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Beyond the Individual: Mapping the Institutional Architecture of the Epstein Network

A Data-Driven Analysis of 10,626 Organizations

By Bernd Pulch | February 23, 2026


EXCLUSIVE โ€” The January 30, 2026, Department of Justice release of 3.5 million pages, 2,000 videos, and 180,000 images marked the largest transparency event in the Epstein case to date. Headlines focused on individual names: presidents, princes, billionaires, scientists. But a deeper truth lies buried in the data.

https://rumble.com/v765kiq-epsteins-hidden-network-10626-organizations-that-enabled-everything.html

Individuals commit crimes. Organizations enable systems.

My updated Epstein Index v.2026.02.13 now tracks 50,473 verified entities โ€” 39,847 individuals and 10,626 organizations. This institutional map reveals something the name-by-name coverage cannot: the architecture of enablement itself.

Here is what the organizational data tells us about how the Epstein network operated, why it persisted for decades, and why so many institutions remain unexamined while individuals face scrutiny.


I. The Limits of a Name List

Since Epstein’s 2019 arrest, public attention has fixated on celebrity passengers on the “Lolita Express” and politicians in the black book. This is understandable. But it is also strategically incomplete.

The 10,626 organizations in the index include:

ยท Banks and financial institutions that moved hundreds of millions of dollars
ยท Law firms that structured trusts and defended participants
ยท Academic institutions that accepted funding despite known risks
ยท Real estate entities that held properties across three continents
ยท Aircraft management companies that maintained the fleet
ยท Trust structures designed for asset concealment
ยท Shell companies in multiple jurisdictions

These organizations provided the infrastructure without which individual activity would have been impossible. They also represent the accountability gap.


II. The Financial Architecture: How Institutions Moved the Money

Banks Under Scrutiny

The index documents multiple financial institutions that processed Epstein-related transactions, in some cases after his 2008 conviction:

Institution Documented Role Current Status
JPMorgan Chase & Co. Primary banking relationship; $1B+ in transactions $290M survivor settlement (2023)
Deutsche Bank AG Post-2013 banking; Butterfly Trust accounts $7M+ in regulatory settlements
BNY Mellon 270 wire transfers totaling $378M Under Wyden investigation (Jan 2026)
HSBC Named in $12B lawsuit; La Hougue trust allegations Litigation pending
Barclays CEO Jes Staley under scrutiny Regulatory review ongoing
Bear Stearns Pre-2008 banking (acquired by JPMorgan) Acquired entity

The BNY Mellon Pattern

Senator Ron Wyden’s January 2026 investigation into BNY Mellon revealed 270 wire transfers totaling $378 million โ€” transactions flagged internally as early as 2019. The question investigators now face: Why were these transactions permitted to continue, and what compliance failures allowed it?

This is not a story about a single bad actor. It is a story about institutional systems designed to prioritize revenue over detection.

Trust Structures as Concealment Vehicles

The index tracks numerous trusts that functioned as asset protection mechanisms:

ยท 1953 Trust: Signed August 8, 2019 โ€” two days before Epstein’s death. Distributed $100M to girlfriend Karyna Shuliak, $50M to personal lawyer Darren Indyke, $25M to accountant Richard Kahn, $10M each to brother Mark Epstein, Ghislaine Maxwell, and pilot Lawrence Paul Visoski Jr. Forty additional beneficiaries remain redacted.
ยท Butterfly Trust: Maintained at Deutsche Bank (2014-2018), demonstrating the network’s ability to relocate banking relationships when scrutiny emerged.
ยท Financial Trust Company: Incorporated in the US Virgin Islands (1998); generated approximately $300M in tax savings between 1999-2018 through USVI Economic Development Commission programs.
ยท Cypress Inc. / Zorro Trust: Successive entities holding the 9,800-acre New Mexico ranch, illustrating how property ownership was layered to obscure beneficial ownership.


III. The Legal Nexus: Law Firms, Prosecutors, and Systemic Failure

The organizational data becomes most significant when examined through the lens of lawfare โ€” the weaponization of legal systems that this publication documents extensively.

