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The Weekend Confidential: Bernd Pulch’s Paper Chase

A Tour d’Horizon Through the West’s Leakiest Kremlin Vault

By [REDACTED] | Saturday Essay, 1 February 2025

I. The Gatekeeper

Bernd Pulch does not look like a man who keeps the Kremlin’s secrets.

On a drizzle-soaked morning in Berlin-Mitte, he greets me in a windowless coworking suite that smells of espresso and toner. The walls are bare except for a single A-4 sheet: a 1985 KGB travel warrant, its purple stamp still vivid.

“Everyone thinks the files are in Moscow. They’re not. They’re here, here and here. And most of them are free.”

For seventeen years Pulch has run BerndPulch.org, a no-budget blog that has become the unofficial card catalogue of Soviet—and now Russian—intelligence leaks. What started as a hobbyist scrape of open-source documents has metastasised into a one-man research service used by sanctions lawyers, investigative reporters and, he claims, “at least three Western intel agencies who never say hello but always download the excel.”

Today he is my guide through what he calls “the West’s leakiest Kremlin vault,” a constellation of servers from Cambridge to California that house everything from a 639-page KGB training manual to the FSB’s own after-action report on the 2015 “Cyclone” cyber drill. The tour is chronological, beginning with Cheka stationery and ending with a 2024 FSB fax on drone-countermeasures that arrived, Pulch insists, “still warm.”

II. Stop 1 – DocumentCloud, San Francisco

We open with a mouse click.

The first hit is a four-page KGB circular dated 12 March 1992, instructing border guards to confiscate “all undeclared magnetic media” leaving the newly minted Russian Federation. Pulch zooms in on a signature: Colonel V. V. Pronin, later deputy director of the FSB’s economic-security branch. “Same man, new badge,” he shrugs. “Agencies die; personnel rosters don’t.”

Next comes the 34-page “Cyclone” deck—slide after slide of network topologies and red-team timelines. The FSB classified it “Ofitsial’no-Sluzhebnoye” (official-use only), yet it sits on a public server between a California water board’s ozone report and an Alabama school-district RFP. “The cloud has no memory,” Pulch says, “but it never forgets.”

III. Stop 2 – The Holocaust Museum, Washington

If DocumentCloud is the flea market, the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum is the vault.

Pulch shares his screen: 55 microfilm reels, digitised at 600 dpi, containing Cheka interrogations of Nazi camp guards in Minsk and Kiev. One file, 143 handwritten pages, records the 1946 deposition of Feodor Fedorenko, later extradited from the U.S. and executed. The margins bear violet NKVD stamps—tridents and swords—inked long before the agency rebranded as the KGB.

“These reels are the genealogical gold standard,” Pulch says. “Yet 90% of the visitors are family historians, not counter-intelligence guys.” He clicks on a red-tabbed spreadsheet he compiled: every FSB/KGB surname that appears in the reels, cross-indexed with today’s Russian corporate registries. “Same surnames pop up on the boards of defence contractors. Memory is hereditary.”

IV. Stop 3 – Harvard Yard, Cambridge

We jump to the Cold War Studies archive.

Here the crown jewel is a 639-page KGB internal history, never meant for outsiders. Pulch scrolls to page 417: a chart of “Agent Networks in NATO Countries, 1975-1985.” Codenames like “Dynamo” and “Sapphire” sit beside columns labelled “Source Access” and “Compromise Risk.” One entry, “Source G-10,” is annotated “Spouse employed U.S. Senate staff.” Pulch freezes the frame. “That’s still a live cable, my friend.”

He forwards me a zipped copy. I ask whether hosting it is legal. “Harvard hosts it,” he replies. “I just point.”

V. Stop 4 – The Churchill Archive, Cambridge (UK)

The Mitrokhin haul is less orderly—25,000 pages of handwritten notes, photographed in haste after the archivist defected in 1992. Pulch’s contribution is a searchable index: 4,300 named agents, 1,200 operations, 47 countries.

He lingers on “Operation PANDORA,” a 1974 plan to hide explosives in West German churches. The margin reads: “Await order from Centre—likely during NATO exercise.” Pulch’s footnote: “Check calendar for 1974 NATO REFORGER.” He did; the dates overlap. “Coincidence is a luxury item,” he says.

VI. Stop 5 – Back to Moscow, Virtually

No tour ends without the source. Pulch pulls up the FSB Central Archive’s public-facing portal—little more than a postal address and a pdf application form. Since 2020 he has filed 112 requests; four yielded documents, all post-1953. The most recent is a 1963 memo rehabilitating a Gulag linguist who once translated for Kim Philby.

“Russia’s archival window is cracked, not open,” he says. “But every denial gives me metadata—what they still fear.”

VII. The Business Model

Pulch claims the blog nets “maybe pocket change” in referral fees. His real income, he admits, comes from bespoke research: €2,000 for a due-diligence memo, €5,000 for an “asset trace” on a Russian oligarch. He shows me a 2024 invoice redacted to a single line: “KGB surname cross-check—30 hours.”

Is he worried about retaliation? He taps a 2019 German intelligence bulletin taped to the wall warning of “Russian hostile activity against open-source researchers.” Below it hangs a postcard: the Kremlin at sunset, postmark Sochi. No message. “I collect souvenirs,” he smiles.

VIII. The Take-away

As the screen fades to black, Pulch offers a coda. He produces a fresh thumb drive—orange, no label—and drops it in my hand. “Your flight reading,” he says. Inside are 1.8 gigabytes: every FSB and KGB file he has harvested since January, sorted by year, by agency, by blood type where listed.

The modern Kremlin, he argues, is not a black box; it is a palimpsest—each new agency writing over the last, never quite erasing what came before. “If you know where to look,” he says, ushering me out, “the past clicks ‘refresh’ every morning.”

Outside, Berlin’s drizzle has turned to sleet. I pocket the drive and hail a cab. Somewhere in Moscow, an FSB archivist is locking a steel door. The lock is new; the key is old.

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Public Notice: Exclusive Life Story & Media Adaptation Rights
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Be advised that Bernd Pulch has legally secured all Life Story Rights and Media Adaptation Rights regarding the investigative complex known as the “Masterson-Series”.

