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“This Is a War Crime”: The Secret Memo That Warned Bush His CIA Was Breaking the Law—And How They Made It Disappear

EXCLUSIVE: TOP SECRET Zelikow Memo Reveals White House Knew Torture Was Illegal, Ordered Evidence Destroyed

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The Memo They Tried to Burn

In February 2006, a senior Bush administration official sat down and wrote something extraordinary: a TOP SECRET memorandum warning that the CIA’s “enhanced interrogation” program was a breach of U.S. war crimes law. The author was Philip Zelikow, counselor to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and a respected historian who would later lead the 9/11 Commission.

His audience: the National Security Council’s Principals Committee—the most powerful national security body in the U.S. government, including the Vice President, Secretary of Defense, CIA Director, and Attorney General.

His conclusion: The CIA’s physical abuse of detainees was illegal. Period.

The Bush administration’s response? They rejected his legal analysis—and ordered every copy of the memo destroyed.

But one draft survived. Hidden in State Department files, it was declassified in 2012. What it reveals is a story of conscience, cover-up, and the bureaucratic archaeology of crimes.

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The Legal Warning That Couldn’t Be Allowed to Exist

Zelikow’s February 15, 2006 memo arrived at a critical moment. The CIA’s torture program—waterboarding, sleep deprivation, stress positions, and “walling” (slamming detainees against walls)—was under internal strain. The 2005 Detainee Treatment Act had just passed, and the Supreme Court’s Hamdan v. Rumsfeld decision had thrown the legal basis for military commissions into question.

Zelikow, a former prosecutor and law professor, saw what others in the administration refused to acknowledge: The CIA’s methods weren’t just morally wrong—they were legally indefensible.

His memo argued that:

• The Geneva Conventions’ Common Article 3—which prohibits “cruel treatment and torture” and “outrages upon personal dignity”—applied to all CIA detainees
• The War Crimes Act of 1996 made violations of Common Article 3 a federal felony punishable by up to life imprisonment
• The CIA’s “enhanced interrogation techniques” likely constituted “cruel treatment” under international law
• No presidential authorization could legalize war crimes

This was heresy in Cheney’s Washington.

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The Destruction Order

According to multiple reports, the Bush White House—particularly Vice President Dick Cheney’s office and the CIA—reacted to Zelikow’s memo with fury. Here was a senior administration official, cleared at the highest levels, declaring that the President’s signature interrogation program made everyone involved criminally liable.

The response wasn’t debate. It wasn’t legal review. It was erasure.

The administration ordered all copies of Zelikow’s memo destroyed. Officials were directed to retrieve and eliminate every version from State Department, CIA, and White House files. The goal: to ensure no prosecutor, no court, no congressional investigator could ever prove that the White House had been explicitly warned its torture program was illegal.

One copy survived. A draft remained in State Department archives, overlooked in the purge. It sat there for six years until declassification in 2012, finally entering the public record for the world to see.

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Why This Memo Matters More Than Ever

Proof of Consciousness of Guilt

The destruction order is the smoking gun. In criminal law, consciousness of guilt—taking steps to hide evidence—demonstrates awareness of wrongdoing. Ordering the destruction of a legal memo warning of war crimes isn’t “policy disagreement.” It’s cover-up of crimes.

The Torture Architects Knew

Zelikow sent his memo to the Principals Committee—meaning Cheney, Rumsfeld, CIA Director Porter Goss, Attorney General Alberto Gonzales, and Condoleezza Rice all received explicit warning that the CIA program violated U.S. war crimes law. They chose to continue the program and destroy the warning.

Obama’s Failure to Prosecute

When the Zelikow memo was declassified in 2012, it provided prima facie evidence that senior Bush officials knowingly authorized torture despite legal warnings. The Obama administration, which had promised to “look forward, not backward,” declined to prosecute. The memo became a historical document rather than evidence in a criminal case.

Precedent for Impunity

The Zelikow memo’s suppression established a template: Classify legal warnings. Destroy inconvenient documents. Declare “national security.” This pattern—seen in the CIA torture tapes destruction (2005), the NSA warrantless surveillance cover-ups, and the Abu Ghraib accountability failures—has eroded the rule of law in national security policy.

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What the Memo Actually Said

While the full text remains partially redacted, Zelikow’s core argument was devastating in its simplicity:

The Geneva Conventions apply. The War Crimes Act applies. The CIA’s methods violate both. Therefore, U.S. officials are committing federal felonies.

Zelikow specifically addressed the administration’s favorite legal escape hatch—the claim that “enhanced interrogation” wasn’t torture because it didn’t cause “severe physical or mental pain” lasting months or years. He countered that Common Article 3’s prohibition on “cruel treatment” had a lower threshold and clearly covered waterboarding, stress positions, and sleep deprivation.

He also demolished the “necessity” defense—the argument that torture was justified to prevent terrorist attacks. Under the War Crimes Act, Zelikow noted, necessity is no defense for violations of Common Article 3.

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The Man Who Wrote It

Philip Zelikow is no radical. He’s a Republican, a former Navy officer, a Harvard Law graduate, and the executive director of the 9/11 Commission—hardly a profile in anti-government activism. His memo was the product of a conservative national security professional doing his job: telling the truth about the law.

After the memo’s existence became public, Zelikow confirmed its contents and described the administration’s reaction. He noted that his legal analysis was “not welcome” and that senior officials made clear that only the Office of Legal Counsel’s pro-torture memos—authored by John Yoo and Jay Bybee—were to be considered valid.

The Yoo-Bybee memos, later withdrawn by the Obama Justice Department as legally defective, had authorized torture by redefining it out of existence. Zelikow’s memo, which accurately interpreted the law, was suppressed because it was correct.

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Conclusion: The Crime That Outlived Its Cover-Up

The Bush administration’s torture program ended in 2009. The Zelikow memo was declassified in 2012. No one has been prosecuted for the torture itself, or for the destruction of evidence warning about it.

But the memo endures. It sits in the public record, accessible to anyone who seeks it, proving that someone in power knew and tried to stop it. It proves that the destruction order was an admission of guilt. And it proves that the legal warnings were accurate—the CIA’s interrogation program was a war crime under U.S. law.

The question remains: If a TOP SECRET memo warning of war crimes can be ordered destroyed, and no one is held accountable, what else has been burned?

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This article is based on declassified government documents and investigative reporting. The allegations contained in the Zelikow memo were contested by the Bush administration at the time.