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Burchett and Luna Defy GOP โ€“ Vote Against U.S.-Israel Defense “Merger” in NDAA

Burchett and Luna Vote Against Section 219: The U.S.-Israel Defense Integration Battle

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Two Republican lawmakers, Rep. Tim Burchett (R-TN) and Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-FL), were among the seven Republicans who voted against the 2027 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) โ€” in large part due to Section 219, a controversial provision that would expand U.S.-Israel defense technology cooperation. The bill passed 216-212, with opponents warning it could “merge” U.S. and Israeli defense systems and compromise American sovereignty .



The Vote: A Narrow Victory

The House passed the $1.15 trillion FY2027 National Defense Authorization Act on July 22, 2026, by a narrow margin of 216-212 . The bill, which sets Pentagon policy and typically draws broad bipartisan support, faced an unusually partisan divide.

Seven Republicans voted against the NDAA:

ยท Tim Burchett (TN)
ยท Anna Paulina Luna (FL)
ยท Thomas Massie (KY)
ยท Chip Roy (TX)
ยท Josh Brecheen (OK)
ยท Eli Crane (AZ)
ยท Harriet Hageman (WY)

Six Democrats voted for it:

ยท Henry Cuellar (TX)
ยท Don Davis (NC)
ยท Jared Golden (ME)
ยท Vicente Gonzalez (TX)
ยท Adam Gray (CA)
ยท Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (WA)

Those six Democratic votes proved decisive, allowing Republican leaders to absorb the defections from their own ranks .



What Is Section 219?

Section 219 creates the “U.S.-Israel Defense Technology Cooperation Initiative” . It would direct the Pentagon to designate an “executive agent” responsible for coordinating and accelerating bilateral defense research, development, testing, evaluation, integration, and industrial cooperation .

The initiative would cover areas including:

ยท Counter-drone systems
ยท Missile and air defense
ยท Artificial Intelligence (AI)
ยท Quantum technology
ยท Autonomous systems
ยท Directed-energy weapons
ยท Advanced sensors
ยท Cybersecurity
ยท Electronic warfare
ยท Biotechnology and medical defense

Importantly, supporters and critics alike agree on one thing: Section 219 does NOT merge military command structures, place U.S. troops under Israeli authority, or give Israel control over U.S. military operations . The United States and Israel already cooperate extensively on defense technology, including the Iron Dome, Arrow, and David’s Sling missile-defense systems .



The “Merge” Debate

The controversy erupted when Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) claimed the provision would “merge parts of our military with the IDF” and called it “an existential threat to American sovereignty and democracy” .

Republicans fired back. Rep. Mike Lawler (R-NY) responded: “Good grief, you are either obtuse or intentionally lying. We are not merging our military with the IDF. As we do with many of our allies, we enter into cooperative agreements, share intelligence, develop technology and ammunitions, and conduct military exercises together. Stop stoking Jew hatred and do better” .

EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin similarly accused Ocasio-Cortez of misrepresenting the bill . However, opponents like Rep. Thomas Massie countered that the structure would make the relationship harder for future administrations to unwind, arguing that it “removes the flexibility of future Presidents to withdraw from such an arrangement” .



Why Burchett and Luna Voted “No”

Both Burchett and Luna opposed the NDAA primarily due to Section 219, joining Massie’s bipartisan effort to strip the provision .

Anna Paulina Luna (R-FL) had sought to strike Section 219 entirely, but her amendment was denied a vote . Instead, the Rules Committee allowed two narrower amendments from her: one removing four uses of the word “integration” from the section, and another extending annual reports to Congress for as long as the executive agent remains in place . This fell short of opponents’ demand for complete removal.

Tim Burchett (R-TN), a consistent critic of foreign entanglement, sided with Massie’s position that “codifying the integration of our military technology and supply chains with those of any other country is dangerous” .

The seven Republicans who voted “no” faced significant pressure. Massie, who lost his primary after Trump and AIPAC backed his opponent, argued the provision created “a lopsided arrangement” that would compromise American national security .