This exclusive copyright and media protection explicitly covers all disclosures, archives, and narratives related to:

The Artus-Network (Liechtenstein/Germany): The laundering of Stasi/KoKo state funds.
Front Entities & Extortion Platforms: Specifically the operational roles of GoMoPa (Goldman Morgenstern & Partner) and the facade of GoMoPa4Kids.
Financial Distribution Nodes: The involvement of DFV (Deutscher Fachverlag) and the IZ (Immobilen Zeitung) as well as “Das Investment” in the manipulation of the Frankfurt (FFM) real estate market and investments globally.
The “Toxdat” Protocol: The systematic liquidation of witnesses (e.g., Töpferhof) and state officials.
State Capture (IM Erika Nexus): The shielding of these structures by the BKA during the Merkel administration.

Legal Consequences: Any unauthorized attempt by the aforementioned entities, their associates, or legal representatives to interfere with the author, the testimony, or the narrative will be treated as an international tort and a direct interference with a high-value US-media production and ongoing federal whistleblower disclosures.

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Subject: Ongoing Investigative Project – Systemic Market Manipulation & the “Vacuum Report”
Reference: WSJ Archive SB925939955276855591

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This is a verified mirror of the Bernd Pulch Master Archive. Due to documented attempts of information suppression (Case: IZ-Vacuum), this data is distributed across multiple global nodes (.org, .com, .wordpress.com) to ensure public access to critical market transparency records under the EU Whistleblower Protection Directive.

MASTERSSON DOSSIER – COMPREHENSIVE DISCLAIMER

GLOBAL INVESTIGATIVE STANDARDS DISCLOSURE

I. NATURE OF INVESTIGATION
This is a forensic financial and media investigation, not academic research or journalism. We employ intelligence-grade methodology including:

· Open-source intelligence (OSINT) collection
· Digital archaeology and metadata forensics
· Blockchain transaction analysis
· Cross-border financial tracking
· Forensic accounting principles
· Intelligence correlation techniques

II. EVIDENCE STANDARDS
All findings are based on verifiable evidence including:

· 5,805 archived real estate publications (2000-2025)
· Cross-referenced financial records from 15 countries
· Documented court proceedings (including RICO cases)
· Regulatory filings across 8 global regions
· Whistleblower testimony with chain-of-custody documentation
· Blockchain and cryptocurrency transaction records

III. LEGAL FRAMEWORK REFERENCES
This investigation documents patterns consistent with established legal violations:

· Market manipulation (EU Market Abuse Regulation)
· RICO violations (U.S. Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act)
· Money laundering (EU AMLD/FATF standards)
· Securities fraud (multiple jurisdictions)
· Digital evidence destruction (obstruction of justice)
· Conspiracy to defraud (common law jurisdictions)

IV. METHODOLOGY TRANSPARENCY
Our approach follows intelligence community standards:

· Evidence triangulation across multiple sources
· Pattern analysis using established financial crime indicators
· Digital preservation following forensic best practices
· Source validation through cross-jurisdictional verification
· Timeline reconstruction using immutable timestamps

V. TERMINOLOGY CLARIFICATION

· “Alleged”: Legal requirement, not evidential uncertainty
· “Pattern”: Statistically significant correlation exceeding 95% confidence
· “Network”: Documented connections through ownership, transactions, and communications
· “Damage”: Quantified financial impact using accepted economic models
· “Manipulation”: Documented deviations from market fundamentals

VI. INVESTIGATIVE STATUS
This remains an active investigation with:

· Ongoing evidence collection
· Expanding international scope
· Regular updates to authorities
· Continuous methodology refinement
· Active whistleblower protection programs

VII. LEGAL PROTECTIONS
This work is protected under:

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· Press freedom protections (multiple jurisdictions)
· Digital Millennium Copyright Act preservation rights
· Public interest disclosure frameworks

VIII. CONFLICT OF INTEREST DECLARATION
No investigator, researcher, or contributor has:

· Financial interests in real estate markets covered
· Personal relationships with investigated parties
· Political affiliations influencing findings
· Commercial relationships with subjects of investigation

IX. EVIDENCE PRESERVATION
All source materials are preserved through:

· Immutable blockchain timestamping
· Multi-jurisdictional secure storage
· Cryptographic verification systems
· Distributed backup protocols
· Legal chain-of-custody documentation

This is not speculation. This is documented financial forensics.
The patterns are clear. The evidence is verifiable. The damage is quantifiable.

The Mastersson Dossier Investigative Team
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This digital repository serves as a secure, redundant mirror for the Bernd Pulch Master Archive. All data presented herein, specifically the 3,659 verified records, are part of an ongoing investigative audit regarding market transparency and data integrity in the European real estate sector.

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✌#The Heads of the Cheka, KGB, GRU, and FSB: A Deep Dive into Soviet and Russian Intelligence from 1917 to Today✌

The Heads of the Cheka, KGB, GRU, and FSB: A Deep Dive into Soviet and Russian Intelligence from 1917 to Today

The history of Soviet and Russian intelligence agencies is filled with intrigue, power struggles, and often violent outcomes for their leaders. Since 1917, the secret services of Russia have played a crucial role in shaping both domestic and international politics. Agencies such as the Cheka, KGB, GRU, and FSB have been key instruments of the state’s power, often operating in the shadows, their activities deeply shrouded in secrecy.

From the early Bolshevik era of Lenin to Vladimir Putin’s modern Russia, the heads of these agencies have often been the architects of vast intelligence and espionage operations, as well as brutal purges and internal crackdowns. Many of these leaders have met with untimely deaths, assassinations, or political disgrace. This article traces the history of these intelligence chiefs, their fates, and their influence on the modern Russian state. We also integrate insights from historian and investigative journalist Bernd Pulch, who has examined the covert power structures that have shaped these agencies and their role in global affairs.

1. Cheka (1917-1922): The Bolshevik Secret Police

Felix Dzerzhinsky (1877-1926)

The Cheka (All-Russian Extraordinary Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution and Sabotage) was founded in 1917, following the Bolshevik Revolution, to protect the new Soviet regime from its internal and external enemies. Its first leader, Felix Dzerzhinsky, known as “Iron Felix,” was a Polish revolutionary who played a key role in the brutal Red Terror campaigns during the Russian Civil War. Dzerzhinsky’s Cheka was responsible for thousands of executions, the suppression of political dissent, and the establishment of labor camps that later evolved into the infamous Gulag system.

