JENS:;;;13425,00
041057409144;06;00;43;;WITZENMANN, ROLF:;;;20872,50
160958411235;07;03;00;;WITZKE, DIRK-RAINER:;;;22770,00
070767417117;09;69;00;;WITZKE, MICHAEL:;;;9700,00
010342416034;09;53;00;;WITZMANN, FRITZ:;;;27875,00
060854402758;94;11;00;3959/83, :;WITZMANN, HELMAR;1142;HEINRICH-RAU-STR. 240;
060854402758;94;11;00;3959/83, :;WITZMANN, HELMAR;1142;HEINRICH-RAU-STR. 240;
050959421825;12;00;52;;WITZMANN, HOLGER:;;;22385,00
200766416027;09;08;00;;WITZMANN, MAIK:;;;14742,00
030869413911;18;31;00;;WITZSCHE, ANDREAS:;;;9600,00
020350416412;09;06;00;;WITZSCHEL, ANDREAS:;;;24187,50

Diese Liste beinhaltet die Namen von 90.598 Mitarbeitern des Ministeriums für Staatssicherheit der DDR. Die Liste ist nicht vollständig. Insbesondere Mitarbeiter der Führungsebene sind nicht enthalten.

This is a list of 90.598 members of the secret police of East Germany (Ministry for State Security), the list isn’t complete, because the most of the high Officiers lieke Colonel and higher have destroyed the personal Informations in the last days of Eastern Germany.

Download Original Document Here

Seduced-by-Secrets-Inside-the-Stasis-Spy-Tech-World-2008-Macrakis

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east german SIGINT operations

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http://sjb-fonds-opfer.com/?page_id=11764

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SZ_03.09.2010_Am_virtuellen_Pranger

FAZ – FRANKFURTER ALLGEMEINE ZEITUNG ÜBER “GoMoPa”

Wirtschaftskriminalität Großrazzia wegen Verdachts auf Insiderhandel

Schlag gegen mutmaßliche Anlagebetrüger: Die Staatsanwaltschaft München hat in einer Großrazzia Dutzende Büros und Wohnungen nach Beweisen für Insiderhandel durchsucht. Drei Verdächtige wurden verhaftet. Durchsucht wurde auch die Schutzgemeinschaft der Kapitalanleger.

Von Henning Peitsmeier

24.09.2010 2010-09-24T08:31:05+0200

//

© Wolfgang Eilmes / F.A.Z.

Betrugsverdacht: An der Börse sollen fast wertlose Papiere gekauft, die Kurse durch gezielt positive Nachrichten nach oben getrieben und dann wieder verkauft worden sein

Die Münchner Staatsanwaltschaft hat in einer Großrazzia umfangreiches Beweismaterial gegen mutmaßliche Anlagebetrüger sichergestellt. Ermittelt wird gegen ein Netzwerk von Investoren, Zockern und Gerüchtestreuern, die seit Jahren gemeinsame Sache gemacht haben sollen. Die Vorwürfe lauten auf Marktmanipulation und Insiderhandel mit Aktien, sagte die Sprecherin der Anklagebehörde, Barbara Stockinger. „Wir ermitteln gegen 31 Beschuldigte, und es besteht erheblicher Tatverdacht.“ Dabei laufen die Ermittlungen bereits seit 2007, und sie reichen bis hin zur Schutzgemeinschaft der Kapitalanleger (SdK), deren Redner gern auf den Hauptversammlungen von Dax-Konzernen auftreten.

Nach Informationen der F.A.Z. sitzen die früheren SdK-Sprecher Markus Straub und Tobias Bosler in Untersuchungshaft. Sie gehören zum Kreis der Verdächtigen, die in windigen Börsenbriefen und Internetportalen Gerüchte über Aktien von Unternehmen wie Wirecard oder Nascacell verbreitet haben sollen. Erschwert würden die Untersuchungen, weil die Beschuldigten oft Namen und Firmenadressen wechselten und internationale Durchsuchungsbeschlüsse notwendig gewesen seien, sagte eine mit der Angelegenheit befasste Person dieser Zeitung. Die Masche selbst ist nach ihren Angaben leicht durchschaubar, aber schwer nachzuweisen. Vermutlich haben sämtliche Verdächtige Gerüchte über mindestens 20 kleine Aktiengesellschaften gestreut und an den Kursausschlägen der jeweiligen Aktien kräftig verdient. Gegenstand dieser Geschäfte waren bevorzugt im unregulierten Freihandel notierte und meist wertlose Aktien, sogenannte Pennystocks. Die Kurse dieser Werte sind wegen ihres hohen Streubesitzes leicht zu manipulieren.

Gezielt Gerüchte gestreut

Nach Informationen der F.A.Z. sollen unter anderem gezielt über den Finanznachrichtendienst Gomopa im Internet Gerüchte über Pennystocks gestreut worden sein. Gomopa steht für Goldman Morgenstern & Partners Consulting LLC. Auf ihrer Internetseite hat Gomopa „Transparenz in Sachen Finanzen, Vorsorge und Geldanlage“ versprochen, doch ihr Chef Klaus Maurischat saß als mutmaßlicher Betrüger schon in Untersuchungshaft.

Seit einigen Tagen ist die Internetseite http://www.gomopa.net offline, und es kursieren Gerüchte über finanzielle Unregelmäßigkeiten. Immer wieder ist Gomopa in juristische Streitigkeiten verwickelt. In einer einstweiligen Verfügung des Landgerichts Berlin vom 31. August (Az.: 27 O 658/10) ist das Unternehmen aufgefordert worden, nicht länger Falschinformationen über den Kasseler Immobilienhändler Immovation AG und seinen Finanzvorstand Lars Bergmann zu verbreiten. „Gomopa hat seinen Firmensitz bewusst in New York, weil die Firma dort presserechtlich nicht belangt werden kann“, sagte ein Kenner des Unternehmens der F.A.Z.

Die SdK räumte am Freitag ein, dass auch ihre Geschäftsräume durchsucht wurden. Es gebe jedoch „aus der Sicht der SdK keinerlei neue Vorwürfe gegen den Verein“. Die alten Vorwürfe gegen die SdK stehen im Zusammenhang mit Kursmanipulationen bei Aktien der Unternehmen Thielert und Wirecard. Staatsanwaltschaft und Allfinanzaufsicht Bafin ermittelten seinerzeit gegen den damaligen stellvertretenden SdK-Vorsitzenden Straub. Dieser hatte eingeräumt, Verkaufsoptionen auf das Zahlungsunternehmen Wirecard zu halten, dessen Kurs durch heftige Kritik der SdK unter Druck geraten war. Später trat Straub, der offenbar in kurzer Zeit ein Vermögen verdient hatte, zurück. Wirecard hatte Anzeige wegen Insiderhandels und Kursmanipulation gegen sechs Personen erstattet, darunter auch aktuelle und frühere SdK-Vorstände.

Berlin (epd). 16.000 Säcke verborgene Information über die DDR bewahrt die Stasi-Unterlagen-Behörde in Berlin und Magdeburg auf. In großen Papiertüten ist das gesammelt, was Stasi-Mitarbeiter 1989 schnell vernichten wollten. Als der politische Umbruch unübersehbar war, zerrissen sie Akten, schredderten, machten Papiermehl daraus.

Für Menschen ist das Stasi-Puzzle eine Jahrhundertaufgabe. In jedem Sack befinden sich rund 4.000 Blatt – geviertelt, geachtelt oder in noch viel kleineren Teilen. Seit 1995 puzzeln frühere Mitarbeiter des Bundesamts für die Anerkennung ausländischer Flüchtlinge in Zirndorf bei Nürnberg Aktenseiten manuell zusammen. 400 Säcke haben sie seither bewältigt. Ginge es in dem Tempo weiter, würde die Rekonstruktion noch weit über 500 Jahre dauern.