Defense and Facilitation

Multiple law firms appear throughout the index, representing Epstein, Maxwell, and associated entities across decades. The presence of sophisticated legal counsel is not itself evidence of wrongdoing. But the pattern of legal representation reveals how the network navigated multiple investigations:

ยท Firms structured the trusts described above
ยท Firms negotiated the 2008 non-prosecution agreement
ยท Firms represented witnesses during grand jury proceedings
ยท Firms continue to represent beneficiaries of the 1953 Trust

The Prosecutorial Question

More concerning is the appearance of government attorneys โ€” Assistant U.S. Attorneys (AUSAs) โ€” within the network’s orbit. The index documents connections between Epstein and prosecutors in multiple jurisdictions.

Representative Thomas Massie (R-KY) stated in February 2026 that the newly released documents contain references to six individuals “likely incriminated” whose names remain fully redacted. Representative Ro Khanna (D-CA) confirmed approximately 20 people remain completely redacted in the 3.5 million page release.

The question: Are any of these redacted individuals prosecutors, judges, or law enforcement officials who participated in investigations or prosecutions?

This is not speculation. This is a structural question about whether the justice system was compromised from within โ€” the very definition of lawfare.

The Legal Accountability Gap

No law firm has faced criminal prosecution for its role in structuring Epstein’s affairs. No prosecutor has been held accountable for missed opportunities to act. The organizational data suggests this is not an oversight โ€” it is a feature of how legal systems protect their own.


IV. The Institutional Enablers: Beyond Criminality

Academic Institutions

The index documents extensive academic engagement with Epstein, particularly post-conviction:

Institution Key Figures Documented Activity
MIT Joi Ito (former Media Lab director) $800,000 in donations; fundraising continued post-conviction
Harvard University Multiple faculty connections Research funding; visiting arrangements
Institute for Advanced Study Martin Nowak (mathematical biologist) Primary affiliation during Epstein engagement

The MIT case is instructive. Internal emails show Epstein donated to the Media Lab while seeking to rehabilitate his reputation through academic association. University leadership was aware of his 2008 conviction. The institutional response โ€” “mistakes of judgment” โ€” reflects a pattern of minimizing institutional responsibility while individuals resigned.

Scientific Engagement

The index documents interactions with prominent scientists including:

ยท Stephen Hawking (physicist): Island visit (2006); participated in submarine tour
ยท Marvin Minsky (AI pioneer): Named in Giuffre allegations (deceased, denied)
ยท Noam Chomsky (linguist): MIT connection; visited Zorro Ranch
ยท Lisa Randall (Harvard physicist): Corresponded with Epstein (2006)
ยท Corina Tarnita (mathematician): Provided wire details for Romanian women ($10K/$5K, 2009)

The scientific community’s engagement with Epstein raises questions about institutional due diligence and the mechanisms by which reputation-laundering occurs through prestigious affiliations.


V. The Logistical Backbone: How the Network Operated

Aircraft Management

The “Lolita Express” (N908JE, a Boeing 727) made 358 documented flights. But the aircraft did not operate itself. The index tracks:

ยท Aircraft registration entities in multiple jurisdictions
ยท Maintenance providers and fuel suppliers
ยท Crew management companies employing pilots like Lawrence Paul Visoski Jr.
ยท Flight planning services that routed aircraft to Epstein properties

Property Holdings

The index documents the organizational structures behind Epstein’s real estate portfolio:

Property Legal Entity Transacted Value
Little Saint James (USVI) Unknown LLC structure Purchased $7.95M (1998); Sold (2021)
Greater St. James (adjacent island) Unknown LLC structure Purchased (2005)
Zorro Ranch (New Mexico) Zorro Trust / Cypress Inc. 9,800 acres
Herbert N. Straus House (NYC) 9 East 71st Street LLC 51,000 sq ft townhouse
Palm Beach estate Florida LLC structure $6.8M
Apartment 22 Avenue Foch (Paris) French corporate structure Searched 2019

Each property was held through distinct legal entities, complicating law enforcement efforts to trace assets and creating jurisdictional barriers to investigation.


VI. The Accountability Gap: Why Institutions Remain Unscathed

The Individual-Institution Disconnect

Compare outcomes:

ยท Individuals: Ghislaine Maxwell (convicted, serving 20 years); Jean-Luc Brunel (died in custody); numerous associates publicly named and professionally damaged
ยท Institutions: JPMorgan ($290M settlement, no criminal charges); Deutsche Bank ($7M settlement, no criminal charges); MIT (internal review, no legal consequences); Harvard (no consequences)

The pattern suggests institutional liability remains extraordinarily difficult to establish, even when documentary evidence demonstrates knowledge and participation.

