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Seit Monaten gibt das Verschwinden von fรผnf Buchhรคndlern aus Hongkong groรe Rรคtsel auf. Denn: Sie alle stehen in Verbindung mit einer neuen, kritischen Biografie รผber Chinas Prรคsidenten Xi Jinping.
Einer der verschleppten Buchhรคndler hat nun nach seiner Rรผckkehr ausgepackt โ und schwere Vorwรผrfe gegen Chinas Behรถrden erhoben.Auf einer Pressekonferenz in Hongkong gab Lam Wing-Kee an, er sei im vergangenen Oktober nach einer รberquerung der Grenze in der chinesischen Hafenstadt Shenzhen von Beamten festgenommen und mit verbundenen Augen in einem Zug in die Stadt Ningbo in der Nรคhe von Shanghai gebracht worden.
Wurde von den chinesischen Behรถrden dazu gezwungen, die Namen kritischer Autoren zu verraten: Lam Wing-kee
Foto: AP/dpa
โบ Dort hรคtten ihn Beamte fรผnf Monate festgehalten und nach der Identitรคt von Autoren ausgefragt, die Bรผcher in dem Verlag verรถffentlicht hatten, fรผr den Lam arbeitete.
Der Verlag mit dem Namen โMighty Currentโ hatte Bรผcher vertrieben, die fรผr ihre Gerรผchte รผber Chinas politische Fรผhrer bekannt waren und auf dem chinesischen Festland verboten sind. Zuletzt soll an einem Buch รผber das Liebesleben des chinesischen Staats- und Parteichefs Xi Jinping gearbeitet worden sein.
Neben Lam waren im vergangenen Jahr innerhalb kurzer Zeit auch vier seiner Kollegen verwunden, was den Verdacht geweckt hatte, dass sie von Agenten entfรผhrt und in China unter Druck gesetzt worden sind.
โบ Lui Bo, Manager des Verlages, entfรผhrt am 15. Oktober 2015 in Shenzhen, im Mรคrz 2016 zurรผckgekehrt
โบ Cheung Jiping, Manager des Verlages, entfรผhrt am 15. Oktober 2016 in Dongguan, im Mรคrz 2016 zurรผckgekehrt
โบ Lee Bo, Anteilseigner des Verlages, am 30. Dezember 2015 nach eigenen Angaben in Hongkong, laut chinesischen Behรถrden auf Gebiet der Volksrepublik entfรผhrt, zurรผckgekehrt im Mรคrz 2016
Alle Mรคnner wurden spรคter von den chinesischen Behรถrden dazu gezwungen, รถffentlich zu gestehen, an einem โillegalen Buchhรคndlerringโ beteiligt gewesen zu sein.
Gui Minhai, einer der Verleger aus Hongkong, ist noch immer verschwunden
Gui Minhai, einer der Verleger aus Hongkong, ist noch immer verschwunden
Foto: CCTV/AFP
โบ Noch immer verschwunden ist einer der Besitzer des Verlages: Gui Minhai verschwand am 17. Oktober 2015 in Thailand โ und tauchte im chinesischen Staatsfernsehen wieder auf.
Bei einem scheinbar erzwungenen Gestรคndnis sagte Gui im Januar 2016 vor laufenden Kameras, er hรคtte 2003 bei einem Autounfall in der chinesischen Stadt Ningbo Fahrerflucht begangen und sich nun freiwillig den chinesischen Behรถrden gestellt.
Pikant: Gui Minhai ist schwedischer Staatsbรผrger, weshalb Beamte des skandinavischen Landes bereits in Thailand sein ungewรถhnliches Verschwinden im Oktober untersucht hatten.
Bei seinem absurden TV-Gestรคndnis bat Gui im Januar dann: โObwohl ich Schwede bin, fรผhle ich mich noch immer wie ein Chinese und sehe meine Wurzeln in China. Deshalb hoffe ich, dass die schwedische Seite meine persรถnliche Entscheidung, Rechte und Privatsphรคre respektiert und mich selbst meine eigenen Probleme lรถsen lรคsst.โ
Klartext: Mischt euch auf diplomatischer Ebene nicht ein und kommt den chinesischen Behรถrden nicht in die Quere.
Aber ob dieser Text tatsรคchlich von Gui selbst stammt, steht zu bezweifeln.
Die Menschenrechtsorganisation Amnesty International verurteilte am Freitag das Vorgehen der chinesischen Behรถrden scharf. Lam habe ihre Lรผgengeschichten in sich zusammenfallen lassen.
โEr hat offenbart, was viele schon von vornherein vermutet hatten: Es war eine durchgeplante Operation der chinesischen Behรถrden gegen die Buchhรคndlerโ, teilte die Organisation mit.
Die Affรคre hat unter den sieben Millionen Hongkongern groรe Sorgen รผber die Bรผrgerrechte und Meinungsfreiheit in der vormaligen britischen Kronkolonie ausgelรถst.
โบ Seit der Rรผckgabe 1997 an China wird Hongkong nach dem Grundsatz โein Land, zwei Systemeโ in eigenen Grenzen eigenstรคndig regiert. Chinesische Staatsorgane dรผrfen in der Hafenmetropole nicht tรคtig werden.
Drei der Buchhรคndler, die bereits vor Lam nach Hongkong zurรผckgekehrt waren, hatten die Polizei gebeten, die Ermittlungen wegen ihres Verschwindens einzustellen โ vermutlich auf Geheiร der chinesischen Behรถrden und aus Angst, erneut entfรผhrt zu werden.
Auch Lam gab an, dass er aufgefordert worden sei, in Hongkong Entwarnung zu geben. Zurรผckkehren durfte er demnach nur unter der Voraussetzung, dass er eine Festplatte mit Kundendaten seines Verlages aushรคndigt.
Statt dies zu tun, ging der mutige Buchhรคndler nun an die รffentlichkeit: โEs hat mich viel Mut und zwei schlaflose Nรคchte gekostet. Aber ich habe beschlossen, mit Ihnen die ganze Geschichte zu teilen.โ
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Ian Cameron writing for IHS Janeโs reports on the PLAโs latest SIGINT station on top of Hong Kongโs tallest mountain, the 957 m-high peak of Tai Mo Shan. It would appear the new installation was built sometime in 2010 with the first imagery confirmation observed in Google Earth in 2011. It is thought the facility has been in operation for approximately three years. To date, the PLA has not publicly commented on the facilityโs purpose and Hong Kongโs Development Bureau declined to comment on whether the site was a short-term tenancy or private treaty grant.
In addition to the station, the PLA currently occupies 18 military sites in Hong Kong covering 2,700 hectares that were transferred from the British Army as Military Installations Closed Areas (MICA) in 1997.
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Washington, D.C. โ The National Security Archive has initiated a special project on the Chinese nuclear weapons program and U.S. policy toward it. The purpose is to discover how the U.S. government monitored the Chinese nuclear program and ascertain what it knew (or believed that it knew) and thought about that program from the late 1950s to the present. Besides investigating U.S. thinking about, and intelligence collection on, the Chinese nuclear program as such, the Archive’s staff is exploring its broader foreign policy significance, especially the impact on China’s relations with its neighbors and the regional proliferation of nuclear weapons capabilities. Through archival research and systematic declassification requests, the Archive is working to collect key U.S. documents on important developments in Chinese nuclear history, including weapons, delivery systems, and strategic thinking. To put the nuclear issue in the broader context of the changing relations between the United States and China, the Archive is also trying to secure the declassification of key U. S. policy papers that elucidate changes in the relationship.
In particular, the Archive’s project is exploring Washington’s thinking about the Chinese nuclear weapons program in the context of U.S. nuclear proliferation policy. The Archive is probing Washington’s initial effort to brake the development of the Chinese advanced weapons program by encouraging allies and others to abstain from the shipment of products that could have direct or indirect military applications. Moreover, the Archive is seeking the declassification of materials that shed light on an important concern since the late 1980s, China’s alleged role as a contributor to the proliferation of nuclear capabilities in South Asia and elsewhere. To the extent possible, the Archive will try to document the U.S. government’s knowledge of, and policy toward, China’s role as a nuclear proliferator and its efforts to balance proliferation concerns with a policy of cooperation with Beijing.