“Um sich diese riesige Anzahl von Schnipseln zu merken und sie dann zusammenzusetzen, braucht man ein wahnsinniges Gedächtnis”, sagt Joachim Häußler, Projektleiter für die virtuelle Rekonstruktion der zerrissenen Stasi-Unterlagen in der Behörde. “Das hat kein Mensch”. Die Historiker setzen daher auf den Rechner: In Zusammenarbeit mit der Bundesbehörde entwickelt das Fraunhofer-Institut für Produktionsanlagen und Konstruktionstechnik ein System, das die eingescannten Schnipsel automatisch zusammensetzt.

Rund sechs Millionen Euro haben die Institutionen dafür vom Bund bekommen. Für das Geld sollen das Programm entwickelt und in einer Testphase Schnipsel aus weiteren 400 Säcken digital zusammengesetzt werden. Herausgekommen ist der “ePuzzler”. Nur Kleinigkeiten macht er noch nicht ganz richtig, sagt Häußler. Das Programm ordnet manchmal falsche Schnipsel einander zu, weil es die Risskanten mehrerer gemeinsam zerrissener Seiten nur schwer unterscheiden kann. Dies müsse bis zur Version 1.0 der Software noch optimiert werden.

Der Leiter des Projekts im Fraunhofer-Institut, Bertram Nickolay, traut seinem Programm zu, in zehn bis 15 Jahren alle Stasi-Schnipsel bearbeitet zu haben. Der promovierte Technik-Spezialist ist mit persönlichem Interesse bei der Sache: DDR-Bürgerrechtler zählen zu seinen Freunden, darunter war auch der 1999 gestorbene Schriftsteller Jürgen Fuchs. Wenn er zur Aufklärung der Überwachung dieser Menschen beitragen könnte, wäre er zufrieden, sagt er.

“Natürlich ist es auch die Frage, warum der jeweilige Stasi-Mitarbeiter genau das zerrissen hat”, sagt Joachim Häußler. Ob es bewusste Griffe der Führungsoffiziere waren oder ob sie einfach nur unkoordiniert mit dem Vernichten der Beweise ihres Handelns beginnen wollten – letztlich können das nur die zusammengesetzten Akten beantworten. Ein Hinweis, wie pikant die Inhalte der zerrissenen Akten sein könnten, eröffnete sich Ende Januar. Anhand einer aus Schnipseln manuell rekonstruierten Akte wurde ein Jenaer Professor in Medienberichten als Inoffizieller Mitarbeiter enttarnt.

Die Pilotphase der virtuellen Rekonstruktion ist demnächst abgeschlossen, das Geld dann auch alle. Funktioniert das Programm, kann das große Puzzeln beginnen. Das Geld dafür muss dann aber erst noch bewilligt werden. Sicher ist indes, dass der Deutsche Bundestag mit einem Erweiterungsauftrag in Höhe von zwei Millionen Euro eine Machbarkeitsstudie finanziert, um die zusammengesetzten Seiten IT-gestützt wieder zu Akten ordnen zu lassen.

Und auch mit dem “ePuzzler” sind menschliche Vorsortierer weiter vonnöten. Rund 20 Mitarbeiter in der Bundesbehörde sind mit dem Stasi-Puzzle befasst. Zehn von ihnen arbeiten in der “Feinsichtung”. Sie sortieren Sack für Sack die Schnipsel vor: Nach Papierfarbe, Schriftart, manchmal auch ersten inhaltlichen Hinweisen. Nur einmal zerrissene Seiten können dann auch gleich wieder zusammengeklebt werden – das geht per Hand schneller als mit der Maschine.

Das prüfende Auge des Menschen wird auch mit der Software weiter gebraucht. “Wir gehen momentan davon aus, dass der Rechner im automatisierten Verfahren mindestens 80 Prozent der Schnipsel zusammensetzen kann”, sagt Häußler. Der Rest muss per Mausklick erledigt werden.

Für ein weltweit bisher einmaliges Programm sei das trotzdem eine gute Automatisierungsquote, ist Häußler überzeugt. “Wir bekommen viele Nachfragen von Behörden, die wissen wollen, wie weit wir sind”, sagt er. Die Interessenten sind Landeskriminalämter, Kommissariate sowie Zoll- und Finanzfahnder. Das Vernichten verräterischer Dokumente ist eben nicht nur eine Stasi-Eigenart gewesen.

epd ost bep/co bue

Attended by: Comrades Molotov, Malenkov, Bulganin, and Semyonov (ACC)

Comrade Stalin says that in their last conversation W. Pieck raised the issue of the prospects for German development in connection with the Soviet proposals on peace treaty and the policy of the Americans and the British in Germany. Comrade Stalin believes that regardless of what proposals we make on the German issue, the Western powers will not agree with them, and will not leave West Germany anyway. To think that we would be able to achieve a compromise or that the Americans would accept the draft of peace treaty would be a mistake. The Americans need an army in West Germany, so that they would be able to have all of Europe in their hands. They are saying that they keep the army there against us. In reality however, the mission of their army there is to control Europe. The Americans will pull West Germany into the Atlantic pact. They will create West German troops. Adenauer is in the Americans’ pocket. All the former fascists and generals are there as well. In reality, an independent state is being created in Germany. And you too need to organize an independent state. The demarcation line between East and West Germany should be considered a border–and not just any border, but a dangerous one. We need to strengthen the defense of this border. The Germans will guard the first line of defense, and we will put Russian troops on the second line. Agents of Western countries are moving around the German Democratic Republic all too freely. They can decide to use some extreme measures and kill you or Comrade [Vasilii] Chuikov. This has to be taken into account. Therefore, we need strong border defenses.

Then, continues Comrade Stalin, we want to revive the offices of military commandants. This is another good move against possible subversion. In addition, our troops should also have good protection. And you need it too; you will be stronger yourself. Comrade Stalin asks whether these proposals are acceptable.

Comrade Pieck says that it is very important.

Comrade Ulbricht expresses his agreement. He asks whether military commandants’ offices would be reopened everywhere.

Comrade Stalin responds that he does not know that. Comrade Chuikov wants to reopen military commandants’ offices, and assigns 3 to 4 thousand military for this task.

Comrade Pieck says that it is very important and necessary to do.

Comrade Stalin says that we have examined the issue of arming the German police, and came to the conclusion that it should have Russian-made weapons. Currently the German police are armed with old German weapons, for which they do not have any German bullets. You should either revive the production of bullets, or we should sell you our weapons.

Comrade Ulbricht says that he agrees with that. But would all kinds of weapons be sold? Beginning from the revolver, or beginning with the machine gun?

Comrade Stalin says that all kinds of weapons [will be sold]. If your police are not armed, what kind of police is that? You have a right to have armed police. Comrade Chuikov says that in addition to the regular police, the GDR also has the “Barracked Police,” i.e. the troops. He asked that it be given tanks and artillery. We agree with that. Think about it.