The Full List of Opposition

Massie and Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA) led a bipartisan amendment to strike Section 219, joined by:

ยท Reps. Jim McGovern (D-MA)
ยท Jesรบs “Chuy” Garcรญa (D-IL)
ยท Rashida Tlaib (D-MI)
ยท Don Beyer (D-VA)
ยท Jill Tokuda (D-HI)
ยท Derek Tran (D-CA)
ยท Joe Courtney (D-CT)

The amendment was not made eligible for floor consideration, leaving lawmakers without a separate vote to remove Section 219 .



What’s Next

The bill now heads to the Senate, where a similar provision exists in Section 1217 of the Senate NDAA . Senate Democrats, led by Bernie Sanders, have stalled their version over concerns about U.S.-Israel defense integration . If both chambers pass their bills, negotiators must resolve differences โ€” meaning Sections 219 and 1217 could survive, change, or disappear during conference .

For now, Burchett and Luna stand with those who see Section 219 as a dangerous precedent โ€” a permanent entanglement that commits the United States to a deeply integrated military-technology partnership that future Congresses may struggle to unwind .



The complete documentation with all official statements, voting records, and in-depth analysis is exclusively available to Patreon subscribers at patreon.com/berndpulch.

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Burchett und Luna stimmen gegen US-israelische Verteidigungs-“Fusion” โ€“ NDAA-Kontroverse eskaliert

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Zwei republikanische Abgeordnete, Tim Burchett (R-TN) und Anna Paulina Luna (R-FL), gehรถrten zu den sieben Republikanern, die gegen den National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) 2027 stimmten โ€“ vor allem wegen Section 219, einer umstrittenen Bestimmung, die eine Ausweitung der Verteidigungstechnologie-Kooperation zwischen den USA und Israel vorsieht. Das Gesetz wurde mit 216 zu 212 Stimmen angenommen, wรคhrend Gegner warnten, dass es die US- und israelischen Verteidigungssysteme “verschmelzen” und die amerikanische Souverรคnitรคt gefรคhrden kรถnnte.



Die Abstimmung: Ein knapper Sieg

Das Reprรคsentantenhaus verabschiedete den 1,15 Billionen US-Dollar schweren National Defense Authorization Act fรผr das Haushaltsjahr 2027 am 22. Juli 2026 mit knapper Mehrheit von 216 zu 212 Stimmen. Das Gesetz, das die Pentagon-Politik festlegt und normalerweise breite รผberparteiliche Unterstรผtzung findet, war ungewรถhnlich stark parteipolitisch gespalten.

Sieben Republikaner stimmten gegen den NDAA:

ยท Tim Burchett (TN)
ยท Anna Paulina Luna (FL)
ยท Thomas Massie (KY)
ยท Chip Roy (TX)
ยท Josh Brecheen (OK)
ยท Eli Crane (AZ)
ยท Harriet Hageman (WY)

Sechs Demokraten stimmten dafรผr:

ยท Henry Cuellar (TX)
ยท Don Davis (NC)
ยท Jared Golden (ME)
ยท Vicente Gonzalez (TX)
ยท Adam Gray (CA)
ยท Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (WA)

Diese sechs demokratischen Stimmen erwiesen sich als entscheidend und ermรถglichten es der republikanischen Fรผhrung, die Abweichler in den eigenen Reihen zu kompensieren.



Was ist Section 219?

Section 219 schafft die “U.S.-Israel Defense Technology Cooperation Initiative”. Sie wรผrde das Pentagon anweisen, einen “Exekutivagenten” zu benennen, der fรผr die Koordinierung und Beschleunigung der bilateralen Verteidigungsforschung, -entwicklung, -testung, -bewertung, -integration und industriellen Zusammenarbeit verantwortlich ist.

