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Syria Sentences Bashar al-Assad to Death in Absentia โ€“ As Former Al-Qaeda Commander Leads Country

Syria Sentences Bashar alโ€‘Assad to Death in Absentia โ€“ As Former Alโ€‘Qaeda Commander Now Leads the Country

A Damascus criminal court has sentenced former Syrian president Bashar alโ€‘Assad to death in absentia, convicting him of crimes against humanity, war crimes, premeditated murder, torture and arbitrary arrest committed during the country’s nearly 14โ€‘year civil war. The landmark ruling also condemned his brother Maher alโ€‘Assad and five other former military and security officials to death.



The Verdict

On August 11, 2026, Judge Fakhr alโ€‘Din alโ€‘Aryan of the Fourth Criminal Court in Damascus delivered the historic judgment. The court found Assad guilty of โ€œpremeditated and intentional murder of more than one person and of children, torture, arbitrary arrest and crimes against humanityโ€.

The trial lasted nearly four months. Assad, who fled to Russia after his regime was overthrown in December 2024, was tried in absentia along with most other defendants. The only accused to appear in person was Atef Najib, Assad’s cousin and former security chief in Daraa province, who was arrested in early 2025 and stood trial in a cage wearing a prison uniform.

In addition to Assad and Najib, the court sentenced:

ยท Maher alโ€‘Assad โ€“ Bashar’s younger brother and commander of the feared Fourth Armoured Division โ€“ to death in absentia
ยท Fahd alโ€‘Freij โ€“ former defence minister โ€“ to death in absentia
ยท Four other unnamed former military and security officials



The Crimes

The charges stem from Assad’s brutal crackdown on the 2011 proโ€‘democracy protests, which spiralled into a civil war that killed hundreds of thousands of Syrians.

The court established that Assad, as โ€œthe highest decisionโ€‘makerโ€, bore direct responsibility for directing state institutions to commit systematic violations. His brother Maher led the Fourth Division, which spearheaded the crackdown on protests, recaptured territory and was accused of running a drug trafficking network to enrich the regime.

Atef Najib, the former head of political security in Daraa, was convicted for his role in the 2011 torture of 15 teenage boys who had graffitied antiโ€‘Assad slogans โ€“ an event widely seen as the spark that ignited the nationwide uprising.



Reaction in Syria: โ€œThe Joy Is Indescribableโ€

As news of the verdict spread, crowds gathered outside the courthouse in Damascus, chanting, applauding and waving Syrian flags. Celebrations also erupted in Daraa, the birthplace of the revolution.

โ€œThe joy is indescribable. God willing we will see Bashar alโ€‘Assad and all his aides hanging on the gallows.โ€ โ€“ A man in Damascus, holding a photo of his late father.

Nouha alโ€‘Masri, a prosecutor in the case who lost her brother in the 2011 Daraa massacre, told the BBC:

โ€œWe have been waiting for 15 years to reclaim even a small part of our rightsโ€ฆ In the new Syria, there will be no impunity from this day forward.โ€



The New Government: From Terrorist to President

The court that convicted Assad sits in a Syria that has undergone a radical transformation. The regime that fell in December 2024 was overthrown by a coalition of rebel forces led by Hay’at Tahrir alโ€‘Sham (HTS) โ€“ a group with deep roots in Alโ€‘Qaeda and still designated as a terrorist organisation by the United States, the United Kingdom and the European Union.

The man who now leads Syria is Ahmed alโ€‘Sharaa, formerly known as Abu Mohammad alโ€‘Jolani. Just a few years ago, he was one of the most wanted terrorists in the world, with a **$10 million U.S. bounty** on his head. The U.S. designated him a “specially designated global terrorist” in 2013, and the FBI maintained a Rewards for Justice programme offering the $10 million reward for information leading to his capture as recently as 2017.

In January 2025, alโ€‘Sharaa was declared Syria’s transitional president. An interim constitutional declaration came into effect in March, and a new government was established under HTS leadership. Alโ€‘Sharaa has since appointed a 210โ€‘member parliament, with 70 lawmakers directly appointed by him, and has consolidated executive authority while operating an extensive patronage network.

The irony is stark: a man once hunted by the U.S. as a terrorist now meets with American officials. In November 2025, alโ€‘Sharaa visited the White House, where President Trump received him. U.S. officials have acknowledged direct contacts with HTS, and while they have noted alโ€‘Sharaa’s welcome comments about protecting minority and women’s rights, they remain sceptical about his longโ€‘term intentions. The U.S. embassy in Syria, meanwhile, has not removed its “WANTED” notice for the man it once offered $10 million to capture.