Comrade Stalin says that he has two questions. Last time it was found that in the GDR, the ratio of workers’ salary to the salary of engineering and technical personnel was 1:1.7. It is absolutely incorrect. It will doom your entire industry. Maybe you started from the assumption of what Marx and Engels said in the period of the Commune–that an engineer should not be paid more than a well-qualified worker. Maybe it was correct then, but it is absolutely incorrect now. The engineer is engaged in intellectual work. He must have an apartment, decent furniture; he should not be chasing a piece of bread. He should enjoy a standard of living appropriate for a person who is engaged in intellectual work. He has to have a library, comfort, so that he could sit down and read a book undisturbed, or write something. If you do not do it, not only will your old engineers leave, but even the young ones will run away. In our country, an engineer gets two to three times more than a worker and in some spheres even four times more. Academicians get 12 thousand rubles monthly. It is impossible to work and grow without it. Therefore, you should discard your old views on this issue. The technology has become so complex compared to the times of the Commune, that engineers, and even high-level workers, must study a lot to master this technology. An engineer must have an opportunity to constantly grow, read books, write—there can be no engineer without it. The same applies to the army. Marx and Engels believed that we needed a militia-based army. In our first years, we also thought that only a militia-based army was needed. Life has taught us that that was incorrect. Today, in order to defend the country, we need a modern army with various specialists. A militia-based army is good only in the situation where war is decided with the rifle. Today we should discard this old militia-based army. Today the army is not the manufacture army, but the machine army. Therefore, we need people in the army who know machines.

Comrade Stalin says that he heard that in the GDR well-qualified workers get only slightly more than the manual workers.

Comrade Ulbricht says that they do get more, but the difference is not sufficient. Therefore, they plan to introduce pay rate charts.

Comrade Stalin says that we went through the same experience in the first years of the Soviet government. Communes were organized on the plants, which brought together engineers and manual workers, who pulled all their money together and then divided it equally. It was stupid. White-collar workers did not have any incentive to raise their qualifications, while blue-collar workers did not have any incentive to grow to the level of white-collar workers. As a result, both categories lost. In the old time, some people were saying that such an approach was a proletarian, socialist one. But there is nothing socialist or proletarian about it. It is a simple peasant leveling of all. Any proletarian will tell you that if he gets more money, he would try to raise his skills, otherwise he will not. A skilled worker should be paid more than an unskilled worker, and an engineer—much more than a skilled worker. It should be done regardless of how much it costs. In our country, we did it 25 years ago, and that is the only reason why it works so well. Skilled workers have their prospects–many of them took exams to become engineers, and became good specialists. The peasant leveling of all should be buried. Comrade Stalin asks if the German leaders agree with this and adds that it is the genuine Marxist approach.

Comrade Pieck says that is correct.

Comrade Stalin says that he has a second question. He, Stalin, understands that the GDR has no collective farms at all, and the machine-rental stations serve only private peasant farms.

Comrade Ulbricht confirms that and adds that they even prohibited organization of collective farms where the peasants wanted it, trying not to harm the movement for united Germany.

Comrade Stalin says, why are you complaining about the kulaks. What kind of tactic is that–to complain? The kulaks should be encircled, and you should create collective farms around them. In our country, organization of collective farms was going on simultaneously with expropriation of the kulaks. You will not need to do it this way. Let your kulaks sit tight, leave them alone. But in addition to the kulaks, you have poor peasants in your villages, that live right next to the kulaks. They should be pulled into production cooperatives. How many peasant farms join a production cooperative–5, 10 or 15–that does not matter. What matters, is that they will be organized. Currently poor peasants do not have any machines, do not have enough seed, and do not have necessary knowledge and experience in the economy. That is why their harvest is so poor. In such a situation, poor peasants will ruin themselves and will join the ranks of the unemployed. However, if you organize small collective farms and show them how to manage their farms, then peasants would start thinking, what is better–to join collective farms or to live separately. Good experience was accumulated in Hungary, where they organized good collective farms, left their kulaks alone, and gave machines to their collective farms. They were trying to improve the collective farms’ harvest. It would be wrong to think that the Hungarians are more capable than Germans. You should do the same. You should give production cooperatives some privileges, as it used to be in our country some time ago. You should sell them machines cheaper, help them with seed and advice. If you need instructors for organization of collective farms, we will give them to you. Of course, if the bloc of parties objects to it–that would be a different case. But the bloc will not object if the peasants want to organize production cooperation, and if you help your peasants to do it, what can be bad about it? You will see for yourself that peasants will visit those collective farms and watch how life will unfold in a new way. I noticed, said comrade Stalin, that you do not value peasants in your policy. This is an old social-democratic prejudice toward peasants. If that is true, you should put an end to this situation. Comrade Stalin asks German comrades, whether they need peasants. Whether they give them food products. If they need peasants, then it is necessary to have a base for union with the peasants.

Comrade Pieck says that when the GDR implemented the land reform, the enemies were engaged in propaganda saying that we wanted to create collective farms. The peasants had a very strong prejudice against collective farms. Therefore, we were afraid to raise the issue of collective farms. Now we have peasant unions of mutual assistance and trade cooperation. This is what the principle of cooperation is all about. It is possible that now it would be expedient to raise this issue on a more extensive basis.

Comrade Stalin says that they need to create production cooperatives in the villages, and to call them as such. That would be only positive. You would receive firm support among the peasants. In Hungary it worked very well. And you could have done it long ago. Against any propaganda, you should present your own counter-propaganda and not just sit silently. You can say that poor peasants want to join production cooperatives and that the government is helping them to do it.
Comrade Pieck says that that would be good.

Comrade Stalin notes that they should provide privileges for cooperatives, sell them machines cheaper and help them with seeds for the first two years, and then they will become stronger. Is it possible?

Comrade Ulbricht says that it is possible. That would improve our situation in the village.

Comrade Stalin says, of course, you will have your own base in the village. Do not force anybody to join, if they want to, good. If they do not, do not force them. Peasants will join production cooperatives voluntarily. You could send good people from the city unemployed to organize such cooperatives in the village. Comrade Stalin says that in the Soviet Union, we were able to get rid of unemployment for two reasons; first of all, because we expanded the production and, secondly, because peasants settled on the land. It used to be that every year between 23 to 25 million hungry peasants would come from villages to Russian cities and undermine the price for labor force. Now we do not experience it any more, because the peasants are interested in working in the villages. Today we do not have unemployment in the USSR, and our problem is that we do not have enough workers. We mobilize young peasants and send them to work in the industry. This is how we defeated unemployment from both ends. Do not economize on assistance to collective farms; it will pay back later. Then gradually you will have a union of workers and peasants, and it is difficult for workers to stand alone without peasants. You need help on the part of the peasants.

Comrade Ulbricht says that that would also have its consequences. So far in the GDR we were saying that we stand for democratic Germany, and did not carry out a number of measures that we would need to implement in the process of development in the direction of socialism. We also have never said that we were moving toward socialism.

Comrade Stalin says that this was correct.

Comrade Ulbricht asks whether we should continue this tactic after the deep split of Germany?

Comrade Stalin says that even now they should not shout about socialism. But production cooperatives represent little pieces of socialism. Enterprises owned by people also mean socialism.

Comrade Ulbricht says that so far we have never spoken about it, and did not point out that people’s enterprises were socialist. We disguised the social relations that emerged in the GDR to some extent.

Comrade Stalin says that this mask helped you not to scare the middle class of West Germany. However, if you did not have that mask, then maybe you would have been able to pull the lowest strata of the population to your side. The workers would be glad if they found out that you nationalized the industry. Otherwise, they would say that you have the same government as the one in Bonn. One can say that the GDR has a public nationalized industry, whereas separatist capitalists–millionaires who own the industries–represent West Germany. You have to maneuver here; on the one hand, you should not scare the middle class away. But at the same time, you should not offend the workers of the West. We are selling you our joint-stock enterprises. It would be important for the German workers to know that by doing so we increased the scope of nationalized industry. Workers would be very glad to hear that. Of course, you need to maneuver and to disguise it in your relations with the middle class. If you say that you have state industry, it means that enterprises are in the hands of all the people and not in the hands of robber barons-capitalists. However, you should know for yourself that this is socialist production. Production cooperatives in the village are also little pieces of socialism. You should not make noise about it. When production cooperatives function well, all the peasants will see the benefits and the strength of cooperatives, and after that peasants will turn to the workers. But for now, you should not shout about it, because collective farms are not in your pocket yet. In my opinion, you should begin to do it. Although two states are being currently created in Germany, you should not shout about socialism at this point. You should not call these farms collective farms, but call them production cooperatives.