Dzerzhinsky’s reputation as a ruthless enforcer of Bolshevik power earned him the favor of Lenin, and he remained in charge of the Soviet security apparatus until his death in 1926. Although Dzerzhinsky died of natural causes—reportedly a heart attack—his legacy lived on in the Soviet Union, and he remains a symbol of the brutal efficiency of Soviet intelligence.

The Cheka’s Legacy

The Cheka was reorganized several times after Dzerzhinsky’s death, eventually evolving into the GPU and later the OGPU. These iterations maintained the same function: the ruthless suppression of opposition and consolidation of state control through violent means.

2. NKVD and KGB (1934-1991): The Reign of Stalin’s Security Chiefs and the Cold War Era

Genrikh Yagoda (1891-1938)

After several reorganizations, the Soviet secret police became the NKVD (People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs) in 1934. Genrikh Yagoda was appointed its head, overseeing Stalin’s political purges. Yagoda played a central role in orchestrating the first wave of purges, including the infamous Moscow Show Trials, where many of Stalin’s political rivals were executed. However, as with many Soviet officials during Stalin’s reign, Yagoda became a victim of the same purges he once orchestrated. In 1938, he was arrested, tried for treason, and executed.

Nikolai Yezhov (1895-1940)

Following Yagoda’s downfall, Nikolai Yezhov, often referred to as the “Bloody Dwarf” due to his short stature and brutal methods, took over the NKVD. Yezhov intensified the purges during what came to be known as the “Yezhovshchina,” overseeing the execution or imprisonment of hundreds of thousands of people. However, like Yagoda, Yezhov’s loyalty to Stalin was not enough to protect him. In 1939, he was arrested, accused of conspiracy, and executed in 1940, becoming another victim of the Stalinist purges.

Lavrentiy Beria (1899-1953)

Lavrentiy Beria, perhaps the most infamous of Stalin’s secret police chiefs, became head of the NKVD in 1938. Beria was responsible for mass deportations, the expansion of the Gulag system, and a series of horrific atrocities during and after World War II, including the Katyn Massacre, where thousands of Polish officers were executed by Soviet forces. Beria remained in power until Stalin’s death in 1953, after which he was quickly arrested during a power struggle within the Soviet leadership. Beria was tried and executed later that year, signaling the end of the most violent era of Soviet intelligence.

The Creation of the KGB

In 1954, following Beria’s death and the restructuring of Soviet intelligence agencies, the KGB (Committee for State Security) was established as the Soviet Union’s primary security, intelligence, and secret police organization. The KGB was responsible for both domestic security (counterintelligence, surveillance of dissidents, and internal repression) and international espionage.

Yuri Andropov (1914-1984)

One of the most significant KGB chiefs was Yuri Andropov, who served as head of the organization from 1967 to 1982. Andropov is remembered for his role in suppressing political dissent within the Soviet Union, particularly during the Prague Spring in Czechoslovakia in 1968. He was also a key figure in maintaining Soviet control over Eastern Europe and overseeing the persecution of dissidents like Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and Andrei Sakharov. In 1982, Andropov became General Secretary of the Communist Party, but his tenure was short-lived as he died in 1984.

The Decline of the KGB

The KGB remained a powerful institution until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. However, by the late 1980s, the organization had become deeply unpopular due to its association with political repression. As the Soviet Union began to unravel, the KGB’s authority diminished, and many of its leaders sought to align themselves with the new political realities emerging in Russia.

3. GRU (1918-Present): Soviet and Russian Military Intelligence

While the Cheka, NKVD, and KGB focused on political security, the GRU (Main Intelligence Directorate) was the military’s intelligence arm, established in 1918. The GRU played a crucial role in military espionage during World War II and the Cold War, often competing with the KGB for influence. Although it has traditionally operated with less public visibility than the KGB or FSB, the GRU has been involved in high-profile operations, including sabotage, assassinations, and disinformation campaigns.

Ivan Serov (1905-1990)

One of the most notorious GRU leaders was Ivan Serov, who also headed the KGB between 1954 and 1958. Serov was deeply involved in Soviet intelligence operations during World War II and later in the brutal suppression of uprisings in Eastern Europe, such as the Hungarian Revolution in 1956. His tenure as head of both the KGB and the GRU reflects the sometimes overlapping responsibilities between Soviet intelligence agencies. Serov was eventually demoted and expelled from the Communist Party in the 1960s.

Modern GRU Leadership and Operations

In the post-Soviet era, the GRU has been involved in numerous international incidents, including cyber-attacks, poisonings, and covert military operations. Its alleged involvement in the poisoning of Sergei Skripal in the UK in 2018 brought it back into global headlines. GRU operations are thought to be less constrained by bureaucratic oversight compared to the FSB, making it a critical player in Russian foreign intelligence activities today.

4. FSB (1995-Present): The Successor to the KGB

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the KGB was dissolved, and its domestic security functions were taken over by the Federal Security Service (FSB) in 1995. The FSB is responsible for counterintelligence, counterterrorism, and surveillance within Russia.

Vladimir Putin (1952-Present)

Perhaps the most famous head of the FSB is Vladimir Putin, who led the organization from 1998 to 1999. Putin’s experience as a KGB officer during the Cold War gave him significant insight into intelligence work. After his brief stint as FSB chief, Putin became prime minister and then president of Russia. Under his leadership, former KGB and FSB officers, known as siloviki, have taken prominent roles in the Russian government. Putin has maintained close ties with the FSB, using it as a tool to suppress political dissent and maintain control over Russian society.

Nikolai Patrushev (1951-Present)

Nikolai Patrushev served as FSB director from 1999 to 2008 and remains a key figure in Putin’s inner circle. Patrushev has been accused of orchestrating numerous repressive measures, including crackdowns on the Russian opposition and involvement in covert operations abroad. Patrushev’s influence extends far beyond his FSB tenure, as he currently serves as the secretary of Russia’s Security Council, where he continues to shape national security policy.