Die Initiative wรผrde folgende Bereiche abdecken:

ยท Drohnenabwehrsysteme
ยท Raketen- und Luftverteidigung
ยท Kรผnstliche Intelligenz (KI)
ยท Quantentechnologie
ยท Autonome Systeme
ยท Energiewaffen
ยท Fortschrittliche Sensoren
ยท Cybersicherheit
ยท Elektronische Kriegsfรผhrung
ยท Biotechnologie und medizinische Verteidigung

Wichtig: Section 219 verschmilzt keine militรคrischen Kommandostrukturen, stellt keine US-Truppen unter israelische Befehlsgewalt oder gibt Israel Kontrolle รผber US-Militรคroperationen. Die USA und Israel arbeiten bereits umfangreich bei Verteidigungstechnologien zusammen, darunter Iron Dome, Arrow und David’s Sling.



Die “Fusions”-Debatte

Die Kontroverse entbrannte, als Abgeordnete Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) behauptete, die Bestimmung wรผrde “Teile unseres Militรคrs mit der IDF verschmelzen” und nannte sie “eine existenzielle Bedrohung fรผr die amerikanische Souverรคnitรคt und Demokratie.”

Republikaner konterten. Abgeordneter Mike Lawler (R-NY) antwortete: “Gute Gรผte, Sie sind entweder begriffsstutzig oder lรผgen absichtlich. Wir verschmelzen unser Militรคr nicht mit der IDF. Wie wir es mit vielen unserer Verbรผndeten tun, gehen wir Kooperationsvereinbarungen ein, teilen Geheimdienstinformationen, entwickeln Technologien und Munition und fรผhren gemeinsame Militรคrรผbungen durch. Hรถren Sie auf, Judenhass zu schรผren, und machen Sie es besser.”

EPA-Administrator Lee Zeldin beschuldigte Ocasio-Cortez ebenfalls, den Gesetzentwurf falsch darzustellen. Gegner wie Abgeordneter Thomas Massie entgegneten jedoch, dass die Struktur es kรผnftigen Regierungen erschweren wรผrde, sich aus einer solchen Vereinbarung zurรผckzuziehen, und argumentierten, dass sie “die Flexibilitรคt kรผnftiger Prรคsidenten, sich von einer solchen Vereinbarung zu distanzieren, beseitigt.”



Warum Burchett und Luna mit “Nein” stimmten

Beide Abgeordnete lehnten den NDAA vor allem wegen Section 219 ab und schlossen sich Massies รผberparteilichen Bemรผhungen an, die Bestimmung zu streichen.

Anna Paulina Luna (R-FL) hatte versucht, Section 219 vollstรคndig zu streichen, aber ihr ร„nderungsantrag wurde nicht zur Abstimmung zugelassen. Stattdessen erlaubte das Rules Committee zwei engere ร„nderungsantrรคge von ihr: einer strich vier Verwendungen des Wortes “Integration” aus dem Abschnitt, der andere verlรคngerte die jรคhrlichen Berichte an den Kongress, solange der Exekutivagent bestehen bleibt. Dies blieb hinter der Forderung der Gegner nach vollstรคndiger Streichung zurรผck.

Tim Burchett (R-TN), ein konsequenter Kritiker auslรคndischer Verstrickungen, schloss sich Massies Position an, dass “die Kodifizierung der Integration unserer Militรคrtechnologie und Lieferketten mit denen eines anderen Landes gefรคhrlich ist.”

Die sieben Republikaner, die mit “Nein” stimmten, standen unter erheblichem Druck. Massie, der seine Vorwahl verlor, nachdem Trump und AIPAC seinen Gegner unterstรผtzt hatten, argumentierte, dass die Bestimmung “ein einseitiges Arrangement” schaffe, das die amerikanische nationale Sicherheit gefรคhrde.