Comrade Pieck says that the issue of production cooperation should be seriously discussed and clarified for the party.

Comrade Stalin says, to begin with, you should build several collective farms and then discuss it in the party. Right now you do not have any material for such discussion. Laughing, Comrade Stalin notes that the deed comes before the word.

Comrade Ulbricht asks, what experience did the countries of people’s democracy have? Would it be more expedient to start creating production cooperatives after the harvesting is completed?

Comrade Stalin says that usually peasants build during the winter. You could talk with peasants about creating production cooperatives after the harvest is over.

Comrade Pieck says that workers ask us, what is the social regime of the GDR? Is this socialism? Up to this point, we avoided answering this question, but the workers remained unsatisfied.

Comrade Stalin says that you should say to your workers: We have just entered socialism. This is not full socialism yet, because you have a lot of private capitalists. But this is the beginning of socialism, a little piece of socialism, and a road to socialism. You should show that you are closer to the workers than Adenauer’s government.

Comrade Stalin asks, what organ is higher in your country–the Secretariat or the Politburo?
Comrade Pieck responds that they did not have much clarity on this issue in the SED, although, according to the Charter of the SED, the Politburo is above the Secretariat. We had a conversation with comrade Pegov from the CPSU CC, and he explained their methods of work to us very well, and made it very clear. In addition, we talked with Kuznetsov, Romanov, and Mikhailov on the issues of military education in preparation of young people for the draft. Comrade Stalin says that you probably would need instructors for building collective farms. You could request instructors from Hungary or Poland.

Comrade Malenkov notes that they would carry more authority for German peasants than the Soviet people.

Comrade Stalin says that we will give you one or two instructors, but you should not engage in expropriation simultaneously with collectivization. You can leave your kulaks alone for the time being.

Comrade Ulbricht responds that we do not need to touch them at the present time, because when production cooperatives are starting to organize, a part of kulaks will immediately escape to the West.

Comrade Stalin asks, what is bad about that? You will take their land. In Poland, part of the kulaks sold their lands and now engage in carrier’s trade. Comrade Stalin asks whether the GDR has any state farms?

Comrade Ulbricht responds affirmatively and adds that state farms cover approximately 5% of all cultivated land in the GDR.

Comrade Stalin asks whether they work well.

Comrade Ulbricht says that they do not work very well.

Comrade Semyonov gives a reference that the productivity of people’s farms in the GDR is considerably better than the productivity of peasants’ fields, however, people’s farms are, as a rule, unprofitable and receive subsidies from the state.

Comrade Stalin says that some people’s farms could be transferred to peasants if they do not work well. In our country, in the Soviet Union, initially we experienced difficulties in setting up the work of state farms. Then we transferred part of state farms to the peasants, and the farms became profitable. In order to provide for workers of the state farms, we decided to give them plots of land and they began to work better and settled on the land permanently.

Comrade Stalin asks whether the German comrades received the rolling mill?

Comrade Grotewohl responds that the money to buy the mill was transferred, but so far they cannot say anything definite about the purchase of the mill.

Comrade Stalin asks whether they hope to receive the mill?

Comrade Grotewohl responds affirmatively and says that they issued appropriate orders.

Comrade Stalin notes that in the Soviet Union they make such mills and all necessary equipment for them, however, the plants are overloaded with orders.

Comrade Stalin asks whether they found iron-ore in the new locations in the GDR.

Comrade Ulbricht responds that the GDR only has poor ore, which contains only 20% of iron.

Comrade Stalin says that it should be mixed with good ore. Before the war, the Germans did not refuse even the ore containing only 5% of iron.

Comrade Ulbricht says that they built special low mines for such poor ore.

Comrade Stalin says that such ore should be mixed with good ore. The Poles take our ore from Kryvoi Rog and mix 50% of it with their own poor ore. The Germans took our ore even under Hitler. Recently we discovered good ore in Siberia that contains 60% of iron. But that layer is located very far from railroads.

Comrade Ulbricht says that they have one more request. We have already informed you that we would like to develop a program of the Communist Party of West Germany. We will try to speed up the development of this program and to publish it before the KPD is prohibited. We are asking if comrade Stalin and the Politburo of the CPSU CC could look at our draft and help us in developing that program.

Comrade Stalin gives his approval.

Comrade Grotewohl says that they completely agree with Comrade Stalin’s opinion in his evaluation of the situation in West Germany, and the policy of the United States. He, Grotewohl, would like to ask whether Comrade Stalin believes that at the present time we should introduce changes in our arguments to the official position of the GDR government on the issue of revival of German unity.
Comrade Stalin answers negatively. You should continue propaganda of German unity in the future. It has a great importance for the education of the people in Western Germany. Now it is a weapon in your hands and you should always hold it in your hands. We should also continue to make proposals regarding German unity in order to expose the Americans.

Comrade Grotewohl asks Comrade Stalin about additional sales of 8,000 tons of long-fiber cotton to the GDR.

Comrade Stalin gives his approval, and proposes to talk about it with Comrade Malenkov.

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Geheimwaffe Regenschirm: Am 7. September 1978 wartete der bulgarische Regimekritiker Georgij Markow in London auf seinen Bus, als er plötzlich einen Stich im Bein verspürte. Er sah einen Mann mit Regenschirm davoneilen. Kurz danach bekam er hohes Fieber, vier Tage später war er tot. Erst bei der Obduktion entdeckten Ärzte eine winzige Kapsel, die das Gift Rizin verströmte. Heute weiß man, dass die Kapsel durch einen speziellen Gasdruck-Mechanismus an der Spitze des Schirms in die Haut des Dissidenten geschossen wurde. Der Mörder wurde nie gefasst, die Spuren führten jedoch zum KGB. Das Bild zeigt einen Nachbau des Regenschirms und ist im International Spy Museum in Washington zu besichtigen.

Als Regenschirmattentat wird der Giftanschlag mit dem hochtoxischen Pflanzengift Rizin auf den bulgarischen Schriftsteller und Dissidenten Georgi Markow in London am 7. September 1978, dem Geburtstag des durch Markow häufig kritisierten bulgarischen Staatschefs Todor Schiwkow, bezeichnet.

Georgi Markow

Der Täter, vermutlich ein Agent des damaligen bulgarischen Geheimdienstes, verletzte das Opfer auf der Londoner Waterloo Bridge scheinbar zufällig mit einer präparierten Regenschirmspitze (sog. Bulgarischer Regenschirm).^[1] Dabei wurde eine Kugel aus Platin–Iridium von ungefähr einem Millimeter Durchmesser in den Unterschenkel des Opfers injiziert. In der Platinkugel fanden sich zwei dünne Röhren, die mit 40 Mikrogramm Rizin gefüllt waren. Verschlossen waren diese mit Zucker, der sich bei 37 Grad Körpertemperatur leicht in der Gewebsflüssigkeit auflöste und daraufhin die kontinuierliche Rizin-Freisetzung ermöglichte. Das Platinkügelchen wurde bei der Obduktion entdeckt.^[2]

Zunächst als harmloser Zwischenfall abgetan, wurde die Ursache der spät einsetzenden Symptome der Vergiftung viel zu spät erkannt. Markow starb drei Tage nach dem Attentat.