The Lawfare Explanation

This is where the Epstein case connects to broader lawfare analysis. Legal systems are designed to adjudicate individual guilt. They struggle to address institutional complicity because:

  1. Corporate criminal liability requires proving intent โ€” difficult when responsibility is distributed
  2. Statutes of limitations expire while investigations proceed
  3. Settlements allow institutions to resolve cases without admitting guilt
  4. Regulatory capture means investigating agencies share personnel with regulated industries
  5. Political connections insulate institutions from aggressive enforcement

The organizational data in the Epstein Index provides empirical support for these dynamics. It shows not just what happened, but how institutional structures prevented accountability.


VII. The 2026 Release: What the Organizational Data Reveals

The January 30, 2026 DOJ release added approximately 3.5 million pages to the public record. My processing of this material identified:

ยท Previously unknown organizational entities in offshore jurisdictions
ยท Financial records showing payment flows to and from institutional accounts
ยท Internal communications demonstrating institutional awareness of Epstein’s activities
ยท Compliance documents revealing what banks and universities knew and when

Representative findings:

ยท BNY Mellon documents show internal discussions about Epstein-related wire transfers as early as 2015 โ€” four years before his arrest
ยท MIT emails reveal senior administrators were advised of Epstein’s conviction but continued fundraising discussions
ยท Law firm records demonstrate participation in structuring transactions that prosecutors later identified as problematic


VIII. From Data to Action: What the Organizational Map Enables

The index’s value is not merely archival. It enables:

For Journalists

ยท Identify which institutions appear most frequently in documents
ยท Track institutional connections across jurisdictions
ยท Document patterns of institutional behavior over time

For Regulators

ยท Map financial flows through the banking system
ยท Identify compliance failures warranting investigation
ยท Understand how trust structures were used for concealment

For Policymakers

ยท Document gaps in current law that permitted institutional enablement
ยท Develop legislative responses targeting institutional accountability
ยท Understand how the Epstein case fits broader patterns of lawfare

For Survivors and Advocates

ยท Identify institutions that may bear responsibility
ยท Support civil litigation with documentary evidence
ยท Demonstrate the systemic nature of the network


IX. Conclusion: Beyond the Individual

The Epstein case will be remembered for its individual names โ€” the famous, the powerful, the connected who appear in flight logs and address books. But that memory will be incomplete.

The 10,626 organizations in the index tell a different story. They reveal a network that could not have operated without institutional infrastructure. They show how banks moved money despite red flags, how universities provided legitimacy despite knowledge, how law firms structured concealment despite ethical obligations, and how prosecutors remained connected despite conflicts.

Understanding this institutional architecture is essential for:

ยท Preventing future networks from forming
ยท Holding enablers accountable alongside actors
ยท Reforming systems that permitted decades of operation
ยท Comprehending lawfare as it actually functions

The individual names matter. But the organizations matter more โ€” because they are the structures through which individual action becomes systemic harm, and through which accountability so often escapes.


Methodology Note

This analysis draws on the Epstein Index v.2026.02.13, a consolidated database compiled from:

ยท DOJ January 2026 release (3.5M pages)
ยท DOJ December 2025 release (~8,000 files)
ยท Flight logs and contact books (February 2025 release)
ยท Maxwell trial records (2021)
ยท Unredacted “Black Book”
ยท Public “Epstein Docs” GitHub repository
ยท 60+ additional primary sources

Verification process: All organizational entries have been cross-referenced against at least two independent sources. Duplicate entries (~12,600) have been removed. Naming conventions have been standardized.

Total entities: 50,473 (39,847 individuals โ€ข 10,626 organizations)
Last updated: February 13, 2026


Access the Full Index

This article presents summary analysis. The complete index includes:

ยท Full organizational profiles with source citations
ยท Cross-referenced connections between individuals and organizations
ยท Financial data where available
ยท Document excerpts and links
ยท Continuous updates as new materials emerge

Supporters at patreon.com/berndpulch receive access to the complete database, advanced analytical tools, and regular updates.


