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State Department Exposes Cuba’s “Durable and Damaging” U.S. Espionage Campaign

State Department Exposes “Full History” of Cuban Espionage: Rubio Says Havana Is “Leading Sponsor of Radical Leftism”

The U.S. State Department has released a sweeping 100-page report accusing Cuba of running one of the most durable and damaging foreign intelligence penetration campaigns in American history โ€” allegedly infiltrating the highest levels of the U.S. government, cultivating generations of American activists, and backing “an unprecedented wave of left-wing terrorism” on U.S. soil.


The Report: “Cuba: The Capital of 21st Century Communism”

The report, titled “Cuba: The Capital of 21st Century Communism,” was released on July 20, 2026. It alleges that for nearly seven decades, the Cuban regime has waged a sustained campaign of subversion against the United States.

“For nearly seven decades, the Cuban regime has waged a sustained campaign of subversion against the United States,” the report begins. “It is a campaign that has infiltrated the highest reaches of the U.S. government, recruited and cultivated generations of American activists, backed an unprecedented wave of left-wing terrorism on American soil, and carried out one of the most durable and damaging foreign intelligence penetrations in American history.”

The report describes Cuba’s campaign as unique, with the small island nation having “perfected a new model for a long war of attrition, organized around espionage, infiltration, sabotage, proxy networks, and a revolutionary infrastructure designed to turn America against itself”.

Secretary Rubio’s Statement

Secretary of State Marco Rubio, the son of Cuban immigrants and a longtime advocate of regime change on the island, made the announcement on social media.

“For more than six decades, the Cuban regime has been the leading sponsor of radical leftism and Third Worldism in the United States,” Rubio wrote. “The State Department is exposing the full history of Cuban espionage and subversion in our country.”

Rubio accused the Cuban government of running one of the most sophisticated infiltrations of U.S. politics, in part using the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).

The Allegations: What the Report Claims

Infiltration of Government

The report alleges that Cuban intelligence has infiltrated the highest reaches of the U.S. government. It describes Cuba’s espionage campaign as “one of the most durable and damaging foreign intelligence penetrations in American history”.

Cultivation of American Activists

Havana is accused of recruiting and cultivating generations of American activists to further its anti-American agenda. The report claims Cuba has influenced “a disproportionate share of America’s most famous and influential extremist movements” in an effort to “turn America against itself”.

Backing Left-Wing Terrorism

The State Department alleges that Cuba has backed an unprecedented wave of left-wing terrorism on American soil. The report outlines how Cuba positioned itself as the center of anti-American forces worldwide, conducting extensive infiltration of left-wing political groups in the U.S. to foment violence and chaos.

The DSA Connection

The report dedicates an entire section to the DSA, which it describes as a “particularly potent illustration of the ideological victory of Cuba’s effort to position itself as the spiritual capital of Third Worldist radicalism”. The report acknowledges the DSA was not founded as a Cuban intelligence front, but argues it has adopted “a fierce, almost religious commitment to the cause of the Cuban regime”.

Third Worldism

The report outlines how Cuba became the world capital of Third Worldism โ€” a variant of Marxism that portrays the primary global struggle as one of the oppressed Third World against the oppressor First World, led by the U.S..

Historical Context

The report draws on declassified Cold War intelligence and publicly known spy cases. It cites several examples of Cuban espionage:

ยท The “Cuban Five,” convicted of infiltrating civil society groups in Florida in the 1990s
ยท Ana Montes, who spied from a senior position within the Defense Intelligence Agency
ยท Walter Kendall Myers, a State Department intelligence analyst who pleaded guilty to spying for Cuba
ยท Victor Manuel Rocha, a former U.S. ambassador to Bolivia who pleaded guilty to spying for Cuba

The report also mentions Assata Shakur, who has lived as a fugitive in Cuba for decades after being convicted of murdering a New Jersey state trooper.

Political Context

The report comes amid a broader Trump administration campaign against Cuba. President Trump reinstated Cuba as a state sponsor of terrorism on his first day back in office in 2025. The U.S. has imposed an effective oil embargo on the island, contributing to multiple full-scale blackouts across the country.

In 2025, the U.S. military overthrew Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro โ€” a long-time supporter of the Cuban government. Trump has repeatedly signaled that the Cuban government could be next to fall to U.S. pressure.

The report also comes as the U.S. prepares for midterm elections later this year, and Trump has revived Cold War-style rhetoric portraying left-wing U.S. political figures as a communist “menace” that must be cut out “like a cancer”.

Cuban Reaction

Cuban Foreign Minister Bruno Rodriguez has denounced the report, calling it “the latest lie” from the State Department. He accused Rubio of attempting to justify the ongoing economic war against Cuba. Cuban President Miguel Dรญaz-Canel also condemned the report, describing it as “neo-McCarthyism”.

Critics, including members of Congress, have accused Rubio of manufacturing a McCarthyite threat to justify further aggression against Cuba.

What the Report Does Not Say

Critics have noted that much of the report contains little new information, relying largely on declassified Cold War intelligence and publicly known spy cases. The allegations remain unsubstantiated in many areas, and the report has been criticized as a political document designed to pressure Cuba.

Conclusion

The State Department’s report marks a significant escalation in U.S.-Cuba tensions โ€” but whether it represents a genuine intelligence assessment or a political instrument remains a matter of debate. For Rubio and the Trump administration, the document serves as both a historical indictment of Cuban communism and a justification for further pressure on the island.

For Cuba, it is yet another act of aggression from a superpower that has spent decades trying to overthrow its revolution.


The full report “Cuba: The Capital of 21st Century Communism” is available at state.gov. The complete documentation with additional analysis is exclusively available to Patreon subscribers at patreon.com/berndpulch.

US-AuรŸenministerium enthรผllt Kubas Spionagekampagne โ€“ Rubio: Havanna ist โ€žfรผhrender Sponsor des radikalen Linksismusโ€œ

Das US-AuรŸenministerium hat einen umfassenden 100-seitigen Bericht verรถffentlicht, in dem Kuba beschuldigt wird, eine der dauerhaftesten und schรคdlichsten Auslandsspionagekampagnen in der amerikanischen Geschichte gefรผhrt zu haben โ€“ mit angeblicher Infiltration der hรถchsten Regierungsebenen, der Kultivierung von Generationen amerikanischer Aktivisten und der Unterstรผtzung einer โ€žbeispiellosen Welle linksterroristischer Gewaltโ€œ auf US-amerikanischem Boden.


Der Bericht: โ€žKuba โ€“ Die Hauptstadt des Kommunismus im 21. Jahrhundertโ€œ

Der Bericht mit dem Titel โ€žCuba: The Capital of 21st Century Communismโ€œ (Kuba: Die Hauptstadt des Kommunismus im 21. Jahrhundert) wurde am 20. Juli 2026 verรถffentlicht. Darin wird behauptet, dass das kubanische Regime seit fast sieben Jahrzehnten eine anhaltende Subversionskampagne gegen die Vereinigten Staaten fรผhre.

โ€žSeit fast sieben Jahrzehnten fรผhrt das kubanische Regime eine anhaltende Subversionskampagne gegen die Vereinigten Staatenโ€œ, beginnt der Bericht. โ€žEs ist eine Kampagne, die in die hรถchsten Rรคnge der US-Regierung eingedrungen ist, Generationen amerikanischer Aktivisten angeworben und geprรคgt hat, eine beispiellose Welle linksterroristischer Gewalt auf amerikanischem Boden unterstรผtzt und eine der dauerhaftesten und schรคdlichsten auslรคndischen Geheimdienstdurchdringungen der amerikanischen Geschichte durchgefรผhrt hat.โ€œ

Der Bericht beschreibt Kubas Kampagne als einzigartig, da die kleine Inselnation โ€žein neues Modell fรผr einen langen Abnutzungskrieg perfektioniert habe, der um Spionage, Infiltration, Sabotage, Proxynetzwerke und eine revolutionรคre Infrastruktur herum organisiert ist, die darauf abzielt, Amerika gegen sich selbst aufzubringenโ€œ.


Erklรคrung von AuรŸenminister Rubio

AuรŸenminister Marco Rubio, Sohn kubanischer Einwanderer und langjรคhriger Befรผrworter eines Regimewechsels auf der Insel, kรผndigte die Verรถffentlichung in den sozialen Medien an.

โ€žSeit mehr als sechs Jahrzehnten ist das kubanische Regime der fรผhrende Sponsor des radikalen Linksismus und des Dritte-Welt-ismus in den Vereinigten Staatenโ€œ, schrieb Rubio. โ€žDas AuรŸenministerium deckt nun die vollstรคndige Geschichte der kubanischen Spionage und Subversion in unserem Land auf.โ€œ

Rubio beschuldigte die kubanische Regierung, eine der ausgefeiltesten Infiltrationen der US-Politik durchgefรผhrt zu haben, unter anderem unter Nutzung der Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).