Im Juni 2005 benannte die britische Zeitung The Times den in Italien gebürtigen Dänen Francesco Giullino als Hauptverdächtigen für das Attentat.^[3] Eine Fernsehdokumentation des britischen Senders Five enthüllte im Jahr 2005 unter Verwendung mehrerer Interviews, die in den Vereinigten Staaten, Großbritannien und Bulgarien aufgenommen wurden, dass Giullino noch immer gesund und am Leben ist und sich frei durch die Europäische Union bewegen kann. Nach Auffassung der Autoren der Dokumentation ist es möglich, dass eine Strafverfolgung aufgrund der bulgarischen Gesetzeslage ab Ende 2008 durch Verjährung ausgeschlossen war.^[4] Scotland Yard hat im Juni 2008 deswegen erneut Ermittlungen in dieser Angelegenheit aufgenommen und Beamte nach Bulgarien entsandt, die Einsicht in archivierte Dokumente zu dem Fall beantragten und die bulgarischen Behörden um Erlaubnis gebeten haben, 40 Zeugen befragen zu dürfen, darunter auch ehemalige Geheimpolizisten.^[5] Der frühere Generalmajor des sowjetischen Geheimdienstes Oleg Kalugin bestätigte in einem Interview mit dem bulgarischen Sender Darik Radio, dass dieses Attentat aufgrund eines Befehls des bulgarischen Partei- und Staatschef Todor Schiwkow ausgeführt wurde. Der KGB lieferte das Gift und die Kapsel.^[6]

Ein gleichartiges Attentat gegen den bulgarischen Dissidenten und Journalisten Wladimir Kostow im August 1978 in der Pariser Metro scheiterte.

Das Attentat inspirierte 1980 den französischen Film Der Regenschirmmörder (Le coup du parapluie) mit Pierre Richard und Gert Fröbe unter der Regie von Gérard Oury.

QUELLE: WIKIPEDIA

SZ berichtete:

Die bulgarische Justiz gerät nach heftiger Kritik aus der EU-Kommission wegen mangelhafter Korruptionsermittlungen jetzt auch durch den Umgang mit einem historischen Attentat, dem sogenannten Regenschirmmord vor 30 Jahren, unter Druck. Die Sofioter Zeitung Dnevnik druckt in dieser Woche eine Serie ab, die bisher unbekannte Dokumente über den an einer Bushaltestelle in London verübten Mord an dem bulgarischen Regimekritiker Georgi Markow enthüllt.

Demnach wurde der Mörder, ein Däne italienischer Herkunft, später vom bulgarischen Geheimdienst mit Medaillen ausgezeichnet und erhielt umgerechnet insgesamt 30.000 Euro sowie Ferienaufenthalte als Belohnung. Hingegen erklärte der zuständige Ermittler in Sofia, für einen Mord mit dem Regenschirm gebe es überhaupt keine Beweise.

Tödlicher Schuss ins Bein

Der Vorgang ist politisch hochbrisant, weil die bulgarische Justiz offenbar am Donnerstag dieser Woche das Ermittlungsverfahren in Sachen Markow einstellen will. An diesem Tag läuft die reguläre 30-jährige Verjährungsfrist ab, ohne dass bisher ein Verantwortlicher für den gewaltsamen Tod des Journalisten und Theaterautors festgenommen wurde.

Schon am Wochenende hatte deshalb der konservative britische Unterhaus-Abgeordnete Julian Lewis die bulgarischen Behörden aufgefordert, die Verjährungsfrist auszusetzen. Lewis sagte, es wäre “ein empörender Akt”, wenn die Regierung in Sofia die Einstellung der Ermittlungen zuließe und die betreffenden Unterlagen zerstören oder an die Geheimdienste zurückgeben würde. In Großbritannien hingegen setzt Scotland Yard seine Untersuchungen ohne zeitliche Befristung fort; unlängst war ein Team von Ermittlern auch in Sofia, um zahlreiche Zeugen zu vernehmen und Dokumente zu sichten.

Der Fall hatte schon vor 30 Jahren beträchtliches Aufsehen erregt und gilt als einer der mysteriösesten Anschläge des Kalten Krieges in Europa. Der 49-jährige Georgi Markow, der 1969 aus Bulgarien emigriert war und seit 1972 im bulgarischen Programm der BBC arbeitete, hatte am 7. September 1978 an der Waterloo-Bridge in London auf den Bus gewartet, als ein Unbekannter mit einem Regenschirm ihn anrempelte und davoneilte. Markow bekam danach Fieber und andere gesundheitliche Probleme, am 11. September starb er. Nach bisherigen Erkenntnissen war er vergiftet worden, und zwar mit dem Stoff Rizin, der ihm in einer Kapsel mit dem Regenschirm ins Bein gestochen worden war.

Für diese Annahme gebe es keinen Beweis, erklärte jetzt der Chef der Abteilung Schwerkriminalität der bulgarischen Polizei, Luchezar Penew. Die in Markows Bein gefundene Kapsel sei um ein Vielfaches zu klein gewesen, um die nötige Menge Rizin aufzunehmen. Schon vorher hatte der zuständige Chefermittler Andrej Tswetanow die Ansicht vertreten, Markows Tod vor 30 Jahren gehe auf einen Fehler der behandelnden Ärzte zurück. Außerdem sagte er, Markows Mörder bleibe unbekannt.

Vom Geheimdienst angeworben und trainiert

Hingegen berichtet jetzt der Enthüllungsjournalist Hristo Hristov in der Zeitung Dnevnik, bei dem Tatverdächtigen mit dem Decknamen “Piccadilly” handele es sich um einen in Italien geborenen Dänen namens Francesco Gullino. Der Name war zuvor schon in britischen Presseberichten genannt worden.

Den neuen Dokumenten zufolge hatte der bulgarische Geheimdienst “Piccadilly” angeworben und trainiert. Weiter heißt es, der bulgarische Geheimdienst Darschawna Sigurnost habe in dieser Sache mit dem sowjetischen KGB zusammengearbeitet und von diesem das Gift Rizin erhalten.

Gleiches hatte jüngst auch der frühere KGB-Generalmajor Oleg Kalugin im Sofioter Sender Radio Darik gesagt. Der Anschlag gehe auf eine Anordnung des damaligen kommunistischen Partei- und Staatschefs Todor Schiwkow zurück. Dieser habe sich sehr geärgert, weil ihn Dissident Markow in den bulgarischen Programmen der BBC und im Sender Radio Free Europe persönlich angegriffen und sich über ihn lustig gemacht habe.

Vor dem Hintergrund dieser neuesten Erklärungen richtet sich alle Aufmerksamkeit auf die Entscheidung der Justizbehörden an diesem Donnerstag. Sollte Ermittler Twetsanow die Untersuchungen einstellen und behaupten, Markows Tod gehe auf einen ärztlichen Fehler zurück, “dann wird das einen Skandal verursachen in einer Zeit, in der Bulgariens Justiz von der EU-Kommission wegen ihrer Ineffizienz kritisiert wird”, schreibt die englischsprachige Zeitung Sofia News. Twetsanow habe auch alle Erkenntnisse ignoriert, die frühere Ermittler gesammelt hätten.

Neuen Stoff liefert auch die Enthüllungsserie in Dnevnik, die erst nach dreijährigem juristischen Streit zustande kam. Der Journalist Hristov hatte gegen die Weigerung des Geheimdienstes, ihm die Akten herauszugeben, erfolgreich geklagt.