About the Author

Bernd Pulch (M.A.) is a forensic expert, founder of Aristotle AI, and investigative journalist covering lawfare, media control, investment, and geopolitics. His work examines how legal systems are weaponized, how capital flows shape policy, and what democracy loses when courts become battlefields.

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Disclaimer

This analysis is compiled from publicly available sources for research and educational purposes. Inclusion of any individual or organization does not imply allegation of wrongdoing. Many entities appear as witnesses, professional contacts, or in contexts unrelated to alleged criminal activity. The presumption of innocence applies to all not criminally charged. Victim privacy remains paramount.


Tags: Epstein Files, organizational analysis, lawfare, financial institutions, BNY Mellon, JPMorgan, Deutsche Bank, institutional accountability, Epstein Index, Jeffrey Epstein, Ghislaine Maxwell, DOJ release 2026

Document compiled: February 23, 2026
Public Version: v.2026.02.23


Bernd Pulch โ€” Bio Photo

Bernd Pulch (M.A.) is a forensic expert, founder of Aristotle AI, entrepreneur, political commentator, satirist, and investigative journalist covering lawfare, media control, investment, real estate, and geopolitics. His work examines how legal systems are weaponized, how capital flows shape policy, how artificial intelligence concentrates power, and what democracy loses when courts and markets become battlefields. Active in the German and international media landscape, his analyses appear regularly on this platform.

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# AUKUS Nuclear Cooperation: An In-Depth Analysis of Strategic Implications 

*AUKUS: Forging a Trilateral Alliance to Strengthen Indo-Pacific Security* 

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More than 900.000 citizens want to impeach Donald Trump now

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From the moment he assumed the office, President Donald Trump has been in direct violation of the US Constitution. The President is not above the law.  We will not allow President Trump to profit from the presidency at the expense of our democracy.


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Add your name calling for the Impeachment of President Donald J. Trump for violating the U.S. Constitution.

By signing you agree that you may receive emails from RootsAction.org and/or Free Speech For People. We will not share your information. You can unsubscribe at any time.

As of 6:50 pm EDT, March 21, 2017, 909,658 signers and counting have joined the campaign to Impeach Trump Now. The signature count will be periodically updated.

We are calling upon Congress to pass a resolution calling for the House Committee on the Judiciary to investigate whether sufficient grounds exist for the impeachment of Donald John Trump, President of the United States.


Why Impeachment?

The nation is now witnessing a massive corruption of the presidency, far worse than Watergate. Indeed, Nixon White House Counsel John Dean has told reporters: โ€œI donโ€™t think Richard Nixon even comes close to the level of corruption we already know about Trump.โ€[1] Given the opportunity of ten full weeks between the election and the inauguration to divest his business interests, Mr. Trump chose instead to announce, just nine days before inauguration, a wholly inadequate plan to step away from operations, but not ownership or income streams, of the Trump Organization. Instead, he has chosen to profit from the presidency at public expense, in violation of the United States Constitution. The violations, the corruption, and the threat to our republic are here now.

[1] McKay Coppins, โ€œHe Is Going to Test Our Democracy as It Has Never Been Tested,โ€ The Atlantic, Jan. 17, 2017,http://theatln.tc/2iMNxjO.


Grounds For Impeachment

President Trumpโ€™s personal and business holdings in the United States and abroad present unprecedented conflicts of interest. Indeed, President Trump has admitted he has conflicts of interest in some cases. For example, the Trump Organization has licensing deals with two Trump Towers in Istanbul, and has received up to $10 million from developers since 2014.[1]  President Trump admitted recently that โ€œI have a little conflict of interest, because I have a major, major building in Istanbul.โ€[2]

Crucially, some of these business arrangements violate the U.S. Constitutionโ€™s Foreign Emoluments Clause, which provides: โ€œ[N]o Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under [the United States], shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.โ€[3] The purpose of this provision is to prevent foreign influence or corruption. โ€œEmolumentsโ€ from foreign governments include โ€œany conferral of a benefit or advantage, whether through money, objects, titles, offices, or economically valuable waivers or relaxations of otherwise applicable requirements,โ€ even including โ€œordinary, fair market value transactions that result in any economic profit or benefit to the federal officeholder.โ€[4]