In the spring of 1996, the Archive began a series of Freedom of Information and mandatory review requests to the CIA, State Department, Defense Department, National Archives, and other agencies to prompt the release of relevant documents. Although this will take time, the State Department’s own systematic declassification review of central files from the 1960s has already made available some very useful material. Moreover, previous declassification requests by the Archive are beginning to generate significant material. This makes it possible for the Archive to display, on our Web site, some newly released documents on U.S. policy toward the Chinese nuclear weapons program.
The documents that follow are from 1964 when U.S. government officials recognized that China would soon acquire a nuclear weapons capability. As this material indicates, the degree of apprehension varied, with some officials truly worried that a nuclear armed China would constitute a formidable threat to the security of China’s neighbors as well as the United States. Others, however, believed that Beijing’s orientation was fundamentally cautious and defensive and that the political and psychological implications would be more immediately consequential than any military threat. Although China’s attitude toward U.S.-Soviet nonproliferation efforts was hostile, as far as can be determined, no one anticipated a development of later decades: the PRC’s apparent role as a purveyor of nuclear weapons and delivery systems technologies.
* * *
This briefing book was prepared by William Burr, the Archive’s analyst for the China nuclear weapons project and for a related project on U.S. nuclear weapons policies and programs. Currently a member of Dipomatic History‘s editorial board, he has published articles there and in the Bulletin of the Cold War International History Project. He previously directed the Archive’s project on the Berlin Crisis, 1958-1962 (published by Chadwyck-Healey in 1992).
The National Security Archive thanks the W. Alton Jones Foundation for the generous financial support that made this project possible. Anthony Wai, Duke University, and Matthew Shabatt, Stanford University, provided invaluable research assistance for this project.
THE DOCUMENTS
Document 1: “Implications of a Chinese Communist Nuclear Capability”, by Robert H. Johnson, State Department Policy Planning Staff, with forwarding memorandum to President Johnson by Policy Planning Council director Walt W. Rostow, 17 April 1964.
Source: U.S. National Archives, Record Group 59, Department of State Records, Central Foreign Policy Files, 1964-1966, file DEF 12-1 Chicom.
Robert Johnson (now associated with the National Planning Association) was one of the Department’s leading China experts. Between 1962 and 1964, he directed a number of studies on the Chinese nuclear program and its ramifications, not only for the United States but also for China’s neighbors in East and South Asia. This document is a summary of a longer study which remains classified but is undergoing declassification review. In this paper Johnson minimized the immediate military threat of a nuclear China, suggesting instead that Chinese leaders were more interested in a nuclear capability’s deterrent effect and were unlikely to engage in high-risk activities. Consistent with his relatively moderate interpretation, Johnson ruled out preemptive action against Chinese nuclear facilities except in “response to major ChiCom aggression.” Johnson explored the issue of preemption in another study: “The Bases for Direct Action Against Chinese Communist Nuclear Facilities,” also April 1964. That study is unavailable but is discussed in document 5.
Document 2: Special National Intelligence Estimate, “The Chances of an Imminent Communist Chinese Nuclear Explosion” 26 August 1964.
Source: Lyndon B. Johnson Library
The timing of a Chinese atomic test was a controversial subject during the summer and fall of 1964. As this document shows, CIA officials believed that the Chinese would not test a weapon until “sometime after the end of 1964.” State Department China specialist Allen Whiting, an official at the Bureau of Intelligence and Research, thought otherwise. Like his colleagues he was unaware that the Chinese had an operating gaseous diffusion plant which was producing weapons-grade material. Yet, he made more than the CIA of the fact that the Chinese had already constructed a 325 foot test tower at Lop Nur. Whiting was certain that the Chinese would not have taken the trouble to construct a tower unless a test was impending, although CIA technical experts were dubious. As other intelligence information becomes available, Whiting estimated a test on 1 October. (Interview with Whiting by William Burr, 13 December 1996).
Document 3: Memorandum for the Record, McGeorge Bundy, 15 September 1964
Source: Lyndon B. Johnson Library.
This report of a meeting between President Johnson’s top advisers discloses the administration’s basic approach toward the first Chinese nuclear test but nevertheless raises questions that have yet to be settled. Although it is evident that the administration had provisionally ruled out a preemptive strike, it is unclear whether Secretary of State Rusk ever had any substantive discussions of the Chinese nuclear issue with Soviet Ambassador Dobrynin during the weeks after this meeting.
Until recently, paragraph 3 of this document was entirely excised but a successful appeal by the National Security Archive led the National Archives to release all but the date of the proposed “Chinat” overflight, presumably by a U-2. The date of the overflight is unknown although a number took place in late 1964 and early 1965 to monitor Chinese nuclear weapons facilities.
Document 4: “China As a Nuclear Power (Some Thoughts Prior to the Chinese Test)”, 7 October 1964
Source: FOIA request to State Department
This document was prepared by the Office of International Security Affairs at the Department of Defense, possibly by, or under the supervision of Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Henry S. Rowen, who drafted other papers on the Chinese nuclear program during this period. It probably typified the “worst case” scenarios developed by those who believed that a nuclear China would become such a serious threat that it would be necessary to attack Chinese nuclear weapons facilities as a counter-proliferation measure.
Document 5: State Department Telegram No. 2025 to U.S. Embassy Paris, 9 October 1964
Source: U.S. National Archives, Record Group 59, Department of State Records, Central Foreign Policy Files, 1964-1966, file DEF 12-1 Chicom
This document provides one example of Washington’s efforts to get “hard” information on the PRC’s atomic test not long before it occurred on 16 October. In early September, several weeks before the State Department sent this cable, Allen Whiting saw a CIA report on a meeting earlier in the year between Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai and President of Mali Modibo Keita, when Zhou was visiting West Africa. Zhou told Keita that China would be testing an atomic device in October and asked him to give political support to the test when it occurred. Whiting was sure that Zhou’s statement should be taken seriously and on the basis of this and other information he convinced Secretary of State Rusk to announce, on 29 September, that a test would soon occur. (Interview with Whiting). The CIA report is unavailable but this telegram suggests that Zhou’s statement or similar comments by PRC officials to friendly governments may have leaked to the press.
Document 6: “Destruction of Chinese Nuclear Weapons Capabilities”, by G.W. Rathjens, U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, 14 December 1964.
Source: FOIA request to State Department
George Rathjens, the author of this document, was an ACDA official serving on an interagency group, directed by White House staffer Spurgeon Keeny, that assisted the President’s Task Force on the Spread of Nuclear Weapons, better known as the Gilpatric Committee after its chairman, former Deputy Secretary of Defense Roswell Gilpatric. Whether Rathjens prepared it as his own initiative or at the Committee’s request is unclear, but it may have been the latter because the Committee considered the possibility of recommending an attack on Chinese nuclear weapons facilities as part of a program to check nuclear proliferation. In this document, Rathjens summarized Roben Johnson’s still classified study of the costs and benefits of various types of attacks on the Chinese nuclear weapons complex. Apparently one of the possibilities, an “air drop of GRC [Government of the Republic of China] sabotage team” received serious consideration earlier in the year.
Taking a more bullish view of the benefits of attacking Chinese nuclear facilities, Rathjens took issue with Johnson’s conclusion that the “significance of a [Chicom nuclear] capability is not such as to justify the undertaking of actions which would involve great political costs or high military risks.” However confident Rathjens may have been that a successful attack could discourage imitators and check nuclear proliferation, that recommendation did not go into the final report, which has recently been declassified in full.
Before ACDA declassified this document in its entirety, a lightly excised version was available at the Johnson Library. Shane Maddock of the U.S. Coast Guard Academy’s History Department, published the excised version with stimulating commentary in the April 1996 issue of the SHAFR Newsletter.