Die vollstรคndige Liste der Opposition

Massie und Abgeordneter Ro Khanna (D-CA) fรผhrten einen รผberparteilichen ร„nderungsantrag an, um Section 219 zu streichen, dem sich folgende Abgeordnete anschlossen:

ยท Jim McGovern (D-MA)
ยท Jesรบs “Chuy” Garcรญa (D-IL)
ยท Rashida Tlaib (D-MI)
ยท Don Beyer (D-VA)
ยท Jill Tokuda (D-HI)
ยท Derek Tran (D-CA)
ยท Joe Courtney (D-CT)

Der ร„nderungsantrag wurde nicht fรผr die Plenumsberatung zugelassen, sodass die Abgeordneten keine separate Abstimmung zur Streichung von Section 219 hatten.



Wie es weitergeht

Das Gesetz geht nun an den Senat, wo eine รคhnliche Bestimmung in Section 1217 des Senats-NDAA existiert. Senatsdemokraten unter Fรผhrung von Bernie Sanders haben ihre Version aufgrund von Bedenken bezรผglich der US-israelischen Verteidigungsintegration blockiert. Wenn beide Kammern ihre Fassungen verabschieden, mรผssen die Verhandlungsfรผhrer die Unterschiede ausgleichen โ€“ das bedeutet, dass Sections 219 und 1217 รผberleben, geรคndert oder wรคhrend der Konferenz verschwinden kรถnnten.

Fรผrs Erste stehen Burchett und Luna mit denen, die Section 219 als gefรคhrlichen Prรคzedenzfall sehen โ€“ eine dauerhafte Verstrickung, die die USA zu einer tief integrierten militรคrisch-technologischen Partnerschaft verpflichtet, die kรผnftige Kongresse nur schwer wieder rรผckgรคngig machen kรถnnen kรถnnten.



Die vollstรคndige Dokumentation mit allen offiziellen Stellungnahmen, Abstimmungsunterlagen und weiterfรผhrenden Analysen ist exklusiv fรผr Patreon-Abonnenten verfรผgbar unter patreon.com/berndpulch.

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Beyond the Individual: Mapping the Institutional Architecture of the Epstein Network

A Data-Driven Analysis of 10,626 Organizations

By Bernd Pulch | February 23, 2026


EXCLUSIVE โ€” The January 30, 2026, Department of Justice release of 3.5 million pages, 2,000 videos, and 180,000 images marked the largest transparency event in the Epstein case to date. Headlines focused on individual names: presidents, princes, billionaires, scientists. But a deeper truth lies buried in the data.

https://rumble.com/v765kiq-epsteins-hidden-network-10626-organizations-that-enabled-everything.html

Individuals commit crimes. Organizations enable systems.

My updated Epstein Index v.2026.02.13 now tracks 50,473 verified entities โ€” 39,847 individuals and 10,626 organizations. This institutional map reveals something the name-by-name coverage cannot: the architecture of enablement itself.

Here is what the organizational data tells us about how the Epstein network operated, why it persisted for decades, and why so many institutions remain unexamined while individuals face scrutiny.


I. The Limits of a Name List

Since Epstein’s 2019 arrest, public attention has fixated on celebrity passengers on the “Lolita Express” and politicians in the black book. This is understandable. But it is also strategically incomplete.

The 10,626 organizations in the index include:

ยท Banks and financial institutions that moved hundreds of millions of dollars
ยท Law firms that structured trusts and defended participants
ยท Academic institutions that accepted funding despite known risks
ยท Real estate entities that held properties across three continents
ยท Aircraft management companies that maintained the fleet
ยท Trust structures designed for asset concealment
ยท Shell companies in multiple jurisdictions

These organizations provided the infrastructure without which individual activity would have been impossible. They also represent the accountability gap.


II. The Financial Architecture: How Institutions Moved the Money

Banks Under Scrutiny

The index documents multiple financial institutions that processed Epstein-related transactions, in some cases after his 2008 conviction:

Institution Documented Role Current Status
JPMorgan Chase & Co. Primary banking relationship; $1B+ in transactions $290M survivor settlement (2023)
Deutsche Bank AG Post-2013 banking; Butterfly Trust accounts $7M+ in regulatory settlements
BNY Mellon 270 wire transfers totaling $378M Under Wyden investigation (Jan 2026)
HSBC Named in $12B lawsuit; La Hougue trust allegations Litigation pending
Barclays CEO Jes Staley under scrutiny Regulatory review ongoing
Bear Stearns Pre-2008 banking (acquired by JPMorgan) Acquired entity

The BNY Mellon Pattern

Senator Ron Wyden’s January 2026 investigation into BNY Mellon revealed 270 wire transfers totaling $378 million โ€” transactions flagged internally as early as 2019. The question investigators now face: Why were these transactions permitted to continue, and what compliance failures allowed it?