Britain, too, continues to outlaw HTS, while the EU maintains financial sanctions against alโ€‘Jolani. The new Syrian leadership thus exists in a state of diplomatic limbo: internationally recognised as the de facto government, yet led by individuals still designated as terrorists by the very powers now negotiating with them.



Symbolic Justice or Practical Dead End?

While the verdict is a powerful symbol of transitional justice, its practical impact is limited. Assad and his brother remain in Moscow, where they were granted asylum on humanitarian grounds. Russia has previously declined extradition requests.

Human rights activists warn that the death sentence could complicate any future extradition, as countries generally refuse to surrender suspects to nations where they face execution. Syria’s new authorities have said they will pursue โ€œinternational legal avenuesโ€ to try to prosecute the two men.



A New Chapter for Syria

The trial is part of a broader effort by Syria’s interim government to break with the Assad dynasty’s fiveโ€‘decade legacy of repression. Since the regime fell in December 2024, authorities have detained numerous former officials and launched investigations into atrocities.

The verdict was described by prosecutors as โ€œas big as the sacrifices that Syrians gave for 15 yearsโ€. For many, it is a first step toward accountability โ€“ even if the former dictator himself remains beyond reach.

Yet the question of who now holds power in Syria remains deeply uncomfortable for the international community. The man who signed the order to try Assad is himself a former Alโ€‘Qaeda commander, still wanted by many of the same nations that applaud the verdict. In Syria, justice for Assad’s victims is being delivered by a government that, until recently, was itself considered a terrorist organisation. The paradox could not be more acute.



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Syrien verurteilt Assad zum Tode โ€“ wรคhrend Ex-Terrorist das Land regiert

Ein Strafgericht in Damaskus hat den frรผheren syrischen Prรคsidenten Baschar al-Assad in Abwesenheit zum Tode verurteilt. Der Schuldspruch umfasst Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit, Kriegsverbrechen, Mord, Folter und willkรผrliche Verhaftungen wรคhrend des fast 14-jรคhrigen Bรผrgerkriegs. Das historische Urteil verurteilt auch seinen Bruder Maher al-Assad und fรผnf weitere ehemalige Militรคr- und Sicherheitsbeamte zum Tode.



Das Urteil

Am 11. August 2026 verkรผndete Richter Fakhr al-Din al-Aryan des Vierten Strafgerichts in Damaskus das historische Urteil. Das Gericht befand Assad fรผr schuldig der “vorsรคtzlichen und absichtlichen Tรถtung mehrerer Personen und von Kindern, Folter, willkรผrlicher Verhaftung und Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit”.

Der Prozess dauerte fast vier Monate. Assad, der nach dem Sturz seines Regimes im Dezember 2024 nach Russland geflohen war, wurde zusammen mit den meisten anderen Angeklagten in Abwesenheit verhandelt. Der einzige Angeklagte, der persรถnlich vor Gericht erschien, war Atef Nadschib, Assads Cousin und ehemaliger Sicherheitschef in der Provinz Daraa, der Anfang 2025 verhaftet wurde und in einem Kรคfig in einer Gefรคngnisuniform vor Gericht stand.

Zusรคtzlich zu Assad und Nadschib verurteilte das Gericht:

ยท Maher al-Assad โ€“ Baschars jรผngerer Bruder und Kommandeur der gefรผrchteten Vierten Panzerdivision โ€“ in Abwesenheit zum Tode
ยท Fahd al-Freij โ€“ ehemaliger Verteidigungsminister โ€“ in Abwesenheit zum Tode
ยท Vier weitere namentlich nicht genannte ehemalige Militรคr- und Sicherheitsbeamte



Die Verbrechen

Die Anklage geht auf Assads brutale Niederschlagung der prodemokratischen Proteste von 2011 zurรผck, die sich zu einem Bรผrgerkrieg ausweitete, der Hunderttausende Syrer das Leben kostete.

Das Gericht stellte fest, dass Assad als “hรถchster Entscheidungstrรคger” die direkte Verantwortung dafรผr trug, dass staatliche Institutionen systematische Menschenrechtsverletzungen begingen. Sein Bruder Maher fรผhrte die Vierte Division an, die die Niederschlagung der Proteste anfรผhrte, Territorium zurรผckeroberte und beschuldigt wurde, ein Drogenhandelsnetzwerk zur Bereicherung des Regimes betrieben zu haben.