Die Vorwรผrfe im Detail

Infiltration der Regierung

Der Bericht behauptet, der kubanische Geheimdienst sei in die hรถchsten Rรคnge der US-Regierung eingedrungen. Er beschreibt Kubas Spionagekampagne als โ€žeine der dauerhaftesten und schรคdlichsten auslรคndischen Geheimdienstdurchdringungen der amerikanischen Geschichteโ€œ.

Kultivierung amerikanischer Aktivisten

Havanna wird beschuldigt, Generationen amerikanischer Aktivisten angeworben und geprรคgt zu haben, um ihre anti-amerikanische Agenda voranzutreiben. Der Bericht behauptet, Kuba habe โ€žeinen unverhรคltnismรครŸig groรŸen Anteil an Amerikas berรผhmtesten und einflussreichsten extremistischen Bewegungenโ€œ beeinflusst, um โ€žAmerika gegen sich selbst aufzubringenโ€œ.

Unterstรผtzung linksterroristischer Gewalt

Das AuรŸenministerium behauptet, Kuba habe eine beispiellose Welle linksterroristischer Gewalt auf amerikanischem Boden unterstรผtzt. Der Bericht beschreibt, wie Kuba sich als Zentrum anti-amerikanischer Krรคfte weltweit positionierte und umfangreiche Infiltrationen linker politischer Gruppen in den USA durchfรผhrte, um Gewalt und Chaos zu schรผren.

Die DSA-Verbindung

Der Bericht widmet der DSA einen ganzen Abschnitt, die er als โ€žbesonders eindrucksvolle Veranschaulichung des ideologischen Sieges von Kubas Bemรผhungen, sich als geistige Hauptstadt des dritteweltlichen Radikalismus zu positionierenโ€œ, beschreibt. Der Bericht rรคumt ein, dass die DSA nicht als Frontorganisation des kubanischen Geheimdienstes gegrรผndet wurde, argumentiert jedoch, dass sie โ€žeine erbitterte, fast religiรถse Hingabe an die Sache des kubanischen Regimesโ€œ angenommen habe.

Dritte-Welt-Ideologie

Der Bericht beschreibt, wie Kuba zur Welthauptstadt des Dritte-Welt-ismus wurde โ€“ einer Variante des Marxismus, die den primรคren globalen Konflikt als einen Kampf der unterdrรผckten Dritten Welt gegen die unterdrรผckerische Erste Welt unter Fรผhrung der USA darstellt.


Historischer Kontext

Der Bericht stรผtzt sich auf freigegebene Geheimdienstinformationen aus der Zeit des Kalten Krieges und รถffentlich bekannte Spionagefรคlle. Er nennt mehrere Beispiele kubanischer Spionage:

ยท Die โ€žCuban Fiveโ€œ, die in den 1990er Jahren wegen Infiltration von Bรผrgergesellschaftsgruppen in Florida verurteilt wurden
ยท Ana Montes, die von einer leitenden Position innerhalb der Defense Intelligence Agency aus spionierte
ยท Walter Kendall Myers, ein Geheimdienstanalyst des AuรŸenministeriums, der wegen Spionage fรผr Kuba gestรคndig war
ยท Victor Manuel Rocha, ein ehemaliger US-Botschafter in Bolivien, der wegen Spionage fรผr Kuba gestรคndig war

Der Bericht erwรคhnt auch Assata Shakur, die seit Jahrzehnten als Flรผchtige in Kuba lebt, nachdem sie wegen Mordes an einem Polizisten aus New Jersey verurteilt worden war.


Politischer Kontext

Der Bericht erscheint im Rahmen einer umfassenderen Kampagne der Trump-Administration gegen Kuba. Prรคsident Trump setzte Kuba an seinem ersten Tag im Amt 2025 wieder auf die Liste der staatlichen Terrorunterstรผtzer. Die USA haben ein effektives ร–lembargo gegen die Insel verhรคngt, das zu mehreren groรŸflรคchigen Stromausfรคllen im ganzen Land beigetragen hat.

Im Jahr 2025 stรผrzte das US-Militรคr den venezolanischen Prรคsidenten Nicolรกs Maduro โ€“ einen langjรคhrigen Unterstรผtzer der kubanischen Regierung. Trump hat wiederholt signalisiert, dass die kubanische Regierung die nรคchste sein kรถnnte, die unter US-Druck fรคllt.

Der Bericht erscheint auch zu einem Zeitpunkt, da sich die USA auf die Zwischenwahlen Ende des Jahres vorbereiten und Trump die Rhetorik des Kalten Krieges wiederbelebt hat, die linke US-Politiker als kommunistische โ€žBedrohungโ€œ darstellt, die โ€žwie ein Krebsgeschwรผrโ€œ herausgeschnitten werden mรผsse.


Reaktionen aus Kuba

Der kubanische AuรŸenminister Bruno Rodrรญguez hat den Bericht verurteilt und ihn als โ€žneueste Lรผgeโ€œ des AuรŸenministeriums bezeichnet. Er beschuldigte Rubio, den anhaltenden Wirtschaftskrieg gegen Kuba rechtfertigen zu wollen. Auch der kubanische Prรคsident Miguel Dรญaz-Canel verurteilte den Bericht und bezeichnete ihn als โ€žNeo-McCarthyismusโ€œ.

Kritiker, darunter Mitglieder des US-Kongresses, haben Rubio vorgeworfen, eine McCarthy-รคhnliche Bedrohung zu konstruieren, um weitere Aggressionen gegen Kuba zu rechtfertigen.


Was der Bericht nicht sagt

Kritiker haben angemerkt, dass der Bericht weitgehend wenig neue Informationen enthรคlt und sich grรถรŸtenteils auf freigegebene Geheimdienstinformationen aus der Zeit des Kalten Krieges und รถffentlich bekannte Spionagefรคlle stรผtzt. Die Behauptungen bleiben in vielen Bereichen unbelegt, und der Bericht wird als politisches Dokument kritisiert, das dazu dienen soll, Druck auf Kuba auszuรผben.


Fazit

Der Bericht des AuรŸenministeriums markiert eine bedeutende Eskalation der Spannungen zwischen den USA und Kuba โ€“ ob es sich jedoch um eine echte Geheimdienstbewertung oder ein politisches Instrument handelt, bleibt Gegenstand der Debatte. Fรผr Rubio und die Trump-Administration dient das Dokument sowohl als historische Anklage des kubanischen Kommunismus als auch als Rechtfertigung fรผr weiteren Druck auf die Insel.

Fรผr Kuba ist es ein weiterer Akt der Aggression einer Supermacht, die seit Jahrzehnten versucht, seine Revolution zu stรผrzen.


Der vollstรคndige Bericht โ€žCuba: The Capital of 21st Century Communismโ€œ ist auf state.gov verfรผgbar. Die vollstรคndige Dokumentation mit zusรคtzlichen Analysen ist exklusiv fรผr Patreon-Abonnenten verfรผgbar unter patreon.com/berndpulch.

TOP-SECRET FROM THE NSA-U.S. ESPIONAGE AND INTELLIGENCE

U.S. ESPIONAGE AND INTELLIGENCE
Aerial reconnaissance photograph of Severodvinsk Shipyard, the largest construction facility in the Soviet Union, taken by a KH4-B spy satellite on February 10, 1969.
Organization, Operations, and Management, 1947-1996

In the aftermath of World War II, with the Cold War looming on the horizon, the United States began the process of developing an elaborate peacetime intelligence structure that would extend across a number of government departments. The operations of the U.S. intelligence community during the Cold War would range from running single agents, to marshaling the talents of thousands to build and deploy elaborate spy satellites.

The end of the Cold War brought major changes, but not the end of the U.S. government’s requirement for an elaborate intelligence structure. A number of intelligence organizations have been consolidated or altogether eliminated. New organizations have been established to provide more coherent management of activities ranging from military espionage, to imagery collection, to the procurement of airborne intelligence systems. The end of the Cold War has brought about the declassification of much information about intelligence organization and espionage activities that took place prior to the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Focus of the Collection

CIA Headquarters, Langley, VirginiaU.S. Espionage and Intelligence: Organization, Operations, and Management, 1947-1996 publishes together for the first time recent unclassified and newly declassified documents pertaining to the organizational structure, operations, and management of the U.S. intelligence community over the last fifty years, cross-indexed for maximum accessibility. This set reproduces on microfiche 1,174 organizational histories, memoranda, manuals, regulations, directives, reports, and studies, representing over 36,102 pages of documents from the Office of the Director of Central Intelligence, the Central Intelligence Agency, National Reconnaissance Office, National Security Agency, Defense Intelligence Agency, military service intelligence organizations, National Security Council and other organizations. U.S. Espionage and Intelligence presents a unique look into the internal workings of America’s intelligence community. The documents gathered here shed further light on U.S. intelligence organization and activities during the Cold War, and describe the consolidation and reevaluation of the intelligence community in the post-Cold War era. They are drawn from diverse sources, including the National Archives, manuscript collections in the Library of Congress, court files of major espionage prosecutions, presidential libraries, and most importantly, Freedom of Information Act requests. The result of this effort is an authoritative documents publication which, together with the National Security Archive’s previous collection on the structure and operations of the U.S. intelligence community,

U.S. Espionage and Intelligence provides a wealth of information and documentation on key aspects of intelligence organization and operations during and after the Cold War, including such extraordinary topics as:

  • the evolution of the CIA
  • the development and operation of key reconnaissance systems (SR-71, CORONA)
  • the consolidation of Defense Department intelligence
  • intelligence performance during the Persian Gulf War
  • damage assessments of Aldrich Ames’ espionage activities

Significance of the Collection

The U.S. intelligence community has played a key role in advising presidents from Harry Truman to Bill Clinton on the intentions and activities of the Soviet Union, as well as of other nations. It also came to absorb a significant portion of the federal budget, reaching an approximate high of $30 billion in the late 1980s.