Document 7: “As Explosive as a Nuclear Weapon”: The Gilpatric Report on Nuclear Proliferation, January 1965
Source: Freedom of Information Act request to State Department
Sections excised from previous releases are outlined in red.
Note: Since the Archive published this document, the Department of State has released Foreign Relations of the United States, Arms Control and Disarmament, 1964-1968, Volume XI, which includes the full text of the Gilpatric Report along with valuable background material.
Here the Archive publishes, for the first time, the complete text of the “Gilpatric Report”, the earliest major U.S. government-sponsored policy review of the spread of nuclear weapons. Largely motivated by concern over the first Chinese atomic test in October 1964, President Lyndon B. Johnson asked Wall Street lawyer and former Deputy Secretary of Defense Roswell Gilpatric to lead a special task force in investigating, and making policy recommendations on, the spread of nuclear weapons. Owing to his extensive connections in high-level corporate and governmental circles, Gilpatric was able to recruit a group of unusually senior former government officials, including DCI Allen Dulles, U. S. High Commissioner to Germany John J. McCloy, White House Science Adviser George Kistiakowsky, and SACEUR Alfred Gruenther. Johnson announced the formation of the committee on 1 November 1964. The committee completed its report in early 1965 and presented it to President Johnson on 21 January 1965.
The report came at a time when senior Johnson administration officials had important disagreements over nuclear proliferation policy. Johnson and Secretary of State Dean Rusk were already heavily committed to a Multilateral Force [MLF] designed to give the Germans and other European allies the feeling of sharing control over NATO nuclear weapons decisions while diverting them from developing independent nuclear capabilities. This complicated negotiations with Moscow which saw the MLF as incompatible with a nonproliferation treaty; nevertheless, Johnson and Rusk gave the MLF priority on the grounds that it would secure West Germany’s non-nuclear status1. Further, some senior officials thought that nuclear proliferation was inevitable and, among the right countries, potentially desirable. Thus, during a November 1964 meeting, Rusk stated that he was not convinced that “the U.S. should oppose other countries obtaining nuclear weapons.” Not only could he “conceive of situations where the Japanese or the Indians might desirably have their own nuclear weapons”, Rusk asked “should it always be the U.S. which would have to use nuclear weapons against Red China?” Robert McNamara thought otherwise: it was “unlikely that the Indians or the Japanese would ever have a suitable nuclear deterrent2.
The Gilpatric Committee tried to resolve the debate by taking an unhesitatingly strong position against nuclear proliferation, recommending that the United States “greatly intensify” its efforts to halt the spread of nuclear weapons. Besides calling for an international treaty on “non-dissemination and non-acquisition of nuclear weapons”, the report included a range of suggestions for inhibiting proliferation in specific countries in Europe, the Near East, and Asia. The latter generally involved a carrot and stick approach: inducements to discourage independent nuclear programs but a more assertive policy if inducements failed. For example, with respect to Israel, Washington would continue to offer “assurances” against Egyptian-Syrian attack; however, “make clear to Israel that those assurances would be withdrawn if she develops a nuclear weapons capability.” With respect to the MLF controversy, the report questioned Johnson administration policy by suggesting the “urgent exploration of alternatives” to permanently inhibit German nuclear weapons potential.
Spurgeon Keeny, the Committee’s staff director, believes that the report “got to LBJ that the Establishment was really worried about nuclear proliferation and that steps could be taken to do something about it”3. Yet, however Johnson may have thought about the report’s line of argument and recommendations, his immediate response appears to have been skeptical because it challenged the Administration’s emphasis on the MLF as a means to manage the German nuclear problem. Unquestionably, this contributed heavily to his decision to bar circulation of the report except at the cabinet level. Dean Rusk fully agreed, according to Glenn Seaborg’s account of a briefing for Johnson, Rusk opined that the report was “as explosive as a nuclear weapon.” Like Johnson, Rusk worried about leaks; moreover, he opposed the report’s message on Germany as well as other countries that it singled out. Uncontrolled revelations about the report would have quickly complicated U.S. relations with France, Germany, and lsrael, among others4.
One important section of the report, on possible initiatives toward the Soviet Union and their relationship to nonproliferation goals, has been declassified for some time. In it (beginning on p. 16), the Committee called for a verified fissile material cutoff (although production of tritium permitted) and strategic arms control agreements. By recommending a strategic delivery vehicle freeze (misspelled “free” in text), significant reductions in strategic force levels, and a moratorium on ABM and ICBM construction, the report presaged (and went beyond) the SALT I agreement of 1972. Elsewhere (p. 8) the Committee called for U.S. efforts to work with the Soviets in building support for a comprehensive nuclear test ban. For the Committee, U.S.-Soviet cooperation in those areas were essential because they would help create an “atmosphere conducive to wide acceptance of restraints on nuclear proliferation.”
Participants and close observers have offered conflicting analyses of the report’s impact. Some, such as Atomic Energy Commission Chairman Glenn Seaborg, downplay its significance noting that other political developments had more influence on Johnson administration policy. Others, such as Keeny and Raymond Garthoff (who represented the State Department on the Committee’s interagency staff) believe that even if the Gilpatric report did not quickly lead to tangible policy changes, it educated the President as well as its members on the significance of the nuclear proliferation issue. Keeny further argues that the report helped prepare Johnson to give strong support to a nonproliferation treaty in 1966 after the MLF approach to the German nuclear problem had lost momentum5.
No doubt owing to classification problems, the literature on the Gilpatric Committee and the early history of U.S. non- proliferation policy is sparse6. With the report fully declassified and other related information becoming available, it should now be possible for historians and social scientists to assess the Gilpatric Committee’s contribution to Lyndon Johnson’s nuclear proliferation policy. Whatever the Gilpatric report’s immediate impact may have been, the future turned out very differently than its critics anticipated. The slowing of nuclear proliferation has proven to be possible and a major goal of the Gilpatric committee–a nearly universal nonproliferation regime–came to pass. To the extent, however, that important measures supported by the Committee have yet to be acted upon–e.g., a fissile materials production cut off–or ratified, e.g., the CTBT–the report stands in harsh judgement of current international efforts to curb nuclear proliferation.
NOTES
1. For a useful overview of the MLF-NPT interrelationships, see George Bunn, Arms Control By Committee, Managing Negotiations with the Russians (Stanford University Press, 1992), 64-72. 2. Presumably, Rusk thought it better that Asians use nuclear weapons against each other rather than Euro-Americans using them against Asians. Quotations from memorandum of conversation by Herbert Scoville, ACDA, “Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons- Course of Action for UNGA – Discussed by the Committee of Principals”, 23 November 1964, National Archives, Record Group 359, White House Office of Science and Technology, FOIA Release to National Security Archive. 3. Telephone conversation with Spurgeon Keeny, 24 March 1997. 4. Glenn Seaborg with Benjamin S. Loeb, Stemming the Tide: Arms Control in the Johnson Years (Lexington, MA: 1987), 143-145. This is the only generally available account of Johnson’s meeting with the committee. Neither Dean Rusk’s nor Lyndon Johnson’s memoirs mention the report. 5. Seaborg, Stemming the Tide, 148-149, although he provides a dissent from Keeny. Herbert York, Making Weapons, Talking Peace: A Physicists odyssey from Hiroshima to Geneva (New York, 1987), also downplays the report’s significance. Telephone conversation with Keeny, 24 March 1997; conversation with Raymond Garthoff, 28 March 1997. George Bunn, Arms Control by Committee, 75-81, is useful on the negotiations but does not mention the report. 6. George Perkovich’s “India’s Ambiguous Bomb” (forthcoming Ph.D. dissertation, University of Virginia), explores the impact of the Gilpatric report on Johnson’s policy, among other subjects.