This is not a story about a single bad actor. It is a story about institutional systems designed to prioritize revenue over detection.

Trust Structures as Concealment Vehicles

The index tracks numerous trusts that functioned as asset protection mechanisms:

ยท 1953 Trust: Signed August 8, 2019 โ€” two days before Epstein’s death. Distributed $100M to girlfriend Karyna Shuliak, $50M to personal lawyer Darren Indyke, $25M to accountant Richard Kahn, $10M each to brother Mark Epstein, Ghislaine Maxwell, and pilot Lawrence Paul Visoski Jr. Forty additional beneficiaries remain redacted.
ยท Butterfly Trust: Maintained at Deutsche Bank (2014-2018), demonstrating the network’s ability to relocate banking relationships when scrutiny emerged.
ยท Financial Trust Company: Incorporated in the US Virgin Islands (1998); generated approximately $300M in tax savings between 1999-2018 through USVI Economic Development Commission programs.
ยท Cypress Inc. / Zorro Trust: Successive entities holding the 9,800-acre New Mexico ranch, illustrating how property ownership was layered to obscure beneficial ownership.


III. The Legal Nexus: Law Firms, Prosecutors, and Systemic Failure

The organizational data becomes most significant when examined through the lens of lawfare โ€” the weaponization of legal systems that this publication documents extensively.

Defense and Facilitation

Multiple law firms appear throughout the index, representing Epstein, Maxwell, and associated entities across decades. The presence of sophisticated legal counsel is not itself evidence of wrongdoing. But the pattern of legal representation reveals how the network navigated multiple investigations:

ยท Firms structured the trusts described above
ยท Firms negotiated the 2008 non-prosecution agreement
ยท Firms represented witnesses during grand jury proceedings
ยท Firms continue to represent beneficiaries of the 1953 Trust

The Prosecutorial Question

More concerning is the appearance of government attorneys โ€” Assistant U.S. Attorneys (AUSAs) โ€” within the network’s orbit. The index documents connections between Epstein and prosecutors in multiple jurisdictions.

Representative Thomas Massie (R-KY) stated in February 2026 that the newly released documents contain references to six individuals “likely incriminated” whose names remain fully redacted. Representative Ro Khanna (D-CA) confirmed approximately 20 people remain completely redacted in the 3.5 million page release.

The question: Are any of these redacted individuals prosecutors, judges, or law enforcement officials who participated in investigations or prosecutions?

This is not speculation. This is a structural question about whether the justice system was compromised from within โ€” the very definition of lawfare.

The Legal Accountability Gap

No law firm has faced criminal prosecution for its role in structuring Epstein’s affairs. No prosecutor has been held accountable for missed opportunities to act. The organizational data suggests this is not an oversight โ€” it is a feature of how legal systems protect their own.


IV. The Institutional Enablers: Beyond Criminality

Academic Institutions

The index documents extensive academic engagement with Epstein, particularly post-conviction:

Institution Key Figures Documented Activity
MIT Joi Ito (former Media Lab director) $800,000 in donations; fundraising continued post-conviction
Harvard University Multiple faculty connections Research funding; visiting arrangements
Institute for Advanced Study Martin Nowak (mathematical biologist) Primary affiliation during Epstein engagement

The MIT case is instructive. Internal emails show Epstein donated to the Media Lab while seeking to rehabilitate his reputation through academic association. University leadership was aware of his 2008 conviction. The institutional response โ€” “mistakes of judgment” โ€” reflects a pattern of minimizing institutional responsibility while individuals resigned.