U.S. Espionage and Intelligence allows scholars direct access to the newly declassified, detailed primary documents that contain the history of the military, diplomatic, and intelligence components of the Cold War, and which go far beyond what is available in secondary sources. This new information is essential for reaching an accurate understanding of what was happening behind the scenes and how it related to the more public aspects of Cold War policy and operations.

The material contained in this set concerning the post-Cold War era is crucial in assessing the intelligence community’s performance in critical areas such as the Persian Gulf War and the Aldrich Ames case. The material is also vital in understanding the evolution of the intelligence community since the end of the Cold War and its possible future–for that evolution may significantly influence the ability of the intelligence community to deal with critical threats such as proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and terrorism.

One-Stop Access to Critical Documents

It would take a monumental effort, as well as many thousands of dollars, to duplicate the information contained in this collection. U.S. Espionage and Intelligenceallows a researcher– whether interested in the CIA, military intelligence, intelligence performance in the Persian Gulf War, or post-Cold War intelligence reform–to use one source at one location to access the thousands of pages of declassified material on the U.S. intelligence community available in this set.

Through U.S. Espionage and Intelligence the researcher gains access to a wide variety of documents: internal histories of the CIA and a variety of military intelligence organizations; program histories of the SR-71 and CORONA; director of central intelligence and Department of Defense directives establishing organizations such as the National Reconnaissance Office and the National Imagery and Mapping Agency; plans for the consolidation and reform of Defense intelligence organizations after the Cold War and memoranda implementing the reforms; and assessments of intelligence community performance in a number of areas.

In-depth Indexing Makes Every Document Accessible

The National Security Archive prepares extensive printed finding aids for its collections. In- depth indexing offers users remarkable ease and precision of access to every document in the set. The printed Index provides document-level access to subjects, individuals, and organizations, and represents a major research contribution in itself. Important transactions within each document are indexed individually using a controlled subjects vocabulary.

The Guide includes an essay, events chronology, glossaries of key individuals, organizations, and terms, document catalog, and a bibliography of secondary sources.

Research Vistas

With its depth of documentary detail, the collection enables researchers to explore

  • U.S. intelligence performance
  • Cold War history
  • evolution of the U.S. intelligence community and its components
  • U.S. intelligence collection activities

The Collection is a Necessity For:

  • Scholars and students of
    • intelligence
    • national security organization and operations
    • Cold War history
  • Journalists
  • Librarians and bibliographers
  • Concerned citizens

Sample Document Titles

01/15/62 Legal Basis for Cold-War Activities, Lawrence Houston, [Classification Excised] Memorandum

03/27/64 Directive 5105.23, National Reconnaissance Office, Department of Defense, Top Secret Directive 05/23/67 Report on Plots to Assassinate Fidel Castro, Central Intelligence Agency, Secret Memorandum

07/00/73 Allen Welsh Dulles as Director of Central Intelligence, 26 February 1953-29 November 1961, Central Intelligence Agency, Top Secret Biographic Sketch

00/00/82 History of the Navy HUMINT Program, United States Navy, Top Secret History

03/15/91 Plan for Restructuring Defense Intelligence, Assistant Secretary of Defense for Command, Control, and Communication Intelligence, Secret Report

01/06/92 Task Force Report on Greater CIA Openness, Director of Central Intelligence, [Classification Excised] Memorandum

06/01/92 DCID 2/9, Management of National Imagery Intelligence, Director of Central Intelligence, Secret Intelligence Directive

09/00/92 Appendixes A, B, and C to the Final Report: National Reconnaissance Program Task Force for the Director of Central Intelligence, National Reconnaissance Program Task Force, Secret Report

12/18/92 Directive 5200.37, Centralized Management of Department of Defense Human Intelligence (HUMINT) Operations, Department of Defense, [Classification Unknown] Directive

08/00/93 Intelligence Successes and Failures in Operations Desert Shield/Storm, House Committee on Armed Services, [Classification Unknown] Report

01/21/94 A Description of Procedures and Findings Related to the Report of the U.S. Environmental Task Force, King Publishing, Paper

12/07/95 Statement of the Director of Central Intelligence on the Clandestine Services and the Damage Caused by Aldrich Ames, Director of Central Intelligence, Statement

03/01/96 Preparing for the 21st Century: An Appraisal of U.S. Intelligence, Commission on the Roles and Capabilities of the United States Intelligence Community, Report

12/19/96 United States of America v. Harold J. Nicholson, Superseding Indictment, U.S. District Court, Eastern District of Virginia, Indictment

Overview

Title
U.S. Espionage and Intelligence: Organization, Operations, and Management, 1947-1996

Content
Reproduces on microfiche 1,174 U.S. government records totaling 36,102 pages of documentation concerning the organizational structure, operations, and management of the intelligence community from World War II to the present.
Materials were identified, obtained, assembled, and indexed by the National Security Archive.

Series
The Special Collections

Arrangement
Microfiche are arranged chronologically. For ease of use, each document bears a unique accession number to which all indexing is keyed.

Standards
The documents are reproduced on 35mm silver halide archivally permanent positive microfiche conforming to NMA and BSI standards. Any microfiche found to be physically substandard in any way will be replaced free of charge.

Indexing
A printed Guide and Index accompanies the microfiche collection. The Guide contains an events chronology, glossaries, chronological document catalog and a bibliography of secondary sources. The Index provides in-depth, document level access to subjects and individuals.

U.S. Espionage and Intelligence Project Staff

Project Director

Dr. Jeffrey T. Richelson, project director, is a senior fellow at the National Security Archive and coordinates the Archive’s projects on U.S. policy toward China and ongoing documentation on U.S. intelligence issues. He previously edited the Archive’s collections on presidential national security documents, the history of the U.S. intelligence community, and the military uses of space. A former associate professor at American University, he received his Ph.D. in political science from the University of Rochester. Among his many books are Sword and Shield: Soviet Intelligence and Security Apparatus (1986), American Espionage and the Soviet Target (1988), America’s Secret Eyes in Space (1990), and A Century of Spies: Intelligence in the Twentieth Century (1995). His articles have appeared in a wide variety of professional journals and in publications ranging from Scientific American to the Washington Post. He is a regular commentator on intelligence and military issues for national television and radio.

Project Staff

Michael Evans, Research Assistant
Jane Gefter, Research Assistant
Michael Watters, Research Assistant

U.S. Espionage and Intelligence Advisory Board

Christopher Andrew, Corpus Christi College, University of Cambridge author, For the President’s Eyes Only

Loch Johnson, Department of Political Science, University of Georgia author, Secret Agencies: U.S. Intelligence in a Hostile World

David Wise, author, Nightmover: How Aldrich Ames Sold the CIA to the KGB for $4.6 Million

Praise for U.S. Espionage and Intelligence, 1947-1996

“Serious students of the structure and operations of American intelligence rely on the work of the National Security Archive. The new collection of intelligence documents, compiled for the Archive by Jeffrey T. Richelson, helps to pierce the labyrinth.”

David Wise
Author of Nightmover: How Aldrich Ames Sold the CIA to the KGB for $4.6 Million

“An invaluable supplement to the National Security Archive’s previous collection, The U.S. Intelligence Community 1947-1989, this brings the most recently declassified documents to the reader. Jeffrey Richelson’s useful introduction also serves to detail changes that have occurred in the structure of the U.S. espionage establishment.”

John Prados
Author of Presidents’ Secret Wars

TOP-SECRET FROM THE NSA-The Soviet Estimate: U.S. Analysis of the Soviet Union, 1947-1991

IMAGE
The Soviet Estimate:
U.S. Analysis of the Soviet Union,
1947-1991

Focus of the Collection

The Soviet Estimate: U.S. Analysis of the Soviet Union, 1947- 1991, publishes together for the first time the highest-level U.S. intelligence assessments of the Soviet Union, cross- indexed for maximum use. This set reproduces on microfiche more than 600 intelligence estimates and reports, representing nearly 14,000 pages of documentation from the office of the Director of Central Intelligence, the National Intelligence Council, the Central Intelligence Agency, the Defense Intelligence Agency, and other organizations. The set includes several hundred pages of debriefing transcripts and other documentation related to Colonel Oleg Penkovskii, the most important human source operated by the CIA during the Cold War, who later was charged with treason and executed by the Soviet Union. Also published here for the first time is the Pentagon’s Top Secret 1,000-page internal history of the United States-Soviet Union arms race.