For further reading:
Willis C. Armstrong et al., “The Hazards of Single-Outcome Forecasting,” in H. Bradford Westerfield, Inside ClA ‘s Private World: Declassified Articles from the Agency’s Internal Journal, 1955-1992 (New Haven, 1995), 238-254
Gordon H. Chang, Friends and Enemies: The United States, China, and the Soviet Union, 1948-1972 (Stanford, 1990)
Rosemary Foot, The Practice of Power, U.S. Relations with China Since 1949 (Oxford, 1995)
John Wilson Lewis and Xue Litai, China Builds The Bomb (Stanford, 1988)
Chris Pocock, Dragon Lady: The History of the U-2 Spyplane (Airlife, England, 1989), especially ch. 6, “Parting the Bamboo Curtain”
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I have spent the last two days going over the latest satellite imagery for a huge Chinese signals intelligence (SIGINT) out in western China, which is located eight miles east of the nondescript city of Changji and about five miles north of the provincial capital of Urumqi. Tis a dustbowl of a place, but one filled with history.
The Changji station, which I listed in my recent list of Chinese SIGINT stations, is intriguing for a number of reasons. When the CIAโs National Photographic Interpretation Center (NPIC) issued a report on the site back in 1984, there were only three parabolic satelite dish antennas on he station and a brand new operations building.
Today, there are 25 satellite dishes (none in radomes) on the station, and there ar now two separate and distinct intercept stations within the confines of the post, both of whom are intercepting communications traffic passing through U.S., Russian, and intrnational communications satellites parked in geosynchronous orbit 22,000 miles above the earth. This is a monster of a station. With 25 intercept antennas, the station can cover pretty much all of the major INTELSAT, ARABSAT etc. communications satellites parked over the Indian Ocean and Western Pacific orbital stations. If you want to take a gander at the stationโs two main SATCOM intercept operations centers, see here for a site I have arbitrarily dersignated Changji #1, and here for Changji #2. There is also a big circularly-displayed antenna array (CDAA) just north of the station proper, which you can see here.
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The email attachment looked like a brochure for a yoga studio in Toulouse, France, the center of the European aerospace industry. But once it was opened, it allowed hackers to sidestep their victimโs network security and steal closely guarded satellite technology.
The fake yoga brochure was one of many clever come-ons used by a stealth Chinese military unit for hacking, said researchers at CrowdStrike, an Irvine, Calif., security company. Their targets were the networks of European, American and Japanese government entities, military contractors and research companies in the space and satellite industry, systematically broken into for seven years.
Just weeks after the Justice Department indicted five members of the Chinese army, accusing them of online attacks on United States corporations, a new report from CrowdStrike, released on Monday, offers more evidence of the breadth and ambition of Chinaโs campaign to steal trade and military secrets from foreign victims.
This 12-story building on the outskirts of Shanghai is the headquarters of Unit 61398 of the Peopleโs Liberation Army. Chinaโs defense ministry has denied that it is responsible for initiating digital attacks.
The report, parts of which The New York Times was able to corroborate independently, ties attacks against dozens of public and private sector organizations back to a group of Shanghai-based hackers whom CrowdStrike called Putter Panda because they often targeted golf-playing conference attendees. The National Security Agency and its partners have identified the hackers as Unit 61486, according to interviews with a half-dozen current and former American officials.
13 April 2014 Google Earth31ยฐ17’16.42″ N 121ยฐ27’17.56″ E
Close relatives of Chinaโs top leaders have held secretive offshore companies in tax havens that helped shroud the Communist eliteโs wealth, a leaked cache of documents reveals.
The confidential files include details of a real estate company co-owned by current President Xi Jinpingโs brother-in-law and British Virgin Islands companies set up by former Premier Wen Jiabaoโs son and also by his son-in-law.
Nearly 22,000 offshore clients with addresses in mainland China and Hong Kong appear in the files obtained by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists. Among them are some of Chinaโs most powerful men and women โ including at least 15 of Chinaโs richest, members of the National Peopleโs Congress and executives from state-owned companies entangled in corruption scandals.
PricewaterhouseCoopers, UBS and other Western banks and accounting firms play a key role as middlemen in helping Chinese clients set up trusts and companies in the British Virgin Islands, Samoa and other offshore centers usually associated with hidden wealth, the records show. For instance, Swiss financial giant Credit Suisse helped Wen Jiabaoโs son create his BVI company while his father was leading the country.
The files come from two offshore firms โ Singapore-based Portcullis TrustNet and BVI-based Commonwealth Trust Limited โ that help clients create offshore companies, trusts and bank accounts. They are part of a cache of 2.5 million leaked files that ICIJ has sifted through with help from more than 50 reporting partners in Europe, North America, Asia and other regions.
Until now, the details on China and Hong Kong had not been disclosed.
The data illustrates the outsized dependency of the worldโs second largest economy on tiny islands thousands of miles away. As the country has moved from an insular communist system to a socialist/capitalist hybrid, China has become a leading market for offshore havens that peddle secrecy, tax shelters and streamlined international deal making.
Every corner of Chinaโs economy, from oil to green energy and from mining to arms trading, appears in the ICIJ data.
Xi Jinping and Wen Jiabao: relatives appear in ICIJ’s data.
Chinese officials arenโt required to disclose their assets publicly and until now citizens have remained largely in the dark about the parallel economy that can allow the powerful and well-connected to avoid taxes and keep their dealings secret. By some estimates, between $1 trillion and $4 trillion in untraced assets have left the country since 2000.
The growing onshore and offshore wealth of Chinaโs elites โmay not be strictly illegal,โ but it is often tied to โconflict of interest and covert use of government power,โ said Minxin Pei, a political scientist at Claremont McKenna College in California. โIf there is real transparency, then the Chinese people will have a much better idea of how corrupt the system is [and] how much wealth has been amassed by government officials through illegal means.โ
Top-level corruption is a politically sensitive issue in China as the country’s economy cools and its wealth gap continues to widen. The countryโs leadership has cracked down on journalists who have exposed the hidden wealth of top officials and their families as well as citizens who have demanded that government officials disclose their personal assets.
In November, a mainland Chinese news organization that was working with ICIJ to analyze the offshore data withdrew from the reporting partnership, explaining that authorities had warned it not to publish anything about the material.
ICIJ is keeping the identity of the news outlet confidential to protect journalists from government retaliation. Other partners in the investigation include the Hong Kong newspaper Ming Pao, the Taiwanese magazine CommonWealth and the German newspaper Sรผddeutsche Zeitung.
The ICIJ team spent months sifting through the files and the leaked lists of offshore users. In most cases, names were registered in Romanized form, not Chinese characters, making matching extremely difficult. Many offshore users had provided a passport as well as an address when they set up their companies, which made it possible to confirm identities in many but not all cases. Some suspected princelings and officials in the files could not be confirmed and have not been included in this story.
Along with the China and Hong Kong names, ICIJโs files also include the names of roughly 16,000 offshore clients from Taiwan. ICIJ will continue to publish stories with its partners in the next few days and will release the Greater China names on its Offshore Leaks Database on Jan. 23.