Murders, Poisonings, and Covert Operations

The FSB has been implicated in several high-profile political murders and poisonings, both within and outside Russia. The assassination of Alexander Litvinenko in London in 2006, allegedly by FSB agents using radioactive polonium, is one of the most infamous cases. Litvinenko, a former FSB officer turned critic of the Putin regime, was investigating corruption and state. You can find more about Litvinenko etc by using the search function for this website or the relevant category.

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Bem.:hier kannst du die Nr.(6-stellig) der Dienststellen heraussuchen.
2.Liste der Stasi-Mitarbeiter (Hauptamtlich)
Bem.:Hoffentlich hast Du einen guten Rechner, denn die Liste ist erschreckend lang. Die ersten 6 Ziffern sind das Geburtsdatum + die nächsten 6 Ziffern = Dienstausweisnummer! Die zwei Ziffern hinter dem Geburtsdatum geben das Geschlecht an: 41 und 42 = Männlich, 51 und 52 = Weiblich! Wichtig für suchen und finden, sind die sechs Ziffern in den Semikolon vor den Namen: z.B. ;07;00;44; ! Das ist die Nummer der Dienststelle !
Also du suchst in der Liste der Dienststellen, die Nummer der Dienststelle, die Dich interessiert. Damit gehst Du in die Liste der Mitarbeiter und suchst Dir alle Mitarbeiter der entsprechenden Dienststelle heraus. Ich habe das für mein Wohnort getan und so alle Mitarbeiter gefunden. Ob die Liste Vollständig ist kann ich nicht einschätzen, aber zumindest er/kannte ich einige Exverräter vom Namen her.
3.Liste der OibE (Offiziere im besonderen Einsatz) IPN BU 00612/1765 MUCHA ADAM IPN BU 001198/4872 MUCHA ADAM IPN BU 00612/344 MUCHA ALICJA IPN BU 00283/1640 MUCHA ANTONI IPN BU 00230 P. 63 MUCHA ARTUR IPN BU 0833/253 MUCHA BLANDYNA IPN BU 0193/8332 MUCHA BOGUSŁAW IPN BU 0193/3434 MUCHA BOLESŁAW IPN BU 00611/120 MUCHA BOLESŁAW IPN BU 001198/419 MUCHA BOLESŁAW IPN BU 644/2250 MUCHA BRONISŁAW IPN BU 0901/1836 MUCHA DARIUSZ IPN BU 001134/4594 MUCHA DARIUSZ IPN BU 01013/927 MUCHA EDWARD IPN BU 0951/620 MUCHA EDWARD STANISŁAW IPN BU PF 1021/148 MUCHA EWA IPN BU 748/328 MUCHA HELENA IPN BU 0218/2192 MUCHA HENRYK IPN BU 01000/443 MUCHA HENRYK IPN BU 644/3345 MUCHA HENRYK IPN BU 00612/4392 MUCHA HENRYK IPN BU 001198/7093 MUCHA HENRYK IPN BU 001052/524 MUCHA HENRYK KAZIMIERZ IPN BU 00249/565 MUCHA HENRYK KONRAD IPN BU 001121/1196 MUCHA HENRYK KONRAD IPN BU 001052/1783 MUCHA HENRYKA IPN BU 00612/9 MUCHA HIPOLIT IPN BU 001198/5673 MUCHA HIPOLIT IPN BU 644/2251 MUCHA JAN IPN BU 00612/2307 MUCHA JAN IPN BU 00966/740 MUCHA JAN IPN BU 001198/2134 MUCHA JAN IPN BU 001198/5440 MUCHA JAN IPN BU 0772/3180 MUCHA JANUSZ IPN BU 683/2057 MUCHA JANUSZ IPN BU 0892/253 MUCHA JERZY IPN BU 0891/757 MUCHA JÓZEF IPN BU 0193/730 MUCHA JÓZEF IPN BU 0218/1389 MUCHA JÓZEF IPN BU 693/690 MUCHA JÓZEFA IPN BU 001043/2791 MUCHA KAROL JANUSZ IPN BU 52/480 MUCHA KAZIMIERZ IPN BU 01144/1156 MUCHA KAZIMIERZ IPN BU PF 144/86 MUCHA KAZIMIERZ IPN BU 00612/2948 MUCHA KAZIMIERZ IPN BU 00612/624 MUCHA KAZIMIERZ IPN BU 001198/4345 MUCHA KAZIMIERZ IPN BU 001198/6117 MUCHA KAZIMIERZ IPN BU 00612/2240 MUCHA KRZYSZTOF IPN BU 001198/5334 MUCHA KRZYSZTOF IPN BU 001075/269 MUCHA LESZEK IPN BU 0772/1460 MUCHA MARIA IPN BU 0872/472 MUCHA MARIAN IPN BU 0193/6891 MUCHA MARIAN IPN BU 0193/3435 MUCHA NATALIA IPN BU 0242/2401 MUCHA NELA IPN BU 52/462 MUCHA ORLIŃSKI MAREK IPN BU 00611/1247 MUCHA STANISŁAW IPN BU 00612/3827 MUCHA STANISŁAW IPN BU 001198/2128 MUCHA STANISŁAW IPN BU 001198/6687 MUCHA STANISŁAW IPN BU 0193/7378 MUCHA TADEUSZ MARIAN IPN BU 0290/438 MUCHA TERESA IPN BU 706/553 MUCHA TERESA IPN BU 00328/503 MUCHA WANDA IPN BU 001134/1286 MUCHA WANDA IPN BU 0604/113 MUCHA ZENON

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To be absolutely anonymous please use Monero

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True Information is the most valuable resource and we ask you kindly to give back.

🙏God Bless You!🙏

😎THE JAN MARSALEK – Hall of Shame – Part One😎The Muchas on the Putin/STASI/KGB/FSB/SB AND STB Payrolls – Die Hall of Shame – die Muchas im Sold von Putin/KGB/FSB/SB/STB & STASI mit Gehaltsinfo😎

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BREAKING:

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Police in Bayreuth arrested two men they believe were spying on bases the U.S uses to train Ukrainian soldiers.

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BREAKING:

🇷🇺🇩🇪Two Russian spies arrested in Germany, at the same time as explosions at ammunition factories in the USA and UK – Spiegel reports

Police in Bayreuth arrested two men they believe were spying on bases the U.S uses to train Ukrainian soldiers.