The Soviet Estimate presents the definitive secret history of the Cold War, drawn from many sources: the hundreds of documents released by the CIA to the National Archives in December 1994, comprising the most important source of documents for the set, including intelligence estimates from 1946 to 1984; documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act from the Pentagon, the CIA, the DIA, State Department, Pacific Command, and other agencies; and documents obtained from the National Archives and from various presidential libraries. The result of this effort is the most extensive and authoritative collection of declassified primary-source materials documenting the intelligence community’s effort to gather information on Soviet foreign policy, nuclear weapons, military policy and capabilities, weapons systems, the economy, science and technology, and the Soviet domestic political situation.

The Soviet Estimate provides a wealth of information and documentation on key intelligence issues, including:

  • The missile gap controversy, which helped John F. Kennedy to win the presidency in 1960
  • The “Team A”/”Team B” intelligence report controversy in 1976
  • Whether the CIA foresaw the decline of the Soviet economy
  • Advance warning from the CIA to President Bush about the hard-line coup attempt against Gorbachev in 1991.

Significance of the Collection

(54398) 1961/05/27

The Soviet Union was the major concern of U.S. national security decisionmakers for more than 40 years, and represented the most important single target of all U.S. intelligence collection efforts. The ultimate policies adopted by the U.S. during the Cold War were the result of many factors, not the least of which was an understanding of Soviet objectives and capabilities, shaped and influenced by the intelligence reports included in this set.

Until recently scholars have had to address issues such as the performance of U.S. intelligence analysis with respect to the Soviet Union or the impact of intelligence on policy without access to most of the key documents. Prior to December 1994, all of the National Intelligence Estimates related to the birth and death of the so-called “missile gap” were classified; scholars were often forced to rely either on other government documents that reproduced some of the information in estimates (for example, Department of Defense posture statements), or unofficial sources. The Soviet Estimate, with its diverse sources, permits scholars direct reference to the primary documents used in formulating much Cold War policy.


One-Stop Access to Critical Intelligence Documents

It would take an enormous effort, and many thousands of dollars, to duplicate the information contained in this collection. The Soviet Estimate allows a researcher– whether interested in the Soviet military, the Soviet economy, or Soviet internal politics–to use one source at one location to access the thousands of pages of declassified U.S. intelligence documents on the Soviet Union.

Through The Soviet Estimate the researcher gains access to a wide variety of documents, including National Intelligence Estimates, Special National Intelligence Estimates, National Intelligence Council memoranda, interagency intelligence studies, Defense Intelligence Estimates, and intelligence reports produced by DIA, military service, and unified command intelligence organizations.

Among the specific areas covered in the collection are:

  • Developments in Soviet nuclear forces from the early 1950s to the 1980s
  • The deteriorating political and economic situation under Mikhail Gorbachev in the late 1980s
  • Soviet relations with the United States, European countries, and other nations
  • The Soviet space program and developments in science and technology
  • The Soviet economic system and economy

In-depth Indexing Makes Every Document Accessible

The National Security Archive prepares extensive printed finding aids for its collections. In-depth indexing offers users remarkable ease and precision of access to every document in the set. The printed Index provides document- level access to subjects, individuals, and organizations, and represents a major historical contribution itself. Important transactions within each document are indexed individually using a controlled subjects vocabulary.

The Guide includes an events chronology, glossaries of key individuals and organizations, chronological document catalog, and a bibliography of relevant secondary sources.


Research Vistas

With its depth of documentary detail and balance of perspectives, this collection enables researchers to explore in greater detail:

  • Soviet studies
  • Cold War history
  • U.S. intelligence performance
  • The intelligence-policy relationship

The Collection is a Necessity for:

  • Scholars and students of
    • The Soviet Union
    • The history of the Cold War
    • The U.S. intelligence community
    • Policy formation
  • Policy analysts
  • Journalists
  • Concerned citizens
  • Librarians and bibliographers

Sample Document Titles

4/6/50 ORE 91-49
Estimate of the Effects of the Soviet Possession of the Atomic Bomb Upon the Security of the U.S.ย 
10/5/54 NIE 11-6-54
Soviet Capabilities and Probable Programs in the Guided Missile Fieldย 
9/21/61 NIE 11-8/1-61
Strength and Deployment of Soviet Long-Range Ballistic Missile Forces, September 21, 1961ย 
3/2/67 NIE 11-1-67
The Soviet Space Programย 
2/19/70 SNIE 11-16-70
Soviet Attitudes Toward SALTย 
6/76 United States Air Force
A History of Strategic Arms Competition, 1945-1972: Volume 3: A Handbook of Selected Soviet Weapon and Space Systems (May-Steinbruner-Wolfe Report)ย 
12/76 NIO M 76-021J
Soviet Strategic Objectives: An Alternative View (“Team B” Report)ย 
5/27/81 SNIE 11-2-81
Soviet Support for International Terrorism and Revolutionary Violenceย 
7/7/81 M/M NIE 11-4-78
Soviet Goals and Expectations in the Global Power Arenaย 
4/83 NIC M 83-10006
Dimensions of Civil Unrest in the Soviet Unionย 
3/6/84 NIE 11-3/8-83
Soviet Capabilities for Strategic Nuclear Conflict, 1983-93ย 
4/89 CIA
Rising Political Instability Under Gorbachev: Understanding the Problem and Prospects for Resolutionย 
4/25/91 CIA, Office of Soviet Analysis
The Soviet Cauldron ย 

Overview

Title:

The Soviet Estimate: U.S. Analysis of the Soviet Union, 1947 – 1991
Content:
Reproduces on microfiche more than 600 intelligence estimates and reports, representing nearly 14,000 pages of documentation recording the intelligence community’s effort to gather information on Soviet foreign policy, nuclear weapons, military policy and capabilities, weapons systems, the economy, science and technology, and the Soviet domestic political situation.
Arrangement and Access:
Documents are arranged chronologically. For ease of use, the unique identification numbers assigned to the documents are printed in eye-legible type at the top right-hand corner and precede each document on the microfiche strip.
Standards:
Documents are reproduced on silver halide positive- reading microfiche at a nominal reduction of 24x in envelopes. They are archivally permanent and conform to AIIM, BSI, and ANSI standards. Any microfiche found to be substandard will be replaced free of charge.
Indexing:
A printed Guide and Index totaling over 390 pages accompanies the microfiche collection. The Guide contains an essay; an events chronology; glossaries of acronyms and abbreviations, names, organizations, and technical terms; and a bibliography of secondary sources. The Index provides in-depth, document-level access to subjects, individuals, and organizations.
Date of Publication:
December 1995
Orders and Inquiries

The National Security Archive

Founded in 1985, the National Security Archive has developed a reputation as the most prolific and successful nonprofit user of the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA). Through its FOIA expertise, the Archive has built what the Christian Science Monitor called “the largest collection of contemporary declassified national security information outside the United States government.” Located at The George Washington University, the Archive serves librarians, scholars, journalists, members of Congress, policymakers, public interest groups, and the general public. Foundation grants and publication royalties underwrite the Archive’s budget.

The Archive’s editorial process focuses on high-level policy-making and implementation, with special attention to inter-agency decisionmaking processes. Archive analysts target all U.S. government documents used by policymakers during the period covered by the collection, as well as other significant materials of direct relevance to the subject.

This research establishes a roadmap for future scholarship and “freezes” the documentary record with official requests for declassification before normal governmental document destruction process can diminish the historical record. The result is an “unusual” series of publications, as Microform Review noted, which make available documents “from the twilight zone between currently released government information, and normal declassification” periods.

Accompanied by highly sophisticated item-level catalogs, indexes, and other finding aids–which Government Publications Review hailed as “gold mines in and of themselves”–the Archive’s collections, according to the Washington Journalism Review, constitute “a ‘Nexis’ of national security . . . [a] state-of-the-art index to history.”


Praise for The Soviet Estimate

“The National Security Archive has performed a valuable service by compiling the most extensive and authoritative file of declassifed, official U.S. National Intelligence Estimates on the Soviet Union. The compilation The Soviet Estimate is a gold mine for analyzing Soviet developments on the Cold War, and no less important, contemporary American intelligence assessments of those developments. With the benefit of hindsight and new information, the validity of those estimates can be studied, and their impact on U.S. policy and the Cold War evaluated. ”
–Raymond Garthoff,
Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy Studies Program, Brookings Institution, former U.S. Ambassador to Bulgaria, veteran of the U.S. Department of State and Central Intelligence Agency, and author of many publications, including Deterrence and the Revolution in Soviet Military Doctrine (1990), The Great Transition: American-Soviet Relations and the End of the Cold War (1994), and Dรฉtente and Confrontation: American-Soviet Relations from Nixon to Reagan (1994).