Document: The CC BCP Politburo approves the protocol for co-operation between the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi), agreed upon at a September meeting in Berlin.

181_551013bg

The Committee for State Security (Bulgarian: Комитет за държавна сигурност, Komitet za darzhavna sigurnost; abbreviated КДС, CSS), popularly known as State Security (Държавна сигурност, Darzhavna sigurnost; abbrievated ДС) was the name of the Bulgarian secret service during the Communist rule of Bulgaria and the Cold War (until 1989).

• 1st Head Directorate – foreign intelligence. Succeeded by the National Intelligence Service in 1990.
• 2nd Head Directorate – counter-intelligence. Succeeded by the National Security Service.
• 3rd Directorate – military counter-intelligence
• 4th Directorate – surveillence
• 5th Directorate – government security and protection. Succeeded by the National Protection Service.
• 6th Directorate – political police. Succeeded by the Head Service for Combating Organized Crime. It had the following departments:
  • 1st Department – worked among the intelligentsia and controlling the unions of artists
  • 2nd Department – worked in the universities and among the students
  • 3rd Department – responsible for the clergy, the Jews, Armenians and Russian White emigrants
  • 4th Department – specialized in pro-Turkish and pro-Macedonian nationalism
  • 5th Department – worked among the political rivals, such as the agrarians and social democrats
  • 6th Department – observed pro-Maoist and anti-party activity
  • 7th Department – information analysis and anonymous activity
• 7th Directorate – information work

In 1964 the State Security formed a unit Service 7, led by colonel Petko Kovachev, dedicated to murder, kidnaping and disinformation against Bulgarian dissidents living abroad. The unit executed actions against dissidents in Italy, Britain, Denmark, West Germany, Turkey, France, Ethiopia, Sweden and Switzerland. Documents describing its activities were declassified only in 2010.^[1]

State Security played an active part in the so-called “Revival Process” to Bulgarianize the Bulgarian Turks in the 1980s, as well as writer and dissident Georgi Markov‘s murder in London in 1978 known for the “Bulgarian umbrella” that was used.

An issue often raised by the international community is State Security’s alleged control of the weapons, drugs, alcohol, cigarettes, gold, silver and antiques traffic through Bulgaria before 1989.^[2] Because of this, it is popularly thought that the organized crime in the country in the 1990s was set up by former State Security agents.^[3]

The agency is often incriminated with the ill-famed murder of dissident writer Georgi Markov using a “Bulgarian umbrella” on London’s Waterloo Bridge and was formerly accused of the 1981 attempt on Pope John Paul II‘s life. The latter allegation has always been sharply criticised and denied by Bulgaria, and the country was officially cleared of any involvement by the Pontiff himself during a 2002 visit.

The secret files of the DS have been a source of great controversy in the country. After the communist regime in the country collapsed, newly established democratic forces accused the former communist elite of secretly removing DS files that could compromise its members. In 2002, former Interior Minister Gen. Atanas Semerdzhiev was found guilty of razing 144,235 files from the Durzhavna Sigurnost archives. Others have accused the DS of infiltrating the young opposition.

The Bulgarian umbrella is the name of an umbrella with a hidden pneumatic mechanism which shot out a small poisonous pellet containing ricin.

Such an umbrella was allegedly used in the assassination of the Bulgarian dissident writer Georgi Markov on September 7, 1978 (the birthday of the Bulgarian State Council Chairman Todor Zhivkov who had often been the target of Georgi Markov’s criticism), on Waterloo Bridge in London (Markov died four days later), and also allegedly used in the failed assassination attempt against the Bulgarian dissident journalist Vladimir Kostov the same year in the Paris Métro. The poison used in both cases was ricin. Both assassination attempts are believed to have been organized by the Bulgarian Secret Service of the time of the Cold War with the assistance of the KGB. These two cases inspired the 1980 French film Le Coup du parapluie (The Umbrella Coup) directed by Gérard Oury, starring Pierre Richard.

Das Komitee für Staatssicherheit (bulgarisch Комитет за държавна сигурност/Komitet za darschawna sigurnost, abgekürzt КДС/KDS), auch bekannt als Staatssicherheit (bulg. Държавна сигурност/Darschawna Sigurnost, abgekürzt ДС/DS) war der Name des bulgarischen Geheimdienst während der Zeit der sozialistischen Volksrepublik Bulgarien. Gegründet wurde dieser 1944 unter persönlicher Anleitung von Georgi Dimitrow, noch im Exil, und nach Vorbild des sowjetischen KGB. Der Geheimdienst wurde nach dem Sturz des kommunistischen Staatschef Todor Schiwkow im Rahmen der Demokratisierung aufgelöst.

Der bulgarische Geheimdienst spielte eine aktive Rolle in den sogenannten “Bulgarisierungsprozessen“, um die ethnische Minderheit der Balkan-Türken in den 1980er Jahren, sowie gegen Schriftsteller und Dissidenten.

Weiterhin gilt er als Auftraggeber des Mordes an dem Schriftsteller Georgi Markov auf der Waterloo Bridge in London im Jahr 1978, welcher als Regenschirmattentat bekannt wurde. Ein gleichartiges Attentat gegen den bulgarischen Dissidenten und Journalisten Wladimir Kostow im August 1978 in der Pariser U-Bahn scheiterte.

Heute geht man davon aus, dass der DS vor 1989 auch die gesamte Kontrolle über den Handel von Waffen, Drogen, Alkohol, Zigaretten, Gold, Silber und Antiquitäten in Bulgarien und auf der gesamten Balkanhalbinsel hatte.^[1][2] Es ist daher naheliegend, dass die Strukturen, der ähnlich der Mafia organisierten Kriminalität in Bulgarien, welche in den 1990er Jahren entstanden, durch viele ehemalige Agenten des DS errichtet wurden.

Weiterhin wurde der Geheimdienst lange Zeit als Hauptauftraggeber des Pistolenattentats auf den damaligen Papst Johannes Paul II., durch Mehmet Ali Ağca, beschuldigt. Diese Darstellung wurde seitens der VR Bulgarien stets scharf kritisiert und zurückgewiesen. Bei seinem Besuch 2002 negierte auch Papst Johannes Paul II. diese Version und unterstrich die Version des Einzeltäters Ağca.

Die Geheimakten des KDS, bzw. DS sorgten auch in Bulgarien für große Kontroversen. Allerdings wurden diese zum größten Teil nach dem Zusammenbruch des kommunistischen Regimes 1989 durch Agenten vernichtet. Die ab 1990 neu gegründeten demokratischen Kräfte der Opposition machten daher die bis 1997 weiter regierenden kommunistische Funktionäre, welche nun wieder als Mitglieder der Bulgarischen Sozialistischen Partei die Regierung und den Ministerpräsidenten stellten, für die Vernichtung von Dateien verantwortlich, welche ihre Mitglieder belasten könnten. Im Jahr 2002 wurde der ehemalige Innenminister und Vizepräsident Atanas Semerdzhiev für schuldig befunden, noch 1990 persönlich die Vernichtung von 144.235 Dateien aus den DS-Archiven angeordnet zu haben und damit die damals noch junge Demokratie unterwandert zu haben.