Atef Nadschib, der ehemalige Chef der politischen Sicherheit in Daraa, wurde wegen seiner Rolle bei der Folter von 15 Jugendlichen im Jahr 2011 verurteilt, die anti-Assad-Parolen gesprรผht hatten โ€“ ein Ereignis, das weithin als der Funke gilt, der den landesweiten Aufstand entzรผndete.



Reaktionen in Syrien: “Die Freude ist unbeschreiblich”

Als die Nachricht vom Urteil bekannt wurde, versammelten sich Menschenmengen vor dem Gerichtsgebรคude in Damaskus, skandierten, applaudierten und schwenkten syrische Flaggen. Auch in Daraa, dem Geburtsort der Revolution, brachen Feierlichkeiten aus.

“Die Freude ist unbeschreiblich. So Gott will, werden wir Baschar al-Assad und alle seine Helfer am Galgen hรคngen sehen.” โ€“ Ein Mann in Damaskus, der ein Foto seines verstorbenen Vaters hielt.

Nouha al-Masri, eine Staatsanwรคltin in dem Fall, die ihren Bruder bei dem Massaker von Daraa 2011 verlor, sagte der BBC:

“Wir haben 15 Jahre darauf gewartet, auch nur einen kleinen Teil unserer Rechte zurรผckzuerlangenโ€ฆ Im neuen Syrien wird es von diesem Tag an keine Straflosigkeit mehr geben.”



Die neue Regierung: Vom Terroristen zum Prรคsidenten

Das Gericht, das Assad verurteilte, tagt in einem Syrien, das einen radikalen Wandel durchgemacht hat. Das Regime, das im Dezember 2024 fiel, wurde von einer Koalition von Rebellenkrรคften unter Fรผhrung der Hay’at Tahrir al-Scham (HTS) gestรผrzt โ€“ einer Gruppe mit tiefen Wurzeln in Al-Qaida, die von den USA, GroรŸbritannien und der EU immer noch als terroristische Organisation eingestuft wird.

Der Mann, der heute Syrien regiert, ist Ahmed al-Scharaa, frรผher bekannt als Abu Mohammad al-Dscholani. Vor wenigen Jahren war er einer der meistgesuchten Terroristen der Welt mit einer US-Kopfgeld von 10 Millionen Dollar. Die USA hatten ihn 2013 als “speziell ausgewiesenen globalen Terroristen” eingestuft, und das FBI unterhielt noch bis 2017 ein Programm, das 10 Millionen Dollar fรผr Informationen zu seiner Ergreifung aussetzte.

Im Januar 2025 wurde al-Scharaa zum syrischen รœbergangsprรคsidenten ernannt. Im Mรคrz trat eine vorlรคufige Verfassungserklรคrung in Kraft, und unter der Fรผhrung der HTS wurde eine neue Regierung gebildet. Al-Scharaa hat seitdem ein 210-kรถpfiges Parlament ernannt, wobei 70 Abgeordnete direkt von ihm bestimmt wurden, und hat die Exekutivgewalt konsolidiert, wรคhrend er ein ausgedehntes Patronagenetzwerk betreibt.

Die Ironie ist frappierend: Ein Mann, der einst von den USA als Terrorist gejagt wurde, trifft sich heute mit amerikanischen Beamten. Im November 2025 besuchte al-Scharaa das WeiรŸe Haus, wo Prรคsident Trump ihn empfing. US-Beamte haben direkte Kontakte mit der HTS eingerรคumt und zwar al-Scharaas willkommene ร„uรŸerungen zum Schutz von Minderheiten- und Frauenrechten zur Kenntnis genommen, bleiben jedoch skeptisch, was seine langfristigen Absichten betrifft. Die US-Botschaft in Syrien hat unterdessen die “WANTED”-Mitteilung fรผr den Mann, fรผr dessen Ergreifung sie einst 10 Millionen Dollar ausgesetzt hatte, nicht entfernt.

Auch GroรŸbritannien รคchtet die HTS weiterhin, wรคhrend die EU Finanzsanktionen gegen al-Dscholani aufrechterhรคlt. Die neue syrische Fรผhrung existiert somit in einem diplomatischen Schwebezustand: international als De-facto-Regierung anerkannt, jedoch von Personen gefรผhrt, die von denselben Mรคchten, die nun mit ihnen verhandeln, immer noch als Terroristen eingestuft werden.



Symbolische Gerechtigkeit oder praktische Sackgasse?