The National Security Archive Soviet Estimate Project Staff

Project Editor
Jeffrey T. Richelson, Ph.D., Project Editor, is a senior fellow at the National Security Archive and coordinates the Archive’s projects on U.S. policy toward China and ongoing documentation on U.S. Intelligence issues. He previously edited the Archive’s collections on presidential national security documents, the history of the U.S. intelligence community, and the military uses of space. A former associate professor at American University, he received his Ph.D. in political science from the University of Rochester. Among his many books are Sword and Shield: Soviet Intelligence and Security Apparatus (1986), American Espionage and the Soviet Target (1988), America’s Secret Eyes in Space (1990), and A Century of Spies: Intelligence in the Twentieth Century (1995). His articles have appeared in a wide variety of professional journals and in publications ranging from Scientific American to the Washington Post. He is a regular commentator on intelligence and military issues for national television and radio.ย 
Project Staff
Jane Gefter, Research Assistant
Ian Stevenson, Research Assistant
Kristin Altoff, Intern

TOP-SECRET FROM THE NATIONAL SECURITY ARCHIVE-PINOCHET: A Declassified Documentary Obit

Archive Posts Records on former Dictator’s Repression, Acts of Terrorism, U.S. Support

National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 212

The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability
By Peter Kornbluh
A Los Angeles Times
Best Nonfiction Book of 2003

Washington D.C., October 18, 2011 – As Chile prepared to bury General Augusto Pinochet, the National Security Archive today posted a selection of declassified U.S. documents that illuminate the former dictator’s record of repression. The documents include CIA records on Pinochet’s role in the Washington D.C. car bombing that killed former Chilean ambassador Orlando Letelier and his American colleague Ronni Moffitt, Defense Intelligence Agency biographic reports on Pinochet, and transcripts of meetings in which Secretary of State Henry Kissinger resisted bringing pressure on the Chilean military for its human rights atrocities.

“Pinochet’s death has denied his victims a final judicial reckoning,” said Peter Kornbluh, who directs the Archive’s Chile Documentation Project. “But the declassified documents do contribute to the ultimate verdict of history on his atrocities.”

Most of the documents posted today are drawn from a collection of 24,000 declassified records that were released by the Clinton administration after Pinochet’s October, 1998, arrest in London. Many of them are reproduced in Kornbluh’s book, The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability.

Pinochet died of complications from a heart attack on December 10, which was, by coincidence, International Human Rights Day.


Read the Documents
Note: The following documents are in PDF format.
You will need to download and install the free Adobe Acrobat Reader to view.
Initial Reports on Pinochet’s Repression

Department of State, SECRET Memorandum, “Chilean Executions,” includes “Fact Sheet-Human Rights in Chile,” November 27, 1973

Updated “Fact Sheet-Human Rights in Chile,” January 15, 1974

This memo, sent to the Secretary of State by Jack Kubisch, states that summary executions in the nineteen days following the coup totaled 320–more than three times the publicly acknowledged figure. At the same time, Kubisch reports on new economic assistance just authorized by the Nixon administration. The memo provides information about the Chilean military’s justification for the continued executions. It also includes a situation report and human rights fact sheet on Chile. An updated fact sheet showing the situation two months later is also included.

Central Intelligence Agency, SECRET Intelligence Report, [Executions in Chile since the Coup], October 27, 1973

This Intelligence Report states that between September 11, 1973 and October 10, 1973 a total of 13,500 prisoners had been registered as detained by the Chilean armed forces. During that same time period, an estimated 1,600 civilian deaths occurred as a result of the coup. The report also notes that eighty civilians were either executed on the spot or killed by firing squads after military trials.

Central Intelligence Agency, SECRET Report, “Chile: Violations of Human Rights,” May 24, 1977

This secret CIA report acknowledges that Chile’s National Intelligence Directorate is behind the recent increase in torture, illegal detentions, and unexplained “disappearances.” The report notes that the increase in gross violations of human rights in Chile comes at a particularly bad time for the country.

Defense Intelligence Agency, CONFIDENTIAL Report, “Directorate of National Intelligence (DINA) Expands Operations and Facilities,” April 15, 1975

This DIA report on Chile’s Directorate of National Intelligence (DINA) discusses the organization’s structure and its relationship with the Chilean Armed Forces and the country’s governing Junta. DINA is identified as the sole agency responsible handling internal subversive matters. The report warns that the possibility of DINA becoming a modern day Gestapo may be coming to fruition. It concludes that any advantages gained by humanitarian practices in Chile could easily be offset by DINA’s terror tactics.
U.S. Support for the Pinochet Regime

Department of State, SENSITIVE Cable, “USG Attitude Toward Junta,” September 13, 1973

This DOS cable sent two days after the coup states that the “US government wishes to make clear its desire to cooperate with the military Junta and to assist in any appropriate way.” This official welcome agreed that it was best to avoid too much public identification between the Junta and the United States government.

Department of State, SENSITIVE Cable, “Continuation of Relations with GOC and Request for Flares and Helmets,” September 18, 1973

This DOS cable was sent in response to a note from the Junta regarding the continuation of relations. It stress the US government’s “strongest desire to cooperate closely with the Chilean Junta.”

Department of State, Memorandum, “Ambassador Popper’s Policy Paper,” July 11, 1975

ARA analyst Richard Bloomfield’s memo notes that “in the eyes of the world at large, we are closely associated with this Junta, ergo with fascists and torturers.” In this memo he makes clear his disagreement with Kissinger’s position and argues that the human rights problem in Chile should be of primary interest to the U.S. government.

Department of State, Memorandum of Conversation, Secretary’s Meeting with Foreign Minister Carvajal, September 29, 1975

This transcript records a meeting between Secretary Kissinger and Pinochet’s foreign minister, Patricio Carvajal, following Chile’s decision to cancel a visit by the United Nations Human Rights Commission investigating human rights crimes. Kissinger begins the meeting by disparaging his staff “who have a vocation for the ministry” for focusing on human rights in the briefing papers prepared for the meeting. He tells Carvajal that condemnation of the Pinochet regime’s human rights record is “a total injustice,” but that “somewhat visible” efforts by the regime to alleviate the situation would be useful in changing Congressional attitudes. “Our point of view is if you do something, let us know so we can use it with Congress.” Kissinger, Carvajal, and Assistant Secretary Rogers then discuss U.S. efforts to expedite Ex-Im Bank credits and multilateral loans to Chile as well as cash sales of military equipment. At the end of the meeting, Kissinger voices support for the regime’s idea to host the June 1976 OAS meeting in Santiago as a way of increasing Pinochet’s prestige and improving Chile’s negative image.

Department of State, SECRET, “The Secretary’s 8:00 a.m. Regional Staff Meeting,” December 5, 1974

At this staff meeting, Secretary Kissinger spends considerable time discussing Congressional efforts, led by Senator Edward Kennedy, to restrict U.S. military assistance to the Pinochet regime. The transcript records Kissinger’s vehement opposition to such legislative initiatives, on the grounds that they are unfair to the Chilean military government, could lead to its collapse, and set a dangerous precedent for cutting assistance to other unsavory governments the Ford Administration is supporting. “Well, am I wrong that this sort of thing is likely to finish off that government?” he demands to know. Later he asks: “Is this government worse than the Allende government? Is human rights more severely threatened by this government than Allende?” According to Kissinger, “the worse crime of this government is that it is pro-American.” In response, Assistant Secretary for Latin America, William Rogers informs the Secretary, “in terms of freedom of association, Allende didn’t close down the opposition party. In terms of freedom of the press, Allende didn’t close down all the newspapers.”

Department of State, SECRET Memorandum of Conversation between Henry Kissinger and Augusto Pinochet, “U.S.-Chilean Relations,” June 8, 1976

In this secret memorandum of conversation, Kissinger briefs Pinochet in advance of his speech to the Organization of American States (OAS) in Santiago in June 1976. He lets Pinochet know that he will treat the issue of human rights in general terms only. He stresses that his speech is not aimed at Chile but that it is intended to appease the U.S. Congress. But, he notes, “we have a practical problem we have to take into account, without bringing about pressures incompatible with your dignity, and at the same time which does not lead to U.S. laws which will undermine our relationship.”
Pinochet and the Letelier-Moffitt Assassination

Central Intelligence Agency, SECRET Intelligence Information Cable, [Assassination of Orlando Letelier], October 6, 1976

Two weeks after the car bombing assassination of Orlando Letelier this CIA field report states that its source “believes that the Chilean government is directly involved in Letelier’s death and feels that investigation into the incident will so indicate.”