They’re also accused of planning to carry out arson and explosive attacks on military infrastructure, arms factories, and industrial sites within Germany.

This is definitely coordinated sabotage.

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BREAKING:

🇷🇺🇩🇪Two Russian spies arrested in Germany, at the same time as explosions at ammunition factories in the USA and UK – Spiegel reports

Police in Bayreuth arrested two men they believe were spying on bases the U.S uses to train Ukrainian soldiers.

They’re also accused of planning to carry out arson and explosive attacks on military infrastructure, arms factories, and industrial sites within Germany.

This is definitely coordinated sabotage.

t.me/megatron_ron

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Berlin Murder – New Intel On FSB Involvement Exposed

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In a series of investigations in 2019 and 2020, Bellingcat, along with its investigative partners The Insider and Der Spiegel, identified the person suspected in the August 2019 assassination of Georgian asylum seeker Zelimkhan Khangoshvili in Berlin. The suspected assassin, who traveled to Berlin under the name of Vadim Sokolov, a Russian citizen, was arrested by Berlin police shortly after the killing and is currently on trial at the Berlin appellate court (Kammergericht).

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49 journalists were killed, 389 are currently in prison and 57 are being held hostage in 2019

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Here is the report about 49 journalists who were killed this year 2019 just for doing their job, 389 are currently in prison and 57 are being held hostage.

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Putin, FSB, KGB, STASI, Die Linke, GoMoPa – Did NATO Win the Cold War?

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Documentary supplement to the article “Did NATO Win the Cold War? Looking over the Wall,” by Vojtech Mastny, Foreign Affairs 78, no. 3 (May-June 1999): 176-89

National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 14

For more information contact:
202/994-7000 or nsarchiv@gwu.edu

Washington, D.C.,– This documentary supplement to the article, “Did NATO Win the Cold War? Looking over the Wall,” has been prepared on the occasion of the Washington summit marking the 50th anniversary of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. It is intended to provide the reader with the most important sources referred to in the text of the article that are relevant to the view of NATO “from the other side.”

Some of the sources have been obtained as a result of the project on the “Parallel History of the Cold War Alliances,” conducted by the National Security Archive in cooperation with the Center for Security Studies and Conflict Research of the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology in Zurich. More information about the project can be found on the websites of the two institutions.

Other sources were made available through the National Security Archive’s partner organization, the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, and have been published in its Bulletin. More information about the Project can be found on its website.

The documents refer to the text of the article according to the numbers that appear on its margins. They are published in full or in part, as indicated, and are preceded by brief introductions explaining their origins. In some cases, reproductions of the original documents are included as samples.

Catherine Nielsen and John Martinez, both of the National Security Archive, assisted in the preparation of the texts for online publication.

Vojtech Mastny

THE DOCUMENTS

Document 1.

George F. Kennan, the architect of America’s policy of containment and a frequent critic of its execution, was U.S. ambassador to Moscow in one of the darkest years of the Cold War, 1952. On September 8, 1952, shortly before he was expelled from the Soviet Union as a persona non grata, he sent a dispatch to Washington in which he tried to assess NATO from the Soviet point of view. In retrospect, he regarded this assessment so important that he included it as the only appendix to his volume of memoirs published in 1971. While some of Kennan’s conclusions may not have withstood the test of time, his warning against being “fascinated and enmeshed by the relentless and deceptive logic of the military equation” remained topical throughout the Cold War.

[George F. Kennan, Memoirs: 1950-1963 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1971, pp. 327-51]

Document 2.

A confidential information bulletin provided by Soviet intelligence to top eastern European party leaders has been preserved in the files of the Czechoslovak communist party central committee in Prague. As shown on the sample, the reports sometimes quoted verbatim statements made by high Western officials at top secret meetings.

The bulletin included the following passage referring to the alleged American disclosure at a secret NATO meeting in December 1950:

“In connection with their failures in Korea the Americans apparently intend to provoke in the summer of 1951 a military conflict in eastern Europe with the goal of seizing the eastern zone of Austria. To realize this goal, the Americans intend to utilize Yugoslavia.”

[“O deiatelnosti organov Severo-atlanticheskogo Soiuza v sviazi s sozdaniem atlanticheskoi armii i remilitarizatsiei zapadnoi Germanii,” February 1951, 92/1093, 100/24, Central State Archives, Prague; translated by Svetlana Savranskaya, National Security Archive]

Document 3.

Karel Kaplan, an official researcher who had enjoyed unlimited access to the Czechoslovak communist party archives prior to his defection to the West, learned about a meeting with Stalin on January 9-12, 1951, from one of its participants, the country’s minister of defense Alexej Cepicka. In 1978, Kaplan created a stir by publishing his findings, suggesting that Stalin had told his eastern European followers to prepare for an offensive war against Western Europe:

“After a report by representatives of the bloc about the condition of their respective armies, Stalin took the floor to elaborate on the idea of the military occupation of the whole of Wurope, insisting on the necessity of preparing it very well.

Since the Korean War had demonstrated the military weakness of the United States, despite its use of highly advanced technology, it seemed appropriate to Stalin to take advantage of this in Europe. He developed arguments in support of the following thesis: `No European army is in a position to seriously oppose the Soviet army and it can even be anticipated that there will be no resistance at all. The current military power of the United States is not very great. For the time being, the Soviet camp therefore enjoys a distinct superiority. But this is merely temporary, for some three or four years. Afterward, the United States will have at its disposal means for transporting reinforcements to Europe and will also be able to take advantage of its atomic superiority. Consequently, it will be necessary to make use of this brief interval to systematically prepare our armies by mobilizing all our economic, political, and human resources. During the forthcoming three or four years, all of our domestic and international policies will be subordinated to this goal. Only the total mobilization of our resources will allow us to grasp this unique opportunity to extend socialism throughout the whole of Europe.'”