SOURCE: WIKIPEDIA

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Presseberichterstatung-zu-Maurischat1

THE QUARREL OVER THE STASI FILES
Martin Sabrow
The struggle for access to the Stasi files dates back to the peaceful revolution
in East Germany in the autumn of 1989. In November 1989, the
Ministry of State Security (MfS) was transformed into the Office of National
Security (Amt für Nationale Sicherheit, ANS), with the hidden
purpose of securing secret police structures and documents for the postdictatorial
era. This attempt failed, and the people responded with the
“storming of the Normannenstraße,” Mielke’s stronghold in Berlin, in
order to stop Stasi agents from destroying evidence. The storming was
successful; it represented a victory for the people and for civil rights.
In the end, the “Round Table” decided to destroy the files of Markus
Wolf’s intelligence branch, but the majority of the documents concerning
the internal activities of the MfS could be saved. In May 1990, the East
German People’s Chamber appointed a special committee under the
chairmanship of Joachim Gauck to control the dissolution of the MfS/
ANS. Then in September 1990, the German Unification Treaty obliged the
Bundestag to entrust MfS records to a Special Commissioner of the Federal
Government (later Federal Commissioner) for the files of the former
State Security Service, the so-called Gauck Agency, which began operations
with fifty-two employees. In December 1991, according to the same
provision of the Unification Treaty, the Bundestag approved the “Stasi
Records Law,” which granted the access to the records. The law was
passed by a broad coalition of CDU, FDP, and SPD deputies, with abstentions
from the PDS and the Green Party. Its famous Paragraph 32
regulates the unlimited access to “documents without personal information”
and to “copies of documents with personal information rendered
anonymous.” The other personal information that the Gauck Agency was
allowed and obliged to release can be divided into three categories: documents
with written consent of the person concerned, documents with
personal information about employees and beneficiaries of the MfS, and
“information about persons of contemporary history or holders of political
office, as far as they are not directly or indirectly affected persons.”
This curious, obscure definition distinguishes between guilty parties,
who were not supposed to benefit from the law, and three categories of
victims: “persons directly affected,” i.e., those deliberately targeted by the
MfS, “indirectly affected persons,” i.e., those mentioned secondarily in a
Stasi investigation, and finally a group with little claim to secrecy because
of their prominent public role—the people of contemporary history. In
46 INSTITUTIONS OF PUBLIC MEMORY
1996, the law was amended to insure that “the secrecy of mail, correspondence,
and telecommunications [would] be limited due to this act.”
In the ten years that followed, millions of applicants gained access to
the Stasi files through this law. The Gauck (now, Birthler) Agency today
has thousands of employees organizing the access to the Stasi files, which
are located in the central archives of the former MfS in Berlin and in
various regional archives. A special department (“Research and Education”)
pursues scholarly research, organizes conferences, and publishes
monographs; Mielke’s state security apparatus has thus become one of
the best investigated parts of the former dictatorship. The Stasi records,
encompassing more than 500,000 feet of documents, are in principle open
to all interested researchers. The public became used to the flood of
revelations that emerged from the reading of the Stasi files by former
victims and journalists; thousands of the Stasi’s “unofficial employees”
were exposed. The law proved to be one of the rare legacies of the East
German grassroots citizens movement that survived reunification—it
turned out to be a tremendous success.
But at the end of ten years, the very same law was widely criticized.
This unexpected situation arose when, through a series of legal moves,
former chancellor Helmut Kohl forced the Federal Commissioner to seal
all Stasi documents relating to him and his political role. The law underwent
a series of transformations that restricted the access to the Stasi
documents, thereby undermining the basis for public information about
the GDR. Henceforth, scholarship on the MfS and other facets of the
“second German dictatorship” could not reach the standard of former
investigations for lack of source material. How can this unexpected turn
be explained, especially since it occurred at the same time a general
interest in coming to terms with the past—from the Herero massacre to
the Holocaust—stood out as a phenomenon in Germany and elsewhere?
The first explanation is the political background to the quarrel. It
began at the end of 1999, just when the donation scandal of the CDU
rattled the political sphere like an earthquake. For weeks it threatened to
split the conservative party. The coincidence was no accident. In the slow
process of sifting unknown material in the files of the MfS, the Federal
Commissioner had come across protocols of “bug activity” and recordings
of telephone calls emanating from the inner circles of the West German
government in the 1970s and 1980s. This material seemed to contain
some evidence of the attitude of CDU leaders in the party donation case
and therefore drew unusual attention. Once it was made public, it led to
critical questions from journalists and from the Ministry of the Interior
under Otto Schily. These critics were concerned that the effort to come to
terms with the GDR legacy interfered with politics in the Federal Republic.
Gauck retreated a bit and made his position on the law and files more
THE QUARREL OVER THE STASI FILES 47
precise: the agency would no longer make public any original protocols
of the “illegally” bugged conversations but would still make the Stasi
summaries accessible. In April 2000, Kohl applied to inspect his personal
files. In November, he demanded that the agency withhold any material
that concerned him until he had personally reviewed it.
Personal factors also must have played an important role. No one
involved in the matter appeared open to compromise, and all acted with
remarkable stubbornness. For Gauck’s successor Marianne Birthler, the
situation was extremely difficult. As a newcomer, she had to prove she
was capable of replacing the hero Gauck and managing the crisis. The
quarrel enabled Kohl, who had lost political power and now risked tarnishing
his personal reputation, to distract public attention from the central
issues of the donation scandal. For his part, Otto Schily had the
opportunity to return to his roots as a state defense lawyer.
Birthler remained firm. She stated that the agency was obliged to
release requested material according to the law and that she could not
grant individuals the privilege of personally vetting these materials as
this would affect the access rights of historians and the media. As expected,
Kohl appealed to the Administrative Court on November 27 to
prevent any release of documents concerning him. Birthler, in return,
decreed that those concerned would be informed before “their” documents
were made accessible to allow them to object. But this half-hearted
move did not help. In July 2001, Kohl was handed a full victory in court;
his files had to be kept secret. The court ruled that “persons of contemporary
history” are also protected.
Days later, Otto Schily came forward with an unusual measure, the
“high noon ultimatum”: He would take legal action against the Federal
Commissioner if she continued to release documents to the public. When
an appeals court, the Federal Administrative Court, upheld the earlier
ruling that restricted personal information about Kohl and, consequently,
every concerned individual who had not been a Stasi member, Birthler
changed her tactics. She closed all exhibitions, all information and documentation
centers about the Stasi, shut down the agency’s web site, and
denied nearly all applications for historical research. Her actions elicited
a protest from the Simon Wiesenthal Center in Jerusalem, which accused
the authorities of blocking access to Nazi-related documents in the
MfS archive. The scholarly community also reacted with dismay when
Birthler stated in April 2002 that most of the 2,000 current requests for
research had to be postponed or refused in the wake of the Kohl decision.
In an article, Birthler explained that henceforth “historical research using
Stasi documents is possible only within narrow limits.”1 Experts criticized
the drastic and far-reaching restrictions on scholarly work, which
prompted the Bundestag to amend the law. In July 2002, the Bundestag
48 INSTITUTIONS OF PUBLIC MEMORY
approved the amendment with the SPD, Greens, and FDP voting against
the CDU.
In September 2003, the Berlin Administrative Court approved a petition
by the Birthler Agency to make the Kohl documents public, in
principle, without violating his constitutional rights. But even this seemingly
clear ruling was not the last word. Kohl lodged an appeal and, in
June 2004, the Federal Administrative Court reached a final compromise
on Stasi material relating to individuals of contemporary history. The
court ruled that no information concerning the private lives of these
persons could be made public. The court extended this limitation to all
tapes and verbatim protocols of illegal listening in private or official