Central Intelligence Agency, SECRET Intelligence Assessment, “Chile: Implications of the Letelier Case,” May 1978

This CIA intelligence assessment alludes to the strain placed on U.S.-Chilean relations in light of recent findings in the investigation of the murder of Orlando Letelier that firmly linked the former Foreign Minister to the highest levels of the Chilean government. CIA analysts write, “The sensational developments have evoked speculation about President Pinochet’s survival.”

Central Intelligence Agency, SECRET Intelligence Report, “[Deleted] Strategy of Chilean Government with Respect to Letelier Case, and Impact of Case on Stability of President Pinochet,” June 23, 1978

This secret intelligence report outlines Pinochet’s strategy to cover up his regime’s complicity in the Letelier assassination. The four-point strategy would protect General Contreras from successful prosecution in the murder, stonewall requests from the U.S. government that would help them build a case against Chileans involved in the terrorist act, prevent the Supreme Court from honoring U.S. extradition requests, and convince the Chilean people that the investigation into the Letelier assassination is a politically motivated tool to destabilize the Pinochet regime.

Pinochet Biographic Reports

Defense Intelligence Agency, SECRET, “Biographic Data on Augusto Pinochet,” January 1975 (unredacted version)

Two versions of DIA’s biographic profile on Pinochet – one fully uncensored, the other curiously redacted. Please see the Archive’s prior posting regarding the two different versions of the document.

Central Intelligence Agency, SECRET, “Biographic Handbook [on] Chile,” November 1974

This CIA bio describes Pinochet as an intelligent, disciplined, and professional military officer who is known for his toughness. The document states that Pinochet is dedicated to the national reconstruction of his country and will not tolerate any opposition to that goal.

TOP-SECRET – Fujimori on Trial

FUJIMORI ON TRIAL
SECRET DIA INTELLIGENCE CABLE TIES
FORMER PRESIDENT TO SUMMARY EXECUTIONS

National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 237

Washington, DC, October 3, 2011:ย  As disgraced former president Alberto Fujimori goes on trial in Lima, Peru, for human rights atrocities, the National Security Archive posted a declassified Defense Intelligence Agency cable tying him directly to the executions of unarmed rebels who had surrendered after the seizure of the residence of Japanese ambassador in 1997. โ€œPresident Fujimori issued the order to โ€˜take no prisoners,โ€™โ€ states the secret โ€œroger channelโ€ intelligence cable. โ€œBecause of this even MRTA [Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement members] who were taken alive did not survive the rescue operation.โ€

The new DIA cable was released on the Archive Web site along with other declassified documents that shed light on human rights crimes under Fujimoriโ€™s government, his close ties to his intelligence chieftain, Vladimiro Montecinos, and the two cases for which the imprisoned former president is now being prosecuted: the death squad kidnapping and disappearance of nine students and one professor at La Cantuta University in July 1992, and the massacre of a group of 15 leftists and an eight-year-old child during a neighborhood community barbeque in Barrios Altos in November 1991.

The documents were obtained under the Freedom of Information Act by analysts at the Archiveโ€™s Peru Documentation Project. The project has provided declassified evidence drawn from U.S. records to Peruvian human rights advocates and officials for over a decade.

โ€œThe prosecution of Alberto Fujimori is nothing less than a historic event in the history of the human rights movement in Latin America,โ€ according to Peter Kornbluh, a senior analyst on Latin America at the Archive. ย โ€œIt is a major step toward truth and justice in Peru and the Western Hemisphere.โ€

READ THE DOCUMENTS

l) Defense Intelligence Agency, Cable, [Deleted] Commando Execution of Two MRTA Hostage Takers and โ€œTake No Prisonersโ€ Order, June 10, 1997, Secret, 2 pp.

This DIA cable, classified SECRET and sent from Lima through a special โ€œroger channelโ€ to the Pentagon, ties President Alberto Fujimori to a specific human rights atrocity committed at the end of the siege of the Japanese Ambassadorโ€™s residence by MRTA guerrillas.ย  An intelligence source who appeared to have participated in the assault to retake the residence, stated that two rebels surrendered and were then summarily executed. According to the source, โ€œThe order to take no MRTA alive was given by President Alberto Fujimori. โ€ฆbecause of this, even MRTA who were taken alive did not survive the rescue operation.โ€ The document also describes the way Peruvian paramilitary commandos attempted to cover up the execution of the guerrillas. (Another source later reported that three rebels, two men and a woman, were executed after surrendering.)

2) State Department, Bureau of Intelligence and Research, โ€œPeru, Freefall,โ€ July 31, 1997. Top Secret/Codeword, 2 pp.

In a classified report, State Department intelligence analysts summarize the dramatic decline of President Fujimoriโ€™s popular support in Peru.ย  The report describes Fujimoriโ€™s โ€œmurkyโ€ relationship to his top military and intelligence aides and states that they have โ€œalienated most Peruvians with strong-arm measures.โ€

3) U.S. Embassy Cable, [Excised] Comments on Fujimori, Montesinos, but not on Barrios Altos, January 22, 1993, Secret, 10 pp. (previously posted)

An undisclosed source describes the close and complicated relationship between President Fujimori and his top intelligence aide, Vladimiro Montesinos. The source notes that while Fujimori understands the importance of human rights, in practice he โ€œis prepared to sacrifice principles to achieve a quick victory over terrorism.โ€ ย He is โ€œabsolutely committed to destroying Sendero Luminoso and the MRTA within his five year term and is prepared to countenance any methods that achieve that goal.โ€

4) US Embassy Cable, Systematic Human Rights Violations Under Fujimori: Ex-Army Officer Describes his Role in Assassinations, Letter Bombs, Rape and Torture, June 30, 1994, Secret, 29pp. (previously posted)

In one of the most โ€œdetailed accountsโ€ of human rights violations ever transmitted by the U.S. Embassy, this cable describes the history of state-sponsored abuses from the mid 1980s to the mid 1990s in Peru, covering both the Garcia and Fujimori eras of power.ย  The source, an ex-Army officer, outlines the structure of the army and intelligence units who participated in atrocities such as torture, rape, and terrorism, as well as his personal involvement in human rights abuses. The summary includes detailed descriptions of the types of torture used by the military; their assassination targets; and the use of anti-bomb training assistance from the U.S. to create better bombs for assassination attempts. ย “None of the source’s statements on methods are new,โ€ the Embassy political officer reports. โ€œWhat was striking, not to say chilling, about his allegations – apart from his total lack of remorse – was his insistence that such violations were the norm, rather than excesses.”

5) U.S. Embassy, Cable, Claimed Member of โ€˜Colinaโ€™ Describes Barrios Altos Executions, March 15, 1994, Secret, 11 pp. (previously posted)

The Embassy cables a highly classified summary of a report allegedly drafted by a member of the feared Peruvian death squad known as โ€œLa Colina.โ€ The report details the creation, organization, leadership, training and atrocities committed by the death squad.ย  It includes some of its nick names such as โ€œSpecial Intelligence Annihilation Group.โ€ The cable contains a graphic account of how death squad members prepared for the Barrios Altos operation, which was authorized by President Fujimoriโ€™s top advisor, Vladimiro Montesinos. ย The victims were lined up against a wall. โ€œUsing submachine guns with silencers, the shooting took 20 seconds,โ€ according to the report. An eight-year old boy who witnessed the executions was then also shot.

6) U.S. Embassy Cable, Military Watcher on Army Attitudes to La Cantuta Disappearances, June 3, 1993. confidential. 2 pp.

An embassy contact discusses with US officials the feeling among the Peruvian military that the Army Commander and President of the Joint Armed Force Command, General Nicolas Hermoza, should “take responsibility” for the La Cantuta massacre. The source claims that โ€œsenior and mid-grade officers acknowledge the existence of military hit squadsโ€ and believe that the operation at La Cantuta University, was โ€œterribly planned and the details too widely known.โ€ But the military reportedly feels that the death squad who carried out the attack should not be punished โ€œjust for killing terrorists.โ€

7. U.S.ย  Embassy Cable, Reported Secret Annex to National Pacification/Human Rights Plan, August 23, 1990. Secret, 4 pp.