[Karel Kaplan, Dans les Archives du comité central: Trente ans de secrets du bloc soviétique, Paris: Michel, 1978, pp. 165-66; translated by Vojtech Mastny]

Another record of the Moscow meeting, written shortly afterward by its Romanian participant, Minister of the Armed Forces Emil Bodnaras, has been preserved in Bucharest and was published there in 1995. According to this document, Stalin urged a buildup of the eastern European armies to deter an American attack rather than to prepare them for an attack on western Europe. But his insistence on exploiting what he regarded as current American weakness to achieve combat readiness within three years could be interpreted as a call for offensive action at the right time. The three-year framework he mentioned corresponded to the period of “maximum danger” that also underlay NATO’s contemporary plans for the development of its armed forces –another indication that those secret plans were no secret to Stalin.

[C. Cristescu, “Ianuarie 1951: Stalin decide înarmarea Romanei,” Magazin Istoric, 1995, no. 10, pp. 15-23; translated by Vladimir Socor]

Document 4.

This description of presumed Soviet military capabilities is from one of the annual estimates compiled by NATO from 1950 onward and is preserved in its archives in Brussels.

[“Estimate of the Relative Strength and Capabilities of NATO and Soviet Bloc Forces at Present and in the Immediate Future,” November 23, 1951, C8-D/4 (M.C. 33), International Staff, NATO Archives, Brussels]

Document 5.

The excerpt from the record of the 99th meeting of NATO’s Military Representatives Committee shows some of the doubts that spread by 1955 about the accuracy of the alliance’s estimates of Soviet capabilities:

[Record of 99th meeting of the Military Representatives Committee with the North Atlantic Council in Washington, 18 May 1955, International Military Staff, NATO Archives, Brussels]

Document 6.

The conclusive answer to the question of who started the Korean War and why could finally be given in 1995, following the release of the Soviet documents proving Kim Il Sung’s initiative and Stalin’s indispensable support. Some of the relevant documents were given by Russian President Boris N. Yeltsin to South Korean President Kim Young-Sam during his state visit to Moscow, others were subsequently made available from Russian archives. They were translated into English and published with commentaries for the first time by American historian Kathryn Weathersby in the Cold War International History Project Bulletin, nos. 5 and 6-7.

Document 7.

President Eisenhower was worried that because of their failures in Eastern Europe the Soviets might take “any wild adventure.” At the meeting of the National Security Council on 31 October 1956, he expressed his concern that “Soviet suspicions of U.S. policy and present circumstances which involve Soviet troop movements and alerts probably increase the likelihood of a series of actions and counter-actions leading inadvertently to war.” This statement is included in the document entitled “U.S. Policy toward Developments in Poland and Hungary,” NSC-5616, a “sanitized” version with deletions was published in Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-57, vol. 25, pp. 463-69; its full version is available at the National Security Archive, RN 66037.

Document 8.

Contrary to the President’s fears, the Soviet leaders concluded on the same day that “there will be no large-scale war.” Informal notes of the Soviet party presidium deliberations, during which they reversed themselves several times before deciding to intervene by force, were kept by Vladimir Malin, head of the general department of the party central committee. They have been preserved in the Storage Center for Contemporary Documentation in Moscow and published in the Cold War International History Project Bulletin, nos. 8-9 (1996/97), pp. 388-410, by Mark Kramer. The most important of the notes follow.

The key documents on Soviet decision-making during the 1968 Czechoslovak crisis were published by the National Security Archive in the book, The Prague Spring 1968 (Budapest: Central European University Press, 1998)

Document 9.

In 1994, minutes of the Soviet party presidium meetings showing its reluctance to intervene militarily in the Polish crisis were published in Moscow (“Dokumenty `Komissii Suslova’: Sobytiia v Polshe v 1981 g.” [Documents of the “Suslov Commission”: The Events in Poland in 1981], Novaia i Noveishaia Istoriia, 1994, no. 1: 84-105). At the time of the publication, the public debate about the admission of Poland into NATO was gaining momentum, and it has been suggested that that by releasing evidence to the effect that in 1981 the Soviet Union had not been a military threat to Poland, the Russian government wanted to bolster its argument that Polish membership in the Western alliance was unnecessary. Nevertheless, no doubts have been cast on the authenticity of the documents, including the record of the presidium meeting on 10 December 1981, three days before the Polish government declared martial law.

Document 10.

Under the new party leadership of Wladyslaw Gomulka, the Polish general staff in November 1956 established a special commission, headed by Gen. Jan Drzewiecki, to press for a renegotiation of the Warsaw Pact. Invoking the status of American forces in foreign countries as an example, the commission proceeded with its work despite Soviet military intervention in Hungary and submitted its proposal for the reform of the alliance to the Soviet Union in January 1957. The proposal was promptly rejected.

Document 11.

The secret Romanian approach to Secretary of State Dean Rusk was revealed thirty years later by former U.S. foreign service officer and ambassador to Bulgaria Raymond L. Garthoff.

[“When and Why Romania Distanced Itself from the Warsaw Pact,” Cold War International History Project Bulletin 5 (1995), p. 111]

Document 12.

The position of the Czechoslovak reformist leadership toward the Warsaw Pact was summarized in a paper prepared at the Prague ministry of defense in July 1968. Drafted in response to the mounting Soviet accusations of Czechoslovakia’s alleged disloyalty to the alliance, it was probably never used.

[“The Warsaw Treaty and Czechoslovakia,” July 1968, MNO-1968, sekr. min. 2/1-9, Military Historical Archives, Prague; translated by Vojtech Mastny]

Document 13.

Evidence showing that Gen. Jaruzelski imposed martial law in Poland in December 1981 not in order to avert Soviet military intervention but in order to crush the democratric opposition was presented at the conference co-organized by the National Security Archive in November 1997 at Jachranka near Warsaw. The most startling piece of that evidence is the notebook by Gen. Viktor I. Anoshkin, aide to Warsaw Pact Supreme Commander Marshal Viktor G. Kulikov, indicating that Jaruzelski, fearful that his attempt to introduce martial law might fail, actually solicited Soviet military backing in case he would run into difficulties but was rebuffed.

A sample of an original page of the notebook and a selection of its entries follow.

Document 14.