rooms and—this was new—to all internal Stasi reports, analyses, and
interpretations based on such protocols; all information collected through
spying was restricted. Moreover, the court tightened limits on who could
apply to see the information: only scholars working on the history of the
Stasi could request information, and they had to insure that this information
would neither be published nor communicated to others. Personal
information could no longer be released for educational purposes or to
the media without the written consent of the person concerned.
It is difficult to decide who finally won the quarrel over the Stasi files,
Kohl or Birthler. Both declared victory. The court assigned one third of
the costs to Kohl and two thirds to Birthler. Newspaper editorials and the
German Journalists Union deplored the consequences for historians of
the GDR. Birthler declared that the ruling would undermine many scholarly
projects but would still allow for the release of most of the Kohl
papers. In order to decide the question of victory, we have to dig a little
bit deeper. The dynamics of the quarrel may be explained by the transformation
of an administrative conflict into a highly personal struggle
between Kohl and Birthler, but this obscures the broader cultural implications
of the conflict as an indicator of the state of affairs since reunification.
Taking a closer look, the original statute opened “access to the
records of the Ministry of State Security of the former GDR to the public
and to individuals in order to clarify and illuminate the practices of State
Security,”2 in other words, to delegitimize the SED dictatorship and to
educate the population. Here, the basic tension between a presumed
public interest and the sphere of individual rights, a conflict between the
demands of historical appraisal and the protection of personal data as
required by law, is already apparent. The customary declassification
waiting period of thirty years was not implemented for East German
archives, with the interesting exception of the documents of the GDR
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Stasi files were not considered part of the
“ordinary” political heritage which should belong to the public after the
THE QUARREL OVER THE STASI FILES 49
end of the ordinary time limit. Therefore, the use guidelines always followed
political rather than legal or archival considerations.
General restrictions had always existed regarding access to the documents
of supranational organizations, foreign countries, and files relating
to intelligence gathering, counter-intelligence, and terrorism. Additionally,
the original law for the Stasi files included the rights of affected
persons to demand the redaction of information that concerned them. For
the same reason, users were never granted access to any index or file card.
All along, it was only the Gauck/Birthler Agency that could retrieve,
classify, and present material—often in a revised version with names and
sequences blacked out due to the privacy exemption. The employees of
the Gauck/Birthler Agency enjoy unrestricted access. Although they are
pledged to secrecy and subject to the directives of the authorities, they
can nevertheless use their privileged knowledge of names and code
names for more precise research, even in non-classified documents. They
have a lead on sources and interpretations which cannot be entirely controlled
by the scholarly community.
All of these unique customs and guidelines point to the same basic
problem. In the case of Stasi files, two different cultural norms and value
systems meet. On the one hand, the broadly acknowledged principle of
historicization—a social consensus that “the truth will heal”—urges us to
uncover the Stasi files without distinction to help shed light on the past:
“Quod est in actis, est in mundo!” By contrast, our democratic and legal
culture recognizes the individual’s right to control the use of personal
data. In that respect, it is of decisive importance how any information to
be released was obtained. It goes without saying that the Stasi’s operations
would have been considered illegal in the West. Scarcely any Stasi
report could ever be admitted in a Western court of law because it does
not conform to the legal order of a constitutional state. Here, historicization
cannot be reconciled with the rule of law. To release documents
would, in a sense, prolong the dictatorship and revictimize those injured
by Stasi espionage, but to withhold the documents might be seen as
minimizing or protecting the dictatorship.3 That is why the former
agency chief Joachim Gauck angrily commented on the first ruling in the
Kohl case that the court had disregarded the rights of a formerly oppressed
people.4 Even after the final court decision, these issues persist; it
is still possible that an endless series of questionable compromises will
cause the Administrative Court to revisit them on a regular basis.
The Stasi documents law and the establishment of the Gauck Agency
bore a Janus face. The totalitarian heritage of a state based upon surveillance
was incorporated into the political culture of a liberal constitutional
state that functions according to the rule of law. The Stasi documents law
created an exceptional situation in the service of a moral purge and the
50 INSTITUTIONS OF PUBLIC MEMORY
education of the public. The millions of requests for access are proof that
the strategy succeeded and met with the approval of the vast majority of
East and West Germans after 1990.
Why, then, did this conflict emerge so late? Marianne Birthler was
quite right when she reminded the court that her “practice of releasing
documents was never objected to by the Bundestag, which receives the
annual report of the agency, nor by the federal government, which is
legally in charge of the agency.”5 During the transition period from
spring to autumn 1990, there was no awareness of the incompatibility of
a moral/psychological purge and the prevailing privacy laws; the Bundestag
nearly unanimously adopted the Stasi files law passed by the GDR
Volkskammer in 1990. As the unification process got underway, the
difference between formal and material justice quickly became visible.
Bärbel Bohley, one of the most famous voices of the civil rights movement
in East Germany, declared, “We hoped for justice, and what we got was
the law.” Some employees of the Gauck Agency tried to use their privileged
knowledge politically, attempting, for instance, to shoot down the
last GDR prime minister Lothar de Maizière by denouncing him as Stasi
informer “IM Cerny.” But such attempts remained exceptions, and it took
years for this conflict to embroil the entire Stasi file complex.
There are at least three reasons for the lag. First, the documents
mostly concerned East Germans, who were not primarily concerned with
the problem of protecting their personal rights but with uncovering their
treatment by the Stasi. Secondly, the groups of readers who were not
personally involved—scholars, journalists, employers—were interested
in open access to the files, whereas those groups with a great interest in
restricting access—Stasi employees and collaborators—had lost their legitimacy
in the public sphere and had little opportunity to articulate their
views. Thirdly, access to the Stasi files was perhaps the only truly revolutionary
act during the collapse of the SED regime. In contrast to the
peaceful demonstrations and demands for legal travel to other countries,
the storming of the Stasi offices and the seizure of the files was an act of
open revolt, justified only by the power of the people as a natural social
force which itself establishes the law. Thus, the files became a revolutionary
symbol, an historical act of civil courage that became a point of pride
for East Germans and a legacy for a new, unified Germany—that is, until
the files went from marking Eastern assimilation to Western values to
challenging Western integrity.
From this point of view, the ongoing debate over the Stasi files is a
late product of the “crisis of unification” which emerged in the mid-
1990s. It reflects an ongoing battle between historicization and individualization
as leading social values. The conflict refutes any naïve belief in
a fast and harmonious reunification of Germany and demonstrates that a
THE QUARREL OVER THE STASI FILES 51
democracy cannot easily absorb the legacy of a dictatorship. In my opinion,
however, when this diagnosis is compared with the scandalous way
postwar Germany treated the National Socialist past in the 1950s—either
with silence or a facile coming to terms—it offers more light than shadow,
even for historians, who suffer most from the new legal status of the
partly sealed Stasi files.
Notes
1 Marianne Birthler, “Stasi-Unterlagen für Forschung und Medien—zum Rechtsstreit um
den Aktenzugang und zur Novellierung des Stasi-Unterlagen-Gesetzes,” Der Archivar 55,
no. 4 (2002): 298.
2 Marianne Birthler, “Der Zugang zu den Unterlagen des Ministeriums für Staatssicherheit
der DDR für Forschung und Medien,” Deutschland Archiv 36 (2003): 376.
3 See Birthler’s arguments in Birthler, “Stasi-Unterlagen für Forschung und Medien,” 299.
4 See Constanze von Bullion, “’Dieses Urteil ist ein Schritt zurück’. Der frühere Behördenchef
Joachim Gauck zeigt sich enttäuscht, die meisten Politiker in Berlin aber sehen ihre
Auffassung bestätigt,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, March 9, 2002.
5 Ibid.
52 INSTITUTIONS OF PUBLIC MEMORY