Following the Fujimori governmentโ€™s announcement of a โ€œNational Pacification/Human Rights Planโ€ in 1990, the US embassy reports that there is โ€œan alleged secretโ€ annex to the public plan. The secret plan calls for the military to take a greater role in security operations, and allows for the National Intelligence Service (SIN) to form new sub-committees to direct the โ€œpacificationโ€ plan. The plan also alters the SINโ€™s charter to expand the power of the secret police. The cable goes on to question if the plan was actually put into effect by Fujimori, or whether it was just the product of a group of retired military officers close to Montesinos. They refer to reports that Fujimori may be trying to distance himself from Montesinos because of public exposure of his links to drug traffickers. Embassy officials conclude, however, that even if the secret plan did not receive Fujimoriโ€™s endorsement, it does in fact exist, and is held by a group of men who โ€œat least one time had considerable influence and access to decision-making circles.โ€

TOP-SECRET-Breaking the Silence The Mexican Army and the 1997 Acteal Massacre

Mexicanย troops training at a Militaryย Camp in Chiapas.
(Photo courtesy of Adolfo Gutiรฉrrez)

Breaking the Silence
The Mexican Army and the 1997 Acteal Massacre

National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 283

Washington, D.C., September, 2011 – As Mexicans debate last weekโ€™s Supreme Court ruling vacating the conviction of 20 men for the Acteal massacre, newly declassified documents from the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency describe the Armyโ€™s role in backing paramilitary groups in Chiapas at the time of the killings. The secret cables confirm reporting about military support for indigenous armed groups carrying out attacks on pro-Zapatista communities in the region and add important new details. They also revive a question that has lingered for almost 12 years: when will the Army come clean about its role in Acteal?

Since the brutal attack of December 22, 1997, the Mexican government has offered multiple versions of the militaryโ€™s involvement in the conflictive Chiapas zone around Acteal. The problem is the accounts have been incomplete or untrue. The most important of the DIA documents directly contradicts the official story told about the massacre by the government of then-President Ernesto Zedillo.

In the report issued by the nationโ€™s Attorney General Jorge Madrazo in 1998, Libro Blanco Sobre Acteal, the government asserted that โ€œThe Attorney Generalโ€™s office has documented the existence of groups of armed civilians in the municipality of Chenalhรณ, neither organized, created, trained, nor financed by the Mexican Army nor by any other government entity, but whose management and organization respond to an internal logic determined by the confrontation, between and within the communities, with the Zapatista bases of support.โ€ (p. 32, emphasis added)

But in a telegram sent to DIA headquarters in Washington on May 4, 1999, the U.S. Defense Attachรฉ Office in Mexico points to โ€œdirect supportโ€ by the Army to armed groups in the highland areas of Chiapas, where the killings took place. The document describes a clandestine network of โ€œhuman intelligence teams,โ€ created in mid-1994 with approval from then-President Carlos Salinas, working inside Indian communities to gather intelligence information on Zapatista โ€œsympathizers.โ€ In order to promote anti-Zapatista armed groups, the teams provided โ€œtraining and protection from arrests by law enforcement agencies and military units patrolling the region.โ€

Although the cable was written in 1999, the attachรฉ took care to point out that Army intelligence officers were overseeing the armed groups in December 1997. The document provides details never mentioned in the many declarations of the Mexican Army following the attack. The human intelligence teams, explains the Defense Attachรฉ Office, โ€œwere composed primarily of young officers in the rank of second and first captain, as well as select sergeants who spoke the regional dialects. The HUMINT teams were composed of three to four persons, who were assigned to cover select communities for a period of three to four months. After three months the teamsโ€™ officer members were rotated to a different community in Chiapas. Concern over the teamsโ€™ safety and security were paramount reasons for the rotations every three months.โ€

The Defense Intelligence Agency released the excised documents to the National Security Archive in 2008 in response to a Freedom Information Act request. (An appeal for additional records is pending.) The information was compiled by the agencyโ€™s representatives in Mexico, defense attachรฉ officers whose primary task is to gather intelligence on the Mexican armed forces and send it to headquarters in Washington for analysis. The analysis is then used by the government to assist in crafting national security policy in Mexico. The agency is the eyes and ears of the U.S. Secretary of Defense abroad: think of it as the Pentagonโ€™s CIA.

So the โ€œinternal logicโ€ turns out to be the militaryโ€™s, in the form of a carefully planned counterinsurgency strategy that combined civic action programs โ€“ frequently trumpeted by the Defense Secretariat in statements to the press โ€“ with secret intelligence operations designed to strengthen the paramilitaries and provoke conflict against EZLN supporters.

In the almost twelve years since the massacre human rights groups, journalists and investigators have been able to unearth a smattering of true facts about the slaughter at Acteal, but without the help of official transparency. Requests for government information made through the Mexican freedom of information law–such as the ones filed by the National Security Archive last year–meet a resounding silence. The Attorney Generalโ€™s office helpfully steers the requester to the library to find its 1998 report. The Interior Ministry responds with a copy of a public communiquรฉ the agency issued five days after the massacre summarizing โ€œActions Takenโ€ in the Acteal case. The nationโ€™s intelligence center replies that it has no control over what should be military files, and therefore no documents. And the Army? โ€œAfter a meticulous search in the archives of this Secretariat,โ€ writes the institution to the National Security Archive, emphasis added, โ€œthe requested information was not located.โ€

Perhaps even more unsettling than the supposed non-existence of documents in the Defense Secretariat is the response of the Office of the President to requests about Acteal. The staff of President Felipe Calderรณn told this requester to look in the Presidential Archives of the General Archive of the Nation for files relevant to the massacre. We did. We found many. They are all located in the section โ€œUnprocessed Files,โ€ where letters, telegrams and other forms of complaints from Mexican citizens have languished for years without reply. The communications that poured in after December 22, 1997, from every state in Mexico as well as from international human rights groups and academic institutions contain expressions of anger, despair, and condemnation for the attack. They also include specific charges made by residents of Chiapas about instances of violence, energy blackouts, and land seizures: potential leads for further investigation by the government into the conflict destroying the region.

The cries for attention sent to the highest mandate in the land went unanswered. They were routinely tagged as unprocessed files and can be perused today by any researcher who cares to look in the national archives.

Until the current administration decides to honor its obligations to inform its citizens about the truth of the 1997 massacre, the peopleโ€™s call for facts will remain lost in the unprocessed files.

And we will be left to rely on the United States for information about the Mexican Army and Acteal.


Read the Documents

Document 1
December 31, 1997
Mexican Military Presence Increases Following the Massacre in Chiapas
Defense Intelligence Agency, secret intelligence information report

In this heavily redacted cable sent to DIA headquarters in Washington on December 31, 1997, the U.S. Defense Attachรฉ Office in Mexico describes the deployment of troops by the Mexican military to the conflict zones of Chiapas. Citing secret and open source accounts, the document indicates that President Ernesto Zedillo committed thousands of new troops to the region following the December 22 massacre of 45 Tzotzil Indian men, women and children, with other units โ€œplaced on alert to assist in the event of an uprising.โ€

Source: Released to National Security Archive under the Freedom of Information Act
FOIA Request No. 38,435, released February 2008
Under appeal

Document 2
May 4, 1999
Military Involvement with Chiapas Paramilitary Groups
Defense Intelligence Agency, secret intelligence information report

In a telegram sent to DIA headquarters in Washington on May 4, 1999, the U.S. Defense Attachรฉ Office in Mexico points to โ€œdirect supportโ€ by the Army to armed groups in the highland areas of Chiapas, where the Acteal killings took place. The document describes a clandestine network of โ€œhuman intelligence teams,โ€ created in mid-1994 with approval from then-President Carlos Salinas, working inside Indian communities to gather intelligence information on Zapatista โ€œsympathizers.โ€

Source: Released to National Security Archive under the Freedom of Information Act
FOIA Request No. 38,435, released February 2008
Under appeal

TOP-SECRET: U.S. ESPIONAGE AND INTELLIGENCE

U.S. ESPIONAGE AND INTELLIGENCE
Aerial reconnaissance photograph of Severodvinsk Shipyard, the largest construction facility in the Soviet Union, taken by a KH4-B spy satellite on February 10, 1969.
Organization, Operations, and Management, 1947-1996


Aldrich Ames is arrested by the FBI as he leaves his house on February 21, 1994. In the aftermath of World War II, with the Cold War looming on the horizon, the United States began the process of developing an elaborate peacetime intelligence structure that would extend across a number of government departments. The operations of the U.S. intelligence community during the Cold War would range from running single agents, to marshaling the talents of thousands to build and deploy elaborate spy satellites.

The end of the Cold War brought major changes, but not the end of the U.S. government’s requirement for an elaborate intelligence structure. A number of intelligence organizations have been consolidated or altogether eliminated. New organizations have been established to provide more coherent management of activities ranging from military espionage, to imagery collection, to the procurement of airborne intelligence systems. The end of the Cold War has brought about the declassification of much information about intelligence organization and espionage activities that took place prior to the collapse of the Soviet Union.


Focus of the Collection

CIA Headquarters, Langley, VirginiaU.S. Espionage and Intelligence: Organization, Operations, and Management, 1947-1996 publishes together for the first time recent unclassified and newly declassified documents pertaining to the organizational structure, operations, and management of the U.S. intelligence community over the last fifty years, cross-indexed for maximum accessibility. This set reproduces on microfiche 1,174 organizational histories, memoranda, manuals, regulations, directives, reports, and studies, representing over 36,102 pages of documents from the Office of the Director of Central Intelligence, the Central Intelligence Agency, National Reconnaissance Office, National Security Agency, Defense Intelligence Agency, military service intelligence organizations, National Security Council and other organizations.