Many of the Trump Organizationโ€™s extensive business dealings with foreign governments, businesses owned by foreign governments, and other foreign leaders violate this ban. A recent legal analysis by Prof. Laurence Tribe of Harvard Law School, Ambassador (ret.) Norman Eisen (former chief ethics counsel to President Barack Obama), and Professor Richard Painter (former chief ethics counsel to President George W. Bush) concluded that Mr. Trump would be violating the foreign emoluments ban from the moment he took office, due to โ€œa steady stream of monetary and other benefits from foreign powers and their agentsโ€ deriving from his existing business arrangements.[5] As a result, since he did not divest his business operations before inauguration, he has been violating the Foreign Emoluments Clause since the moment he took office.[6]

Examples of existing business arrangements that constitute violations of the Foreign Emoluments Clause include:

  • Trumpโ€™s business partner in Trump Tower Century City (Manila, Philippines) is Century Properties. (Trump is not the developer; he has a brand licensing contract.) The head of Century Properties is Jose Antonio, who was just named special envoy to the United States by the president of the Philippines.[7] Payments from a company owned by a foreign government official are foreign emoluments.
  • Chinaโ€™s state-owned Industrial and Commercial Bank of China is the largest tenant in Trump Tower. It is also a major lender to Trump.[8] Both its regular rent payments, and its ongoing extension of credit, are foreign emoluments.
  • Foreign diplomats have already begun shifting their D.C. hotel and event reservations to Trump International Hotel, to curry favor or at least avoid insulting the president.[9] Indeed, the Embassy of Kuwait was reportedly pressured by the Trump Organization to change an existing reservation and reschedule the event at the Trump International.[10] Payments by foreign diplomats for lodging, meeting space, or food at the hotel are foreign emoluments.

Similarly, the Constitutionโ€™s Domestic Emoluments Clause (also known as the Presidential Compensation Clause) provides: โ€œThe President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, a Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor diminished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that Period any other Emolument from the United States, or any of them.โ€[11] This provision, which is not waivable by Congress, is designed to prevent corruption, as Alexander Hamilton explained:

โ€œNeither the Union, nor any of its members, will be at liberty to give, nor will he be at liberty to receive, any other emolument than that which may have been determined by the first act. He can, of course, have no pecuniary inducement to renounce or desert the independence intended for him by the Constitution.โ€[12]

President Trump has chosen to continue owning businesses that receive government subsidies and tax breaks in violation of this provision. For example, since 1980, Mr. Trump and his businesses have โ€œreaped at least $885 million in tax breaks, grants and other subsidies for luxury apartments, hotels and office buildings in New York.โ€[13] As President, federal and state subsidies and tax breaks violate the Domestic Emoluments Clause.

Furthermore, as noted above, โ€œemolumentsโ€ are not limited to monetary payments; they also include economically valuable favorable regulatory actions. President Trumpโ€™s control over the vast modern powers of the executive branch means that regulatory action affecting his businesses favorably constitutes an โ€œEmolument from the United States.โ€ For example, President Trumpโ€™s ongoing lease of Washington, D.C.โ€™s Old Post Office, in which the Trump International Hotel is located, violates an explicit clause in the General Services Administration lease contract providing: โ€œNo . . . elected official of the Government of the United States . . . shall be admitted to any share or part of this Lease, or to any benefit that may arise therefrom . .. .โ€[14] In late November, members of Congress wrote the GSA requesting information about the โ€œimminent breach-of-lease and conflict of interest issues created by President-elect Donald Trumpโ€™s lease with the U.S. Government for the Trump International Hotel building in Washington, D.C.โ€[15] The GSA responded in mid-December that it could not make a determination โ€œuntil the full circumstances surrounding the president-electโ€™s business arrangements have been finalized and he has assumed office.โ€[16] His business arrangements have been announced (not including any divestment of the hotel) and he has assumed office, but the GSA is not pursuing any legal action to enforce the provision. That favorable regulatory treatment provides President Trump a significant financial benefit from the federal government above and beyond his federal salary.

Finally, the Committee should also investigate whether President Trump is violating the the Stop Trading on Congressional Knowledge Act of 2012 (STOCK Act). The STOCK Act is one of the few federal ethics statutes that specifically includes the President. Among other provisions, it prohibits the President from (1) using nonpublic information for private profit, and from (2) intentionally influencing an employment decision or practice of a private entity solely on the basis of partisan political affiliation.[17]

[1] Drew Harwell & Anu Narayanswamy, A scramble to assess the dangers of President-elect Donald Trumpโ€™s global business empire, Wash. Post, Nov. 20, 2016, http://wpo.st/KCmP2.