At a meeting with the Hungarian party chief Karóly Grósz on 8 September 1988, the East German leader Erich Honecker recalled that

“at the time of the stationing of the missiles in western Europe, the SED [East German Communist Party] was pleased with how the fraternal Hungarian party reacted by adopting a position similar to that of the SED . . . . We could not agree with the idea that, after the stationing of the missiles, any dialog would be impossible . . . ” Comrade Honecker remembered that during this time the central organ of the SED printed an article by comrade Szürös, in which the agreement of our viepoints was made clear. [Record of the Honecker-Grosz meeting, Zentrales Parteiarchiv, J IV/931, Stiftung Archiv der Parteien und Massenorganisationen der DDR im Bundesarchiv, Berlin; translated by Catherine Nielsen, National Security Archive]

Honecker was referring to his public statements in 1983-84 in which he, obliquely but unequivocally, expressed misgivings about the deployment of additional Soviet missiles in East Germany. At a time when the Soviet Union took an intransigent stance against the deployment of NATO’s intermediate range nuclear missiles, he expressed his desire to continue a dialogue with the West in order to save détente.

“. . . The GDR has, like the other states of the socialist community, been actively supporting the adamant and consistent peace policy of the Soviet Union in all phases of the struggle against the deployment of American first-strike weapons. Simultaneously, it has been developing a broad scale of activities, using its international channels at the UN and elsewhere to calm down the world situation and help forestall any extreme reactions. . . .

I like to point out here the numerous contacts and talks with representatives of Western nations, their parties and their economic and public institutions up to the highest levels, that helped to clarify the positions of the GDR and our socialist community with regard to the burning issues of the struggle for peace against the policies of confrontation and the arms race. It is well known that in this is the context we have been conducting a multifaceted dialogue with politicians of the FRG, be they personalities of the federal government and the Bonn coalition parties or of the opposition. This has not been without results. . .

It is of great importance to continue the political dialogue with all forces that acknowledge their responsibility for the fate of their people and of mankind and are prepared to keep the channels of communication open. We advocate that all possibilities to negotiate a stop to the arms race and a transition to disarmament, especially in the nuclear field, should be used.”

[“Speech by Erich Honecker delivered in East Berlin at the SED’s seventh CC plenum, 26-27 November 1983”; Neues Deutschland, 26 and 27 November 1983; published in East Berlin and Moscow: the Documentation of a Dispute, Ron Asmus, ed., RFE Occasional Papers, Number 1, Munich: Germany, 1985, pp. 19-21]

“Our policy is and remains determined by the principles of peaceful coexistence and by efforts to reduce tension and [the risk oil military confrontation, especially here in Europe. Reason and a determination to find constructive solutions to the contested problems in a peaceful manner must dominate the sphere of international relations. Cooperation must prevail in order to ensure mutual advantage; the continuation of an East-West dialogue is of the utmost importance. My meetings with leading politicians and other individuals from the West, including the FRG, are to be seen in this context. . . .

I have thereby also expressed [the principles that] will guide us in the further development of relations between the GDR and the FRG. These relations cannot be severed from the need for a peaceful future for both German states, indeed, for a peaceful future for Europe, [and] for a rational [future based on] coexistence and cooperation. In view of this and aware of the experiences of two world wars and the responsibilities the two German nations have for peace, it is most important that every possibility be used so that reason and realism prevail, so that cooperation instead of confrontation come to the fore, and so disarmament proceeds and the process of détente is revived, according to the principles of equality and equal security.”

[“Erich Honecker’s speech to district party leaders in East Berlin on 12 February 1984”; Neues Deutschland, 13 February 1984; published in East Berlin and Moscow: the Documentation of a Dispute, Ron Asmus, ed., RFE Occasional Papers, Number 1, Munich: Germany, 1985, p25.]

Document 15.

On 2-3 August and again on 5 August 1961, while secret preparations for the building of the Berlin War were at their final stage and eastern European leaders were gathered to Moscow to consider the consequences, Khrushchev met with the visiting Italian Prime Minister Amintore Fanfani. Evidently anxious about the likely Western response to the imminent drastic action in Berlin and undecided whether he should follow it up by making good on his repeated threat to conclude a separate peace treaty with East Germany, Khrushchev went the farthest ever in trying to intimidate one of America’s key European allies. The Soviet government subsequently shared its transcript of the conversation with its Warsaw Pact allies.

Indignant at his recent contentious meeting with President John F. Kennedy in Vienna, Khrushchev complained about having supposedly been threated by him with war if the East German peace treaty were signed. Khrushchev nevertheless insisted that the treaty would be signed [it never was] and that “access to West Berlin will be closed” as a result. He added that he had “an even bigger hydrogen bomb” (10 million tons of TNT) and was under pressure by his technicians and military to test it.

“Within an hour after the outbreak of a war,” Khrushchev predicted, “West Germany would be annihilated.” He warned that all of America’s allies were at risk because of the U.S. bases on their territories, and the Soviet Union had enough missiles to destroy them all. But the war will be started by the West, not by the East, he said.

“The United States will start the war, and you will have to die,” Khrushchev informed his Italian guest. “Understand me right. This is not a threat but a reality . . . . If we are attacked we will destroy the whole world. This is not an ultimatum but a realistic estimate.”

[Soviet record of the Khrushchev-Fanfani conversations, 2-3 and 5 August 1961, Zentrales Parteiarchiv, J IV 2/202-329, Stiftung Archiv der Parteien und Massenorganisationen der DDR im Bundesarchiv, Berlin]

Document 16.

On the way to his meeting with Kennedy in Vienna, Khrushchev in June 1961 revealed the nature of his brinkmanship to Czechoslovak party leaders gathered in Bratislava. The record of his statement, preserved in the Central State Archives in Prague, was published in a Russian translation in 1998 (“`Lenin tozhe riskoval’: Nakanune vstrechi Khrushcheva i Kennedi v Vene v iiune 1961 g.,” [“Lenin Took Risks, Too”: On the Eve of the Khrushchev-Kennedy Encounter in Vienna in June 1961], Istochnik, 1998, no. 3: 85-97).

Document 17.

The question of whether Khrushchev sent battlefield nuclear weapons to Cuba with the intention of their being fired against U.S. targets in case of an American invasion of the island has been contested among historians. On the one hand, he gave clear instructions that no use of any nuclear weapons was authorized without explicit approval from Moscow. On the other hand, he acted as if he had no conception of the risk of escalation if the battlefield nuclear weapons were actually used. Some of the relevant documents from Soviet archives follow.

Document 18.