Whoโs Who in Chinaโs Offshore Circles: Tap to see where the money goes
Graphic: Chris Zubak-Skees. Illustrations: Jesรบs Pรฉrez. Photos: AP, Ming Pao, Angรฉlica Rivera de Peรฑa (CC BY-SA), World Economic Forum (CC BY-SA) and White House. The Red NobilityThe WealthyDeng JiaguiBrother-in-law of President Xi Jinping Wen YunsongSon of former Premier Wen JiabaoLiu ChunhangSon-in-law of former Premier Wen Jiabao Hu YishiFirst cousin once removed of former President Hu Jintao Li XiaolinDaughter of former Premier Li Peng Wu JianchangSon-in-law of paramount leader Deng Xiaoping Che FengSon-in-law of a former central bank governorWang ZhiSon of a former vice presidentWang JunSon of a former vice presidentFu LiangSon of one of ‘Eight Elders’ of the Communist Party Yeh Shuen-jiNephew of one of PRC’s founders Wang JingjingGrandaughter of a former vice presidentSu ZhijunGrandson of one of best-known PLA commandersMa HuatengCo-founder of Internet giant TencentYang HuiyanChina’s richest womanZhang XinCo-founder of property developer SOHO China Zhang ZhidongCo-founder of Internet giant TencentShen GuojunChairman of Yintai GroupJia YuetingChairman of web video giant Leshi Huang GuangyuJailed founder of GOME appliances chainDu JuanGOME executive and wife of founder Lu ZhiqiangChairman of OceanwideLi JinyuanChairman of Tiens GroupDai ZhikangFounder of Zendai Investment Group Du ShuanghuaChairman of Rizhao Holding Group Ma JianrongChairman of Shenzhou InternationalWen YiboFounder of Sound GlobalShi ZhengrongFounder of solar-panel maker SuntechZhou ZhengyiJailed Shanghai property developer
Princelings go offshore
China’s Politburo Standing Committee is the all-powerful group of seven (formerly nine) men who run the Communist Party and the country. The records obtained by ICIJ show that relatives of at least five current or former members of this small circle have incorporated companies in the Cook Islands or British Virgin Islands.
Chinaโs โred nobilityโ โ elites tied by blood or marriage to the current leadership or Party elders โ are also popularly known as โprincelings.โ Ordinary Chinese have grown increasingly angry over their vast wealth and what many see as the hypocrisy of officials who tout โpeople-firstโ ideals but look the other way while their families peddle power and influence for personal gain.
The leaked offshore records include details of a BVI company 50 percent owned by President Xiโs brother-in-law Deng Jiagui. The husband of Xiโs older sister, Deng is a multimillionaire real estate developer and an investor in metals used in cell phones and other electronics. The records show the other half of Excellence Effort Property Development was owned by yet another BVI company belonging to Li Wa and Li Xiaoping, property tycoons who made news in July by winning a $2 billion bid to purchase commercial real estate in Shenzhen.
Since taking over as the Communist Partyโs top official in 2012, Xi has sought to burnish his image with an aggressive anti-graft campaign, promising to go after official corruption involving both low-level โfliesโ and high-level โtigers.โ Yet he has crushed a grassroots movement that called for government officials to publicly declare their assets. Wen Jiabao, who stepped down as premier in 2013 after a decade-long tenure, also styled himself as a reformer, cultivating an image of grandfatherly concern for Chinaโs poor.
The ICIJ offshore files reveal that Wenโs son Wen Yunsong set up a BVI-registered company, Trend Gold Consultants, with help from the Hong Kong office of Credit Suisse in 2006. Wen Yunsong was the lone director and shareholder of the firm, which appears to have been dissolved in 2008.
Bare-bones company structures are often created to open bank accounts in the offshore firmโs name, helping obscure the relationship to the real account owner. It isnโt immediately clear from the documents what Trend Gold Consultants was used for. A U.S.-educated venture capitalist, Wen Yunsong co-founded a China-focused private equity firm and in 2012 became chairman of Chinaโs Satellite Communications Co., a state-owned firm that aspires to be Asiaโs largest satellite operator.
ICIJ made repeated attempts to reach Wen Yunsong and other individuals named in this story. Only a few responded. Wen was among those who did not. Citing confidentiality rules, a Credit Suisse spokesman said the bank is โunable to comment on this matter.โ
The ICIJ files also shed light on the BVIโs previously unreported role in a burgeoning scandal involving Wen Jiabaoโs daughter, Wen Ruchun, also known as Lily Chang. The New York Timeshas reported that JPMorgan Chase & Co. paid a firm that she ran, Fullmark Consultants, $1.8 million in consulting fees. U.S. securities regulators are investigating the relationship as part of a probe into the bankโs alleged use of princelings to increase its influence in China.
Fullmark Consultants appears to have been set up in a manner that obscured Wen Ruchunโs relationship to the firm, the ICIJ files indicate. Her name does not show up in any of the incorporation documents in the ICIJ data, though a ‘Lily Chang’ is CCโd in one August, 2009 email correspondence about the company. Her husband Liu Chunhang, a former Morgan Stanley finance guru, created Fullmark Consultants in the BVI in 2004 and was the sole director and shareholder of the firm until 2006, the same year he took a government job at the agency that regulates Chinaโs banking industry.
Liu transferred control of the company, the ICIJ files show, to a Wen family friend, Zhang Yuhong, a wealthy businesswoman and colleague of Wen Jiabaoโs brother. The Times reported that Zhang also helped control other Wen family assets including diamond and jewelry ventures.
The ICIJ files show that offshore provider Portcullis TrustNet billed UBS AG for a certificate of good standing for Fullmark Consultants in October 2005, indicating a business relationship between Fullmark and the Swiss bank. In response to ICIJโs questions, UBS issued a statement saying its โknow-your-clientโ policies as well as procedures to deal with politically-sensitive clients are among โthe strictest in the industry.โ Liu and Zhang did not respond to ICIJ’s requests for comment.
A 2007 U.S. Department of State cable passed along a sourceโs tip that Premier Wen was โdisgusted with his familyโs activities,โ and that โWenโs wife and children all have a reputation as people who can โget things doneโ for the right price.โ The cable, part of the Wikileaks document dump, reported that Wenโs kin โdid not necessarily take bribes, [but] they are amenable to receiving exorbitant โconsulting fees.โ โ
The records also include incorporations by relatives of Deng Xiaoping, former Premier Li Peng, and former President Hu Jintao.
China experts say that the growing wealth and business interests of the princelings, including offshore holdings, are a dangerous liability for the ruling Communist Party but that people in leadership positions are too involved to stop it.
โWhatโs the point of running the Communist Party if you canโt get a couple billion for your family?โ said Steve Dickinson, a China-based American lawyer who has investigated fraud cases involving BVI companies. โThe issue is enormous and has tremendous significance for China, and the fact that everybody dances around it and doesnโt want to talk about it is understandable but scandalous.โ
China embraces offshore
The story of Chinaโs involvement with the offshore world begins with paramount leader Deng Xiaopingโs deepening of economic reforms in the early 1990s.
Laws reorganizing Chinaโs economy drove many Chinese offshore because they were written with state-owned enterprises in mind, not fledgling ventures like the entrepreneur trying to โmarket the latest iPhone app,โ according to Don Clarke, a China specialist at the George Washington University Law School in Washington, D.C.
Western bankers, accountants and investors wary of doing business on strictly Chinese terms also pushed the offshore model.
โIt was us, the foreigners, that imposed this,โ said Rocky Lee, head of the Greater China corporate law practice of Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft. โIt had to do with the foreign investorsโ general discomfort with Chinese rules and regulations.โ
Other factors โ including tightened capital controls within China as a result of the 1990s Asian debt crisis โ also nudged Chinese offshore. Many had flocked to Hong Kong, then still a British territory, to incorporate businesses. As the 1997 handover back to China approached, though, Hong Kong itself began to look risky and many companies sought more far-flung offshore destinations.
The British Virgin Islands became a favorite haven for Chinese wanting to move businesses and cash offshore.
Chinaโs tax regime favored foreign investment, helping fuel the push to incorporate in the BVI and other offshore centers. Some Chinese manufacturers, for example, reduced their taxes by a maneuver known as โround-trippingโ โ setting up subsidiaries outside the country, then selling their products at low cost to the subsidiaries, allowing the parent companies to avoid taxes by showing little or no profits inside China. The offshore entities in turn resold the goods at profitable markup โ then slipped the profits back to the parents as untaxed โforeign investmentโ from the BVI or Hong Kong.
Today 40 percent of the BVIโs offshore business comes from China and other Asian nations, according to BVI authorities.