U.S. Espionage and Intelligence presents a unique look into the internal workings of America’s intelligence community. The documents gathered here shed further light on U.S. intelligence organization and activities during the Cold War, and describe the consolidation and reevaluation of the intelligence community in the post-Cold War era. They are drawn from diverse sources, including the National Archives, manuscript collections in the Library of Congress, court files of major espionage prosecutions, presidential libraries, and most importantly, Freedom of Information Act requests. The result of this effort is an authoritative documents publication which, together with the National Security Archive’s previous collection on the structure and operations of the U.S. intelligence community, The U.S. Intelligence Community: 1947-1989, published in early 1990, provides a comprehensive record of U.S. espionage and intelligence activities since World War II.

U.S. Espionage and Intelligence provides a wealth of information and documentation on key aspects of intelligence organization and operations during and after the Cold War, including such extraordinary topics as:

  • the evolution of the CIA
  • the development and operation of key reconnaissance systems (SR-71, CORONA)
  • the consolidation of Defense Department intelligence
  • intelligence performance during the Persian Gulf War
  • damage assessments of Aldrich Ames’ espionage activities

Significance of the Collection

The U.S. intelligence community has played a key role in advising presidents from Harry Truman to Bill Clinton on the intentions and activities of the Soviet Union, as well as of other nations. It also came to absorb a significant portion of the federal budget, reaching an approximate high of $30 billion in the late 1980s.

U.S. Espionage and Intelligence allows scholars direct access to the newly declassified, detailed primary documents that contain the history of the military, diplomatic, and intelligence components of the Cold War, and which go far beyond what is available in secondary sources. This new information is essential for reaching an accurate understanding of what was happening behind the scenes and how it related to the more public aspects of Cold War policy and operations.

The material contained in this set concerning the post-Cold War era is crucial in assessing the intelligence community’s performance in critical areas such as the Persian Gulf War and the Aldrich Ames case. The material is also vital in understanding the evolution of the intelligence community since the end of the Cold War and its possible future–for that evolution may significantly influence the ability of the intelligence community to deal with critical threats such as proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and terrorism.

One-Stop Access to Critical Documents

It would take a monumental effort, as well as many thousands of dollars, to duplicate the information contained in this collection. U.S. Espionage and Intelligenceallows a researcher– whether interested in the CIA, military intelligence, intelligence performance in the Persian Gulf War, or post-Cold War intelligence reform–to use one source at one location to access the thousands of pages of declassified material on the U.S. intelligence community available in this set.

Through U.S. Espionage and Intelligence the researcher gains access to a wide variety of documents: internal histories of the CIA and a variety of military intelligence organizations; program histories of the SR-71 and CORONA; director of central intelligence and Department of Defense directives establishing organizations such as the National Reconnaissance Office and the National Imagery and Mapping Agency; plans for the consolidation and reform of Defense intelligence organizations after the Cold War and memoranda implementing the reforms; and assessments of intelligence community performance in a number of areas.

In-depth Indexing Makes Every Document Accessible

The National Security Archive prepares extensive printed finding aids for its collections. In- depth indexing offers users remarkable ease and precision of access to every document in the set. The printed Index provides document-level access to subjects, individuals, and organizations, and represents a major research contribution in itself. Important transactions within each document are indexed individually using a controlled subjects vocabulary.

The Guide includes an essay, events chronology, glossaries of key individuals, organizations, and terms, document catalog, and a bibliography of secondary sources.

Research Vistas

With its depth of documentary detail, the collection enables researchers to explore

  • U.S. intelligence performance
  • Cold War history
  • evolution of the U.S. intelligence community and its components
  • U.S. intelligence collection activities

The Collection is a Necessity For:

  • Scholars and students of
    • intelligence
    • national security organization and operations
    • Cold War history
  • Journalists
  • Librarians and bibliographers
  • Concerned citizens

Sample Document Titles

01/15/62 Legal Basis for Cold-War Activities, Lawrence Houston, [Classification Excised] Memorandum

03/27/64 Directive 5105.23, National Reconnaissance Office, Department of Defense, Top Secret Directive 05/23/67 Report on Plots to Assassinate Fidel Castro, Central Intelligence Agency, Secret Memorandum

07/00/73 Allen Welsh Dulles as Director of Central Intelligence, 26 February 1953-29 November 1961, Central Intelligence Agency, Top Secret Biographic Sketch

00/00/82 History of the Navy HUMINT Program, United States Navy, Top Secret History

03/15/91 Plan for Restructuring Defense Intelligence, Assistant Secretary of Defense for Command, Control, and Communication Intelligence, Secret Report

01/06/92 Task Force Report on Greater CIA Openness, Director of Central Intelligence, [Classification Excised] Memorandum

06/01/92 DCID 2/9, Management of National Imagery Intelligence, Director of Central Intelligence, Secret Intelligence Directive

09/00/92 Appendixes A, B, and C to the Final Report: National Reconnaissance Program Task Force for the Director of Central Intelligence, National Reconnaissance Program Task Force, Secret Report

12/18/92 Directive 5200.37, Centralized Management of Department of Defense Human Intelligence (HUMINT) Operations, Department of Defense, [Classification Unknown] Directive

08/00/93 Intelligence Successes and Failures in Operations Desert Shield/Storm, House Committee on Armed Services, [Classification Unknown] Report

01/21/94 A Description of Procedures and Findings Related to the Report of the U.S. Environmental Task Force, King Publishing, Paper

12/07/95 Statement of the Director of Central Intelligence on the Clandestine Services and the Damage Caused by Aldrich Ames, Director of Central Intelligence, Statement

03/01/96 Preparing for the 21st Century: An Appraisal of U.S. Intelligence, Commission on the Roles and Capabilities of the United States Intelligence Community, Report

12/19/96 United States of America v. Harold J. Nicholson, Superseding Indictment, U.S. District Court, Eastern District of Virginia, Indictment

Overview

Title
U.S. Espionage and Intelligence: Organization, Operations, and Management, 1947-1996

Content
Reproduces on microfiche 1,174 U.S. government records totaling 36,102 pages of documentation concerning the organizational structure, operations, and management of the intelligence community from World War II to the present.
Materials were identified, obtained, assembled, and indexed by the National Security Archive.

Series
The Special Collections

Arrangement
Microfiche are arranged chronologically. For ease of use, each document bears a unique accession number to which all indexing is keyed.

Standards
The documents are reproduced on 35mm silver halide archivally permanent positive microfiche conforming to NMA and BSI standards. Any microfiche found to be physically substandard in any way will be replaced free of charge.

Indexing
A printed Guide and Index accompanies the microfiche collection. The Guide contains an events chronology, glossaries, chronological document catalog and a bibliography of secondary sources. The Index provides in-depth, document level access to subjects and individuals.

Date of Publication
April 1997


U.S. Espionage and Intelligence Project Staff

Project Director

Dr. Jeffrey T. Richelson, project director, is a senior fellow at the National Security Archive and coordinates the Archive’s projects on U.S. policy toward China and ongoing documentation on U.S. intelligence issues. He previously edited the Archive’s collections on presidential national security documents, the history of the U.S. intelligence community, and the military uses of space. A former associate professor at American University, he received his Ph.D. in political science from the University of Rochester. Among his many books are Sword and Shield: Soviet Intelligence and Security Apparatus (1986), American Espionage and the Soviet Target (1988), America’s Secret Eyes in Space (1990), and A Century of Spies: Intelligence in the Twentieth Century (1995). His articles have appeared in a wide variety of professional journals and in publications ranging from Scientific American to the Washington Post. He is a regular commentator on intelligence and military issues for national television and radio.

Project Staff

Michael Evans, Research Assistant
Jane Gefter, Research Assistant
Michael Watters, Research Assistant

U.S. Espionage and Intelligence Advisory Board

Christopher Andrew, Corpus Christi College, University of Cambridge author, For the President’s Eyes Only

Loch Johnson, Department of Political Science, University of Georgia author, Secret Agencies: U.S. Intelligence in a Hostile World

David Wise, author, Nightmover: How Aldrich Ames Sold the CIA to the KGB for $4.6 Million

Praise for U.S. Espionage and Intelligence, 1947-1996

“Serious students of the structure and operations of American intelligence rely on the work of the National Security Archive. The new collection of intelligence documents, compiled for the Archive by Jeffrey T. Richelson, helps to pierce the labyrinth.”

David Wise
Author of Nightmover: How Aldrich Ames Sold the CIA to the KGB for $4.6 Million

“An invaluable supplement to the National Security Archive’s previous collection, The U.S. Intelligence Community 1947-1989, this brings the most recently declassified documents to the reader. Jeffrey Richelson’s useful introduction also serves to detail changes that have occurred in the structure of the U.S. espionage establishment.”

John Prados
Author of Presidents’ Secret Wars