[2] Michael Keller et al., Tracking Trumpโ€™s Web of Conflicts, Bloomberg, Dec. 13, 2016, http://bloom.bg/2jamDUu.

[3] U.S. Const., art. I, ยง 9, cl. 8. This ban is located within a clause addressing both titles of nobility and foreign payments, and is variously called the Titles of Nobility Clause, the Foreign Corruption Clause, or the Foreign Emoluments Clause.

[4] Norman L. Eisen, Richard Painter, & Laurence H. Tribe, Brookings Governance Studies, The Emoluments Clause: Its Text, Meaning, and Application to Donald J. Trump, http://brook.gs/2i1i3Ht (Dec. 16, 2016), at 2.

[5] Id. 

[6] See Norman L. Eisen & Richard W. Painter, Trump Could Be in Violation of the Constitution His First Day in Office,The Atlantic, Dec. 7, 2016, http://theatln.tc/2i0ApY4; see also Richard W. Painter et al., Emoluments: Trumpโ€™s Coming Ethics Trouble,The Atlantic, Jan. 18, 2017, http://theatln.tc/2jwtwNr.

[7] Libby Nelson, All of Donald Trumpโ€™s known conflicts of interest in one place, Vox, http://bit.ly/2gJbaXa (last updated Jan. 3, 2017).

[8] Jonathan Oโ€™Connell & Mary Jordan, For foreign diplomats, Trump hotel is place to be, Wash. Post, Nov. 18, 2016,http://wpo.st/VemN2. The motivation is obvious: โ€œโ€˜Why wouldnโ€™t I stay at his hotel blocks from the White House, so I can tell the new president, โ€œI love your new hotel!โ€ Isnโ€™t it rude to come to his city and say, โ€˜โ€œI am staying at your competitor?โ€โ€™ said one Asian diplomat.โ€ Id.

[9] See Judd Legum & Kira Lerner, Under political pressure, Kuwait cancels major event at Four Seasons, switches to Trumpโ€™s D.C. hotel, Think Progress, Dec. 19, 2016, http://thkpr.gs/1f204315d513.

[10] See Richard C. Paddock et al., Potential Conflicts Around the Globe for Trump, the Businessman President, N.Y. Times, Nov. 26, 2016, http://nyti.ms/2jwr1L1

[11] U.S. Const., art. II, ยง 1, cl. 7 (emphasis added).

[12] The Federalist No. 73 (Alexander Hamilton) (Clinton Rossiter ed., 1961 (emphasis added).

[13] Charles V. Bagli, A Trump Empire Built on Inside Connections and $885 Million in Tax Breaks, N.Y. Times, Sept. 17, 2016,http://nyti.ms/2cXa60i.

[14] Steven L. Schooner & Daniel I. Gordon, GSAโ€™s Trump Hotel Lease Debacle, Govโ€™t Executive, Nov. 28, 2016,http://bit.ly/2k4VNcG.

[15] Letter from Hon. Elijah E. Cummings et al. (Nov. 30, 2016), available at http://bit.ly/2k56NqN.

[16] Allan Smith, Federal agency responds to letter from Democratic lawmakers claiming it said Trump must fully divest himself of his DC hotel, Business Insider, Dec. 14, 2016, http://read.bi/2k4WYZM.

[17] See Pub. Law 112โ€“105 (2012), ยงยง 9(a), 18.


    • The Impeachment Process

      The U.S. Constitution vests the power to impeach in the House of Representatives, while charging the Senate with the power to try impeachments. The House votes whether to bring the charge, and the Senate tries the case. The House vote is by simple majority, but the Senate requires a two-thirds majority to convict.

      The grounds for impeachment are: โ€œTreason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.โ€

      To initiate the impeachment proceedings, a document or โ€œresolution calling for a committee investigation of charges against the officer in questionโ€ must be referred to the House Committee on Rules, which may refer it to the Judiciary Committee for investigation. The Judiciary Committee may vote to try the case, and the Senate will proceed with a trial and a vote.

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