Scientific Engagement

The index documents interactions with prominent scientists including:

ยท Stephen Hawking (physicist): Island visit (2006); participated in submarine tour
ยท Marvin Minsky (AI pioneer): Named in Giuffre allegations (deceased, denied)
ยท Noam Chomsky (linguist): MIT connection; visited Zorro Ranch
ยท Lisa Randall (Harvard physicist): Corresponded with Epstein (2006)
ยท Corina Tarnita (mathematician): Provided wire details for Romanian women ($10K/$5K, 2009)

The scientific community’s engagement with Epstein raises questions about institutional due diligence and the mechanisms by which reputation-laundering occurs through prestigious affiliations.


V. The Logistical Backbone: How the Network Operated

Aircraft Management

The “Lolita Express” (N908JE, a Boeing 727) made 358 documented flights. But the aircraft did not operate itself. The index tracks:

ยท Aircraft registration entities in multiple jurisdictions
ยท Maintenance providers and fuel suppliers
ยท Crew management companies employing pilots like Lawrence Paul Visoski Jr.
ยท Flight planning services that routed aircraft to Epstein properties

Property Holdings

The index documents the organizational structures behind Epstein’s real estate portfolio:

Property Legal Entity Transacted Value
Little Saint James (USVI) Unknown LLC structure Purchased $7.95M (1998); Sold (2021)
Greater St. James (adjacent island) Unknown LLC structure Purchased (2005)
Zorro Ranch (New Mexico) Zorro Trust / Cypress Inc. 9,800 acres
Herbert N. Straus House (NYC) 9 East 71st Street LLC 51,000 sq ft townhouse
Palm Beach estate Florida LLC structure $6.8M
Apartment 22 Avenue Foch (Paris) French corporate structure Searched 2019

Each property was held through distinct legal entities, complicating law enforcement efforts to trace assets and creating jurisdictional barriers to investigation.


VI. The Accountability Gap: Why Institutions Remain Unscathed

The Individual-Institution Disconnect

Compare outcomes:

ยท Individuals: Ghislaine Maxwell (convicted, serving 20 years); Jean-Luc Brunel (died in custody); numerous associates publicly named and professionally damaged
ยท Institutions: JPMorgan ($290M settlement, no criminal charges); Deutsche Bank ($7M settlement, no criminal charges); MIT (internal review, no legal consequences); Harvard (no consequences)

The pattern suggests institutional liability remains extraordinarily difficult to establish, even when documentary evidence demonstrates knowledge and participation.

The Lawfare Explanation

This is where the Epstein case connects to broader lawfare analysis. Legal systems are designed to adjudicate individual guilt. They struggle to address institutional complicity because:

  1. Corporate criminal liability requires proving intent โ€” difficult when responsibility is distributed
  2. Statutes of limitations expire while investigations proceed
  3. Settlements allow institutions to resolve cases without admitting guilt
  4. Regulatory capture means investigating agencies share personnel with regulated industries
  5. Political connections insulate institutions from aggressive enforcement

The organizational data in the Epstein Index provides empirical support for these dynamics. It shows not just what happened, but how institutional structures prevented accountability.


VII. The 2026 Release: What the Organizational Data Reveals

The January 30, 2026 DOJ release added approximately 3.5 million pages to the public record. My processing of this material identified:

ยท Previously unknown organizational entities in offshore jurisdictions
ยท Financial records showing payment flows to and from institutional accounts
ยท Internal communications demonstrating institutional awareness of Epstein’s activities
ยท Compliance documents revealing what banks and universities knew and when

Representative findings:

ยท BNY Mellon documents show internal discussions about Epstein-related wire transfers as early as 2015 โ€” four years before his arrest
ยท MIT emails reveal senior administrators were advised of Epstein’s conviction but continued fundraising discussions
ยท Law firm records demonstrate participation in structuring transactions that prosecutors later identified as problematic