Das Urteil ist zwar ein mรคchtiges Symbol fรผr die รœbergangsjustiz, seine praktische Wirkung ist jedoch begrenzt. Assad und sein Bruder bleiben in Moskau, wo ihnen aus humanitรคren Grรผnden Asyl gewรคhrt wurde. Russland hat bisher Auslieferungsersuchen abgelehnt.

Menschenrechtsaktivisten warnen, dass das Todesurteil jede kรผnftige Auslieferung erschweren kรถnnte, da Lรคnder in der Regel keine Verdรคchtigen an Staaten ausliefern, in denen ihnen die Hinrichtung droht. Die neuen syrischen Behรถrden haben angekรผndigt, “internationale Rechtswege” zu verfolgen, um die beiden Mรคnner zu verfolgen.



Ein neues Kapitel fรผr Syrien

Der Prozess ist Teil der umfassenderen Bemรผhungen der syrischen รœbergangsregierung, mit dem jahrzehntelangen Erbe der Unterdrรผckung durch die Assad-Dynastie zu brechen. Seit dem Sturz des Regimes im Dezember 2024 haben die Behรถrden zahlreiche ehemalige Beamte inhaftiert und Ermittlungen zu Grรคueltaten eingeleitet.

Das Urteil wurde von den Staatsanwรคlten als “so groรŸ wie die Opfer, die die Syrer 15 Jahre lang gebracht haben” bezeichnet. Fรผr viele ist es ein erster Schritt zur Rechenschaft โ€“ selbst wenn der frรผhere Diktator selbst unerreichbar bleibt.

Die Frage, wer nun in Syrien die Macht innehat, bleibt fรผr die internationale Gemeinschaft zutiefst unbequem. Der Mann, der den Befehl zur Verurteilung Assads unterzeichnete, ist selbst ein ehemaliger Al-Qaida-Kommandeur, der von vielen der gleichen Nationen, die das Urteil bejubeln, immer noch gesucht wird. In Syrien wird Gerechtigkeit fรผr Assads Opfer von einer Regierung verlangt, die bis vor kurzem selbst als terroristische Organisation galt. Der Widerspruch kรถnnte nicht grรถรŸer sein.



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The Secret Memo That Accused Bush of War Crimes (They Tried to Destroy It)


“This Is a War Crime”: The Secret Memo That Warned Bush His CIA Was Breaking the Lawโ€”And How They Made It Disappear

EXCLUSIVE: TOP SECRET Zelikow Memo Reveals White House Knew Torture Was Illegal, Ordered Evidence Destroyed

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The Memo They Tried to Burn

In February 2006, a senior Bush administration official sat down and wrote something extraordinary: a TOP SECRET memorandum warning that the CIA’s “enhanced interrogation” program was a breach of U.S. war crimes law. The author was Philip Zelikow, counselor to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and a respected historian who would later lead the 9/11 Commission.

His audience: the National Security Council’s Principals Committeeโ€”the most powerful national security body in the U.S. government, including the Vice President, Secretary of Defense, CIA Director, and Attorney General.

His conclusion: The CIA’s physical abuse of detainees was illegal. Period.

The Bush administration’s response? They rejected his legal analysisโ€”and ordered every copy of the memo destroyed.

But one draft survived. Hidden in State Department files, it was declassified in 2012. What it reveals is a story of conscience, cover-up, and the bureaucratic archaeology of crimes.

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The Legal Warning That Couldn’t Be Allowed to Exist

Zelikow’s February 15, 2006 memo arrived at a critical moment. The CIA’s torture programโ€”waterboarding, sleep deprivation, stress positions, and “walling” (slamming detainees against walls)โ€”was under internal strain. The 2005 Detainee Treatment Act had just passed, and the Supreme Court’s Hamdan v. Rumsfeld decision had thrown the legal basis for military commissions into question.

Zelikow, a former prosecutor and law professor, saw what others in the administration refused to acknowledge: The CIA’s methods weren’t just morally wrongโ€”they were legally indefensible.

His memo argued that:

  • The Geneva Conventions’ Common Article 3โ€”which prohibits “cruel treatment and torture” and “outrages upon personal dignity”โ€”applied to all CIA detainees
  • The War Crimes Act of 1996 made violations of Common Article 3 a federal felony punishable by up to life imprisonment
  • The CIA’s “enhanced interrogation techniques” likely constituted “cruel treatment” under international law
  • No presidential authorization could legalize war crimes

This was heresy in Cheney’s Washington.