Every corner of Chinaโs economy, from oil to green energy and from mining to arms trading, appears in the ICIJ data
Frank Savage, the BVIโs governor from 1998 to 2002, says the islands helped cultivate the relationship by persuading Chinese authorities that they were a โwell-regulated territory with a robust and sound legal system.โ
Critics of the offshore system, though, see the BVI in a different light โ as a โno-questions-askedโ haven for shadowy dealings. Tax Justice Network, an advocacy group, says BVI offshore entities have been linked to โscandal after scandal after scandalโ โ the result of a corporate secrecy regime that creates an โeffective carte blanche for BVI companies to hide and facilitate all manner of crimes and abuses.โ
Among the important Chinese who went offshore in the late 1990s was Fu Liang, the son of Peng Zhen, one of the โEight Eldersโ of the Communist Party and a top leader of the National Peopleโs Congress in the 1980s.
Offshore Leaks records show Fu โ who has invested in yachting clubs and golf courses on the mainland โ controlled at least five offshore companies established in the BVI between 1997 and 2000. He used one of them, South Port Development Limited, to acquire a Philippines hotel in 2000.
TrustNet, the offshore services provider, helped Fu set up some of his offshore companies. By 2000, Trustnet was among the offshore services firms that were making an all-out drive to sign up clients from China, doing marketing meetings at the Shanghai offices of what were then known as the โBig 5โ accounting firms: KPMG, Ernst & Young, Pricewaterhouse, Deloitte & Touche, and Arthur Andersen.
The audit firm now known as PricewaterhouseCoopers helped incorporate more than 400 offshore entities through TrustNet for clients from the mainland, Hong Kong and Taiwan, the ICIJ records show. Swiss banking giant UBS helped set up more than 1,000 offshore structures via TrustNet for clients from those three markets.
UBS Hong Kong helped Yang Huiyan, China’s richest woman, with an estimated net worth of US$ 8.3 billion, establish a BVI company in 2006. Yang, who inherited a real estate fortune from her father, did not respond to questions about her offshore company, Joy House Enterprises Limited.
The following year the Swiss bank referred another Chinese real estate billionaire, Zhang Xin, to TrustNet. Zhang, founder of Soho China, a company that has reshaped much of the Beijing skyline, recently made headlines by buying a $26 million Manhattan townhouse. Through a representative, Zhang declined to answer questions about her BVI company Commune Investment Ltd., a name similar to that of her exclusive boutique hotel outside Beijing, the Commune by the Great Wall.
Li Jinyuan, a business tycoon and philanthropist with a net worth estimated at $1.2 billion in 2011, was director of seven BVI companies that PricewaterhouseCoopers helped incorporate between 2004 and 2008. According to the ICIJ files, the BVI companies appear to be connected to his Tiens Group conglomerate, which has interests in biotechnology, tourism, e-commerce and real estate.
In a 2005 marketing memo marked โstrictly private and confidential,โ TrustNet staffers were encouraged to improve ties with Credit Suisse in Hong Kong. They courted Credit Suisse and UBS with wine and cheese sessions. On the mainland, where foreign banks were restricted, they took a different tack: โIn Shanghai, we will target international law firms and accounting firms,โ the 2005 memo says.
The marketing campaign paid off. The number of companies TrustNet set up for clients in China, Hong Kong and Taiwan tripled from 1,500 to 4,800 between 2003 and 2007.
The TrustNet clients who incorporated companies during this period include two current delegates to the National People’s Congress, China’s legislature.
Wei Jianghong, who represents Anhui province in the legislature while serving as chairman of state-owned Tongling Nonferrous Metals, was a director of Tong Guan Resources Holdings, a BVI company set up in 2006. Tongling used Tong Guan to invest $10 million in a $50 million copper processing project in Chile in 2007.
Another delegate with offshore holdings is Ma Huateng, the founder of China’s leading online chat company, Tencent. Ma is worth $10 billion and is ranked No. 5 on Forbesโ list of billionaires in China. In 2007, he became director of TCH Pi Limited in the BVI with fellow Tencent founder Zhang Zhidong.
A spokeswoman for Ma said TCH Pi is a Tencent company that โhas nothing to do with [Ma or Zhang] personally,โ but the firm doesn’t show up in Tencent corporate filings, and its purpose isn’t clear.
Profits and corruption
Things have changed dramatically for China since it first dipped its toe into the offshore world. The country is wealthier and offshore centers serve increasingly as channels not only for capital that โround-tripsโ out of the country and back again, but also for overseas investment and accessing markets for metals, minerals and other resources.
Defenders of Chinaโs offshore push say the offshore system has helped boost the countryโs economy.
โI think we should face the reality, which is that Chinese capital is flowing out. I think itโs actually a beneficial thing,โ said Mei Xinyu, a researcher at Chinaโs Commerce Ministry. โOf course I support the idea that a company should incorporate in its host country. But if the host country can’t provide the right environment, then incorporating the company in an offshore center is actually a practical choice.โ
Thereโs also evidence, though, that many Chinese companies and individuals have used offshore entities to engage in illicit or illegal behavior.
In September Zhang Shuguang, a former high-level Chinese railway executive, pleaded guilty to criminal charges in the wake of allegations that heโd funneled $2.8 billion into offshore accounts. An internal government report released by the Bank of China revealed that public officials โ including executives at state-owned companies โ had embezzled more than $120 billion out of China since the mid-1980s, some of it funneled through the BVI.
Portcullis TrustNet helped state-run shipping giant Cosco incorporate a BVI company in 2000. Among the numerous directors of Cosco Information Technology Limited were current Cosco Group chairman Ma Zehua and Song Jun, an executive who would stand trial in 2011 for embezzlement and bribery. After Cosco sent Song to help oversee a Qingdao subsidiary in 2001, he set up a fake BVI joint venture partner and used it to siphon millions from the building of Qingdaoโs gleaming Cosco Plaza, prosecutors said. State news service Xinhua said he embezzled $6 million, took $1 million in bribes from a Taiwanese business partner and purchased 37 apartments in Beijing, Tianjin and Qingdao with his ill-gotten earnings. His trial was adjourned but no verdict was publicly announced.
Chinaโs corruption-plagued oil industry โ which recently has been the target of criminal investigations that have led to the suspension of key oil executives โ is a big player in the offshore world. Chinaโs three big state-owned oil companies, which are counted among the largest companies in the world, are linked to dozens of BVI firms that show up in the ICIJ data.
Former PetroChina executive Li Hualin, who was dismissed in August after coming under investigation for alleged โserious violations of disciplineโ, often a party shorthand for corruption, was the director of two BVI companies, the ICIJ files reveal.
While some of these offshore firms are disclosed in corporate filings, several others linked to individual executives โ including Zhang Bowen of PetroChinaโs natural gas distribution arm Kunlun Energy and Yang Hua of China National Offshore Oil Corporation โ appear to operate in the dark, and their purpose is not clear. PetroChina and CNOOC did not respond to ICIJโs repeated requests for comment.
Other scandal-tainted Chinese who have used the BVI to do business include Huang Guangyu, once Chinaโs richest man. The ICIJ records show that he and his wife Du Juan set up a maze of at least 31 BVI companies between 2001 and 2008 as they built the largest consumer electronics retail chain in China.
The husband, Huang, was sentenced to 14 years in prison in 2010 after Chinese courts convicted him of insider trading, bribery and stock price manipulation. Du Juan was convicted of related charges but was released from prison in 2010 after serving a brief time.
While Huang is in prison and many of his assets are frozen, his business empire survives through his offshore network of companies. In 2011, one of his BVI firms, Eagle Vantage Assets Management, made a bid for a retired British aircraft carrier that Huang wanted to turn into a luxury shopping mall (the Brits in the end decided to scrap the ship).
He still owns more than 30 percent of Gome, his electronics retailer, via two companies in the BVI, Shining Crown Holdings and Shine Group.
Offshoreโs future
As concerns grow about the wealth of corporate oligarchs, government officials and their families, some Chinese have braved the governmentโs anger by raising questions about corruption.