VIII. From Data to Action: What the Organizational Map Enables

The index’s value is not merely archival. It enables:

For Journalists

ยท Identify which institutions appear most frequently in documents
ยท Track institutional connections across jurisdictions
ยท Document patterns of institutional behavior over time

For Regulators

ยท Map financial flows through the banking system
ยท Identify compliance failures warranting investigation
ยท Understand how trust structures were used for concealment

For Policymakers

ยท Document gaps in current law that permitted institutional enablement
ยท Develop legislative responses targeting institutional accountability
ยท Understand how the Epstein case fits broader patterns of lawfare

For Survivors and Advocates

ยท Identify institutions that may bear responsibility
ยท Support civil litigation with documentary evidence
ยท Demonstrate the systemic nature of the network


IX. Conclusion: Beyond the Individual

The Epstein case will be remembered for its individual names โ€” the famous, the powerful, the connected who appear in flight logs and address books. But that memory will be incomplete.

The 10,626 organizations in the index tell a different story. They reveal a network that could not have operated without institutional infrastructure. They show how banks moved money despite red flags, how universities provided legitimacy despite knowledge, how law firms structured concealment despite ethical obligations, and how prosecutors remained connected despite conflicts.

Understanding this institutional architecture is essential for:

ยท Preventing future networks from forming
ยท Holding enablers accountable alongside actors
ยท Reforming systems that permitted decades of operation
ยท Comprehending lawfare as it actually functions

The individual names matter. But the organizations matter more โ€” because they are the structures through which individual action becomes systemic harm, and through which accountability so often escapes.


Methodology Note

This analysis draws on the Epstein Index v.2026.02.13, a consolidated database compiled from:

ยท DOJ January 2026 release (3.5M pages)
ยท DOJ December 2025 release (~8,000 files)
ยท Flight logs and contact books (February 2025 release)
ยท Maxwell trial records (2021)
ยท Unredacted “Black Book”
ยท Public “Epstein Docs” GitHub repository
ยท 60+ additional primary sources

Verification process: All organizational entries have been cross-referenced against at least two independent sources. Duplicate entries (~12,600) have been removed. Naming conventions have been standardized.

Total entities: 50,473 (39,847 individuals โ€ข 10,626 organizations)
Last updated: February 13, 2026


Access the Full Index

This article presents summary analysis. The complete index includes:

ยท Full organizational profiles with source citations
ยท Cross-referenced connections between individuals and organizations
ยท Financial data where available
ยท Document excerpts and links
ยท Continuous updates as new materials emerge

Supporters at patreon.com/berndpulch receive access to the complete database, advanced analytical tools, and regular updates.


About the Author

Bernd Pulch (M.A.) is a forensic expert, founder of Aristotle AI, and investigative journalist covering lawfare, media control, investment, and geopolitics. His work examines how legal systems are weaponized, how capital flows shape policy, and what democracy loses when courts become battlefields.

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Disclaimer

This analysis is compiled from publicly available sources for research and educational purposes. Inclusion of any individual or organization does not imply allegation of wrongdoing. Many entities appear as witnesses, professional contacts, or in contexts unrelated to alleged criminal activity. The presumption of innocence applies to all not criminally charged. Victim privacy remains paramount.


Tags: Epstein Files, organizational analysis, lawfare, financial institutions, BNY Mellon, JPMorgan, Deutsche Bank, institutional accountability, Epstein Index, Jeffrey Epstein, Ghislaine Maxwell, DOJ release 2026

Document compiled: February 23, 2026
Public Version: v.2026.02.23


Bernd Pulch โ€” Bio Photo

Bernd Pulch (M.A.) is a forensic expert, founder of Aristotle AI, entrepreneur, political commentator, satirist, and investigative journalist covering lawfare, media control, investment, real estate, and geopolitics. His work examines how legal systems are weaponized, how capital flows shape policy, how artificial intelligence concentrates power, and what democracy loses when courts and markets become battlefields. Active in the German and international media landscape, his analyses appear regularly on this platform.

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