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The Destruction Order

According to multiple reports, the Bush White Houseโ€”particularly Vice President Dick Cheney’s office and the CIAโ€”reacted to Zelikow’s memo with fury. Here was a senior administration official, cleared at the highest levels, declaring that the President’s signature interrogation program made everyone involved criminally liable.

The response wasn’t debate. It wasn’t legal review. It was erasure.

The administration ordered all copies of Zelikow’s memo destroyed. Officials were directed to retrieve and eliminate every version from State Department, CIA, and White House files. The goal: to ensure no prosecutor, no court, no congressional investigator could ever prove that the White House had been explicitly warned its torture program was illegal.

One copy survived. A draft remained in State Department archives, overlooked in the purge. It sat there for six years until declassification in 2012, finally entering the public record for the world to see.

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Why This Memo Matters More Than Ever

Proof of Consciousness of Guilt

The destruction order is the smoking gun. In criminal law, consciousness of guiltโ€”taking steps to hide evidenceโ€”demonstrates awareness of wrongdoing. Ordering the destruction of a legal memo warning of war crimes isn’t “policy disagreement.” It’s cover-up of crimes.

The Torture Architects Knew

Zelikow sent his memo to the Principals Committeeโ€”meaning Cheney, Rumsfeld, CIA Director Porter Goss, Attorney General Alberto Gonzales, and Condoleezza Rice all received explicit warning that the CIA program violated U.S. war crimes law. They chose to continue the program and destroy the warning.

Obama’s Failure to Prosecute

When the Zelikow memo was declassified in 2012, it provided prima facie evidence that senior Bush officials knowingly authorized torture despite legal warnings. The Obama administration, which had promised to “look forward, not backward,” declined to prosecute. The memo became a historical document rather than evidence in a criminal case.

Precedent for Impunity

The Zelikow memo’s suppression established a template: Classify legal warnings. Destroy inconvenient documents. Declare “national security.” This patternโ€”seen in the CIA torture tapes destruction (2005), the NSA warrantless surveillance cover-ups, and the Abu Ghraib accountability failuresโ€”has eroded the rule of law in national security policy.

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What the Memo Actually Said

While the full text remains partially redacted, Zelikow’s core argument was devastating in its simplicity:

The Geneva Conventions apply. The War Crimes Act applies. The CIA’s methods violate both. Therefore, U.S. officials are committing federal felonies.

Zelikow specifically addressed the administration’s favorite legal escape hatchโ€”the claim that “enhanced interrogation” wasn’t torture because it didn’t cause “severe physical or mental pain” lasting months or years. He countered that Common Article 3’s prohibition on “cruel treatment” had a lower threshold and clearly covered waterboarding, stress positions, and sleep deprivation.

He also demolished the “necessity” defenseโ€”the argument that torture was justified to prevent terrorist attacks. Under the War Crimes Act, Zelikow noted, necessity is no defense for violations of Common Article 3.


The Man Who Wrote It

Philip Zelikow is no radical. He’s a Republican, a former Navy officer, a Harvard Law graduate, and the executive director of the 9/11 Commissionโ€”hardly a profile in anti-government activism. His memo was the product of a conservative national security professional doing his job: telling the truth about the law.

After the memo’s existence became public, Zelikow confirmed its contents and described the administration’s reaction. He noted that his legal analysis was “not welcome” and that senior officials made clear that only the Office of Legal Counsel’s pro-torture memosโ€”authored by John Yoo and Jay Bybeeโ€”were to be considered valid.

The Yoo-Bybee memos, later withdrawn by the Obama Justice Department as legally defective, had authorized torture by redefining it out of existence. Zelikow’s memo, which accurately interpreted the law, was suppressed because it was correct.

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Conclusion: The Crime That Outlived Its Cover-Up

The Bush administration’s torture program ended in 2009. The Zelikow memo was declassified in 2012. No one has been prosecuted for the torture itself, or for the destruction of evidence warning about it.

But the memo endures. It sits in the public record, accessible to anyone who seeks it, proving that someone in power knew and tried to stop it. It proves that the destruction order was an admission of guilt. And it proves that the legal warnings were accurateโ€”the CIA’s interrogation program was a war crime under U.S. law.

The question remains: If a TOP SECRET memo warning of war crimes can be ordered destroyed, and no one is held accountable, what else has been burned?


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This article is based on declassified government documents and investigative reporting. The allegations contained in the Zelikow memo were contested by the Bush administration at the time.