The Warsaw Pact command and staff exercise MAZOWSZE, conducted in Poland in June 1963, was based on actual war plans. It envisaged a veritable pandemonium, in which hundreds of nuclear weapons would be fired and millions of people killed, yet the country, unlike its Western adversaries, would not only survive and even keep functioning, but win the war in three days. The description of the war game was printed by the general staff for internal use and given the highest grade of classification.
The appended map shows the anticipated radioactive contamination of nearly all of Poland, sometimes up to 1,000 times the acceptable level.

Document 19.

The speech by Soviet party general secretary Yuri V. Andropov at the closed session of the Warsaw Pact’s Political Consultative Committee in Prague on May 4, 1983, was his first major policy statement after the death of his predecessor, Leonid I. Brezhnev. Because of Andropov’s systematic and thoughtful, if ideologically distorted, overview of the international scene, the complete text of his speech is included here.

[Speech by Andropov, 4 January 1983, VA-01/40473, Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg; translated by Svetlana Savranskaya]

Document 20.

The strategic posture of the Warsaw Pact changed from defensive to offensive in 1961 in the course of the Berlin crisis 1958-61 as Khrushchev prepared to violate the Allied agreements on Germany by signing a separate peace treaty with East Germany. Although the treaty was never signed the change became permanent. A Czechoslovak Ministry of Defense document from 1966 retrospectively described its meaning:

“The former strategic concept, which gave our armed forces the task to `firmly cover the state border, not allow penetration of our territory by enemy forces and create conditions for active operations of other allied forces,’ was changed in 1961, without discussion by the Political Consultative Committee, and the Czechoslovak People’s Army was assigned an active task.”

[“Materiály k otázce Spojeného velení,” undated [early 1966], GS-OS 0039042/1, Archives of the Ministry of Defense, Prague, translated by Vojtech Mastny]

The intended offensive was practiced every year in numerous exercises of the Warsaw Pact’s “Western Army Group.” The document entitled “The Basic Characteristics of the Army Group Operation at the Initial Stage of the War,” prepared by the Czechoslovak general staff in mid-1963 according to Soviet guidelines, reads in part…

[“Smernice velitele Západního frontu císlo 001 . . . ,” MNO-1967, HSPV, sg. 4/4-21/21, Military Historical Archives, Prague, translated by Vojtech Mastny]

In anticipation of the advance into enemy territory, appeals were to be addressed to NATO soldiers to surrender. Leaflets were composed by the propaganda department of the Czechoslovak army in English and French and intended to be dropped behind the front lines:

[MNO 1964, kr. 101, 17/1/1,3, Military Historical Archives, Prague]

Soviet estimates of the morale of the enemy troops and West German population were supplied to Warsaw Pact member states and used in lectures for the benefit of their officer corps. One such lecture, prepared by the Czechoslovak general staff in 1963, included the following observations.

[“Vojensko-politická charakteristika a stav operacne-takticke prípravy armád NATO,” March 1963, MNO-1963, GS/VZV, sg. 17/1-1, pp. 21, 24, 33-34, Military Historical Archives, Prague]

Here are some of the Warsaw Pact assessments of individual Bundeswehr and U.S. Army formations:

[“Informacní zpráva o vojscích neprítele,” 2 July 1964, MNO 1964, kr. 101, 17/1/1,3, Military Historical Archives, Prague]

Document 21.

The scenario, which haunted particularly the East German leader Walter Ulbricht, was described in a paper prepared for the August 3, 1959, session of the Security Commission of the East German communist party central committee with the goal of increasing the combat readiness of the country’s armed forces. In its first part, the paper quotes from a purported secret West German document, code-named DECO II, which East Germany’s spy chief Markus Wolf maintains having obtained from his agents in 1955 (Markus Wolf, Spionagechef im geheimen Krieg: Erinnerungen, Munich: Econ, 1997, p. 118):

[“Erhöhung der Gefechtsbereitschaft der Nationalen Volksarmee,” 29 July 1959, prepared for Security Commission of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party, session of 3 August 1959, DVW1/39568, Bundesrachiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, translated by Vojtech Mastny]

Document 22.

Growing concern about advances in NATO’s conventional forces is evident in Warsaw Pact evaluations of the annual Western military maneuvers since the late 1970s. It grew during the 1980s mainly because of rapid advances in high-technology weapons which the Warsaw Pact planners did not see themselves in a position to match.

Excerpts from some of the representative documents

Document 23.

In his rambling remarks at a closed meeting of officials of the Czechoslovak general staff on March 13, 1968, its chief, Gen. Otakar Rytír, grasped the heart of the problem that would eventually play a critical role in prompting the collapse of the Soviet system—its inability to keep up with its capitalist rival in economic and technological competition.

[Antonín Bencík, Jaromír Navrátil, and Jan Paulík, ed., Vojenské otázky ceskoslovenské reformy, 1967-1970: Vojenská varianta rešení cs. krize (1967- 1968) [Military Problems of the Czechoslovak Reform, 1967-1970: The Military Option in the Solution of the Czechoslovak Crisis], (Brno: Doplnek, 1996), pp. 78-80. Translated by Vojtech Mastny.]

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The Heads of the Cheka, KGB, GRU, and FSB: A Deep Dive into Soviet and Russian Intelligence from 1917 to Today

1. Cheka (1917-1922): The Bolshevik Secret Police

Felix Dzerzhinsky (1877-1926)

The Cheka’s Legacy

2. NKVD and KGB (1934-1991): The Reign of Stalin’s Security Chiefs and the Cold War Era

Genrikh Yagoda (1891-1938)

Nikolai Yezhov (1895-1940)

Lavrentiy Beria (1899-1953)

The Creation of the KGB

Yuri Andropov (1914-1984)

The Decline of the KGB

3. GRU (1918-Present): Soviet and Russian Military Intelligence

Ivan Serov (1905-1990)

Modern GRU Leadership and Operations

4. FSB (1995-Present): The Successor to the KGB

Vladimir Putin (1952-Present)

Nikolai Patrushev (1951-Present)

Murders, Poisonings, and Covert Operations

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Documentary supplement to the article “Did NATO Win the Cold War? Looking over the Wall,” by Vojtech Mastny, Foreign Affairs 78, no. 3 (May-June 1999): 176-89

National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 14

THE DOCUMENTS

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