A grassroots group, the New Citizens Movement, uses the Internet and small demonstrations to press for greater transparency. โHow can you fight corruption if you donโt even dare to disclose your personal assets?โ the groupโs founder, legal advocate and activist Xu Zhiyong, wrote last spring.
The governmentโs response has been swift. It has arrested Xu and detained more than 20 other members of the group, indicting some for โdisturbing public orderโ or โillegal assembly,โ charges frequently used to silence dissidents.
The government has also cracked down on foreign media that have focused attention on the gap between wealth and poverty in China. After The New York Times and Bloomberg News reported on the onshore assets of Chinaโs princelings, the government blocked their websites and delayed approving visas for their journalists.
After years of inaction, the U.S., the U.K. and international organizations have begun pushing reforms that, they say, would reduce offshore abuses. China has been less aggressive in pressing for changes in the offshore system.
Big loopholes in tax laws have allowed Chinese individuals to operate with relative freedom offshore. They werenโt required to report their foreign holdings.
โChinese policy makers didnโt envision individuals absconding with that much money,โ Lee, the Beijing-based corporate lawyer, said.
Now mainland authorities are moving to get a handle on the flow of private wealth offshore. New rules that went into effect Jan. 1 require Chinese to report their overseas assets.
How aggressively China joins global efforts to reshape the offshore system may have a big impact on the current push for reform. Just as China has become an increasingly important player in the global economy, it has also become more important as a supplier of clients to the market for offshore accounts and companies.
A 2013 industry-sponsored poll of 200-plus bankers and other offshore professionals found that โChina-related demandโ is the key driver in the offshore marketโs growth. The chief of a BVI offshore services firm said in the survey: โChina is the most important location for client origination for business in the next five years.โ
Occupying the Information High Ground: Chinese Capabilities for Computer Network Operations and Cyber Espionage
137 pages
March 7, 2012
The PLAโs sustained modernization effort over the past two decades has driven remarkable transformation within the force and put the creation of modern command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (C4ISR) infrastructure at the heart of the PLAโs strategic guidelines for long term development. This priority on C4ISR systems modernization, has in turn been a catalyst for the development of an integrated information warfare (IW) capability capable of defending military and civilian networks while seizing control of an adversaryโs information systems during a conflict.
Information Warfare Strategy
PLA leaders have embraced the idea that successful warfighting is predicated on the ability to exert control over an adversaryโs information and information systems, often preemptively. This goal has effectively created a new strategic and tactical high ground, occupying which has become just as important for controlling the battlespace as its geographic equivalent in the physical domain.
The PLA has not publicly disclosed the existence of a computer network operations strategy distinct from other components of IW, such as electronic warfare, psychological operations, kinetic strike, and deception, but rather appears to be working toward the integration of CNO with these components in a unified framework broadly known as โinformation confrontation.โ This concept, as discussed by the PLA, seeks to integrate all elements of information warfareโelectronic and non-electronicโoffensive and defensive under a single command authority.
Earlier in the past decade, the PLA adopted a multi-layered approach to offensive information warfare that it calls Integrated Network Electronic Warfare or INEW strategy. Now, the PLA is moving toward information confrontation as a broader conceptualization that seeks to unite the various components of IW under a single warfare commander. The need to coordinate offensive and defensive missions more closely and ensure these missions are mutually supporting is driven by the recognition that IW must be closely integrated with PLA campaign objectives. The creation of what a probable information assurance command in the General Staff Department bureaucracy suggests that the PLA is possibly creating a more centralized command authority for IW that will possibly be responsible for coordinating at least network defense throughout the PLA.
As Chinese capabilities in joint operations and IW strengthen, the ability to employ them effectively as either deterrence tools or true offensive weapons capable of degrading the military capabilities of technologically advanced nations or hold these nationsโ critical infrastructure at risk in ways heretofore not possible for China will present U.S. leaders and the leaders of allied nations with a more complex risk calculus when evaluating decisions to intervene in Chinese initiated conflicts such as aggression against Taiwan or other nations in the Western Pacific region.
Chinese Use of Network Warfare Against the United States
Chinese capabilities in computer network operations have advanced sufficiently to pose genuine risk to U.S. military operations in the event of a conflict. A defense of Taiwan against mainland aggression is the one contingency in the western Pacific Ocean in which success for the United States hinges upon the speed of its response and the ability of the military to arrive on station with sufficient force to defend Taiwan adequately. PLA analysts consistently identify logistics and C4ISR infrastructure as U.S. strategic centers of gravity suggesting that PLA commanders will almost certainly attempt to target these system with both electronic countermeasures weapons and network attack and exploitation tools, likely in advance of actual combat to delay U.S. entry or degrade capabilities in a conflict.
The effects of preemptive penetrations may not be readily observable or detected until after combat has begun or after Chinese computer network attack (CNA) teams have executed their tools against targeted networks. Even if circumstantial evidence points to China as the culprit, no policy currently exists to easily determine appropriate response options to a large scale attack on U.S. military or civilian networks in which definitive attribution is lacking. Beijing, understanding this, may seek to exploit this gray area in U.S. policymaking and legal frameworks to create delays in U.S. command decision making.
Key Entities and Institutions Supporting Chinese Computer Network Operations
The decision to employ computer network operations and INEW capabilities rests with the senior political and military leadership and would be part of a larger issue of employing force during a crisis. Once that decision was made, however, the operational control for the military use of CNO rests with the PLAโs Third and Fourth Departments of the General Staff Department (GSD). The Third Department (3PLA), Chinaโs primary signals intelligence collector is likely tasked with the network defense and possibly exploitation missions. The Fourth Department (4PLA), the traditional electronic warfare arm of the PLA, likely has the responsibility for conducting network attack missions.
The PRC government actively funds grant programs to support CNO related research in both offensive and defensive in orientation at commercial IT companies and civilian and military universities. A review of PRC university technical programs, curricula, research foci, and funding for research and development in areas contributing to information warfare capabilities illustrates the breadth and complexity of the relationships between the universities, government and military organizations, and commercial high-tech industries countrywide.
he following is a โtalking mapโ created by the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGIA) in preparation for the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi, Russia.ย Once the PDF is downloaded, you can click on the names of locations on the map and a sound file will play with the proper pronunciation.
Ein anonymer Insider enthรผllte, wie dick Chinas Ex-Stasi-Chef wirklich abrรคumte: โDas ist der grรถรte Korruptionsfall mit der hรถchsten Summe in der Geschichte der Kommunistischen Partei.โ Seit der Grรผndung der Volksrepublik habe es nichts Vergleichbares gegeben, so der Insider.
Zhou Yongkang (72) war lange Jahre Chinas Stasi-Chef โ davor hatte er sich bereits einen Ruf als โรl-Pateโ erarbeitet: Wรคhrend der 80er Jahre war Zhou Parteisekretรคr des Shengli-รlfelds in der Provinz Shandong, danach โVize-รlministerโ und schlieรlich Chef von Chinas Erdรถl-Monopolisten China National Petroleum (CNPC).
Auf krummen Wegen sammelte Zhou gigantische Geldsummen und Sachwerte: Mehrere 100 Milliarden Yuan (mehrere Zigmilliarden Euro) an Geld, Immobilien und Wertgegenstรคnden sollen es laut dem anonymen Insider gewesen sein. Und auch der langjรคhrige CNPC-Vorstand Jiang Jiemin, Zhous โrechte Handโ, habe sich davon mehrere 10 Milliarden Yuan (mehrere Milliarden Euro) abgezweigt.
Besonders pikant: Auch Chinas Ex-Diktator Jiang Zemin und Ex-Vize-Prรคsident Zeng Qinghong sollen in den Fall verwickelt sein. Dass hinter den Kulissen bereits Ermittlungen gegen Zeng im Gange sind, sickerte vor wenigen Tagen durch.
Auch รผber Zhous derzeitigen โ streng geheimen โ Aufenthaltsort wusste der Informant bescheid: Er sagte, Zhou befรคnde sich momentan in der Inneren Mongolei und werde mehr als 600 Kilometer von Peking entfernt in einer Militรคranlage festgehalten. (Bisherige Gerรผchte vermuteten einen Ort nahe Peking).
Zwei verschiedene Truppen seien mit Zhous Bewachung beauftragt: Angehรถrige des Pekinger Sicherheitsstabs der KP-Zentrale, welche direkt Prรคsident Xi Jinping unterstellt sind, sowie Soldaten des Pekinger Militรคrs. Zhou befรคnde sich unter strengster Kontrolle. Auch seine Familie dรผrfe ihn nicht besuchen.
Die Info zu Zhous Aufenthaltsort erklรคrt, warum Xi Jinping kurz vor dem chinesischen Neujahr eine Rundreise in die Innere Mongolei unternahm und seinen Neujahrsgruร an die Nation von dort sendete.
Ebenfalls am chinesischen โSilvesterabendโ erschien auf der Website des Wirtschaftsmagazins Caixin ein 10-minรผtiges Video zu Zhou Yongkangs Machenschaften: Das Video wurde als erster Teil einer ganzen Serie mit dem Titel โZhous Wegโ angekรผndigt und handelte von Zhous 42-jรคhrigem Sohn Zhou Bin und drei seiner Handlanger.
Als โweiรe Handschuheโ, mit denen sich der รl-Pate beim Umgang mit Schwarzgeld bekleidete, wurden vorgestellt: Familie Huang (Zhou Bins Schwiegereltern aus den USA); Wu Bing, der bereits im August festgenommene Haushรคlter Zhous, der gleichzeitig CEO einer โFirmaโ war, welche Geschรคfte zu seinen Gunsten abwickelte; und Mi Xiaodong, hochrangiger Manager des Offshore-รlfรถrderers CNOOC und Zimmerkollege Zhou Bins aus Studenten-Zeiten.
Der Bericht rollte auf, wie Familie Huang einmal vom Ministerium fรผr Staatsressourcen einen Auftrag fรผr ein รlfรถrderungs-Projekt in Russland bekam und am Weiterverkauf dieses Auftrags 800 Millionen US-Dollar verdiente. Ein anderes Mal kassierten sie fรผr einen Lizenzverkauf 500 Millionen Yuan mit nur einer Unterschrift.
Schon am 22. November hatte das Magazin โCaixinโ mit zwei Exklusiv-Berichten รผber Korruption im รl-Geschรคft die Chinesen auf Schritte gegen Zhou Yongkang vorbereitet. Das Magazin gilt derzeit als inoffizielles Sprachrohr von Xi Jinpings Anti-Korruptions-Kampagne.
Offiziell ist noch nichts, doch soviel ist sicher: Mittlerweile ist der Fรผhrungskreis der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas (KPCh) auf verschiedenen Ebenen รผber den geplanten Prozess gegen Chinas Ex-Staatssicherheitsdienst-Chef Zhou Yongkang informiert.
Wie die Hongkonger โSouth China Morning Postโ (SCMP) heute auf ihrer englischsprachigen Website berichtete, fanden partei-interne Briefings zum Fall Zhou statt. โDie Information wurde nur mรผndlich weitergegeben und war sehr kurzโ, sagte ein Insider laut der SCMP.
Mittlerweile seien alle Beamten der ministeriellen Provinzebene informiert. Es wird vermutet, dass die offizielle Bekanntmachung der Verhaftung und der Prozessauftakt gegen Ex-Stasi-Chef Zhou kurz bevor stehen. Sie kรถnnte nach dem chinesischen Neujahr und noch vor dem โVolkskongressโ im Mรคrz erfolgen. Die Unterrichtung der hochrangigen Beamten findet gewรถhnlich vor Erรถffnung eines solchen politisch heiklen Verfahrens statt.
Zhou Yongkang war von 2007 bis Ende 2012 Chinas Stasi-Chef: In seiner Position als Leiter des โKomitees fรผr Politik und Rechtโ kontrollierte er die gesamte innere Sicherheit des Riesenstaates โ von der Polizei bis zu Gerichtshรถfen, Arbeitslagern und Gefรคngnissen. Zhou spielte vor allem bei der Verfolgung der buddhistischen Qigong-Praxis Falun Gong eine unheilvolle Rolle: Unter seiner Obhut fand im groรen Stil Organraub und Organhandel mit Gefangenen statt, dem Zehntausende der gesundheitsbewussten Falun Gong-Anhรคnger zum Opfer gefallen sein sollen.
Insider sagten nun der SCMP, dass die Anklage gegen Zhou hauptsรคchlich finanzielle Korruption beinhalten werde, wobei es schwierig war, dem Ex-Stasi-Chef, der gleichzeitig auch Chinas รl-Pate war, solche Vergehen nachzuweisen. Zhou Yongkang agierte geschickt durch ein Netzwerk aus Gefolgsmรคnnern und Familienangehรถrigen, um mit Hilfe des Staatskonzerns China National Petroleum Milliardenbetrรคge zu veruntreuen. Derzeit wird hinter den Kulissen noch diskutiert, in welchem Umfang Zhous Machenschaften der รffentlichkeit prรคsentiert werden und welche Summe dabei genannt wird.
Zhou wรคre das erste Mitglied des Stรคndigen Ausschusses des Politbรผros, das wegen Korruption verurteilt wรผrde. Dass der Prozessauftakt und seine offizielle รchtung kurz bevorstehen, deutet auch ein Hinweis an, den der Radiosender Voice of America berichtete:
Kurz vor dem chinesischen Neujahr, das dieses Jahr am 31.Januar gefeiert wird, flattert traditionell eine Routine-Meldung durch Chinas Staatsmedien: Die amtierenden Fรผhrer statten den pensionierten Vorgรคngern ihren Neujahrs-Besuch ab. Am 28. Januar fiel diese Meldung auf Xinhua auffรคllig kurz aus. โDie jetzigen zentralen Fรผhrer besuchten und plauderten mit den pensionierten alten Genossen Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintau und Etc.โ, hieร es da.
Im vergangenen Jahr folgte anstelle des โEtc.โ eine Liste von 74 Funktionรคrs-Namen, inklusive Zhou Yongkang. โDiese Namensliste mit nur zwei Namen nรคhrt weitere Vermutungenโ, kommentierte Voice of America: Sรคmtliche โalten Genossenโ wurden wohl gestrichen, damit die Streichung Zhous weniger auffiel. Chinesische Auslandsmedien bemerkten sie trotzdem.
Wie geht es in Chinas Machtkampf weiter? Beobachter vermuten, dass Chinas Staats- und Parteichef Xi Jinping weiter auf Taktik spielen wird: Nun soll auch im Fall Zhou, รคhnlich wie damals beim Prozess gegen Bo Xilai, nur รผber Geld geredet werden โ eine Erwรคhnung von Zhous Menschenrechtsverbrechen gegen Falun Gong ist nicht vorgesehen, was einem Zugestรคndnis Xis an seinen Gegner Jiang Zemin gleichkommt. Jiang ist Drahtzieher und Hauptschuldiger der Falun Gong-Verfolgung.
Allerdings hat die Jiang Zemin-Clique Xi aktuell scharf attackiert: Die Verรถffentlichung der Offshore-Leaks โ und mit ihnen die Bloรstellung von Xis Auslandsmilliarden โ hatte zum Ziel, Xis Glaubwรผrdigkeit zu demontieren und seine Anti-Korruptions-Kampagne zu schwรคchen.
Xi Jinping versucht aktuell immer noch das Paradox zu verwirklichen, Chinas Politik menschenfreundlicher zu gestalten und gleichzeitig das KPCh-Regime zu retten. Die Trumpf-Karte gegen Jiang hat er dabei noch nicht ausgespielt: Eine Offenlegung von Jiangs Verbrechen im Zuge der Verfolgung von Falun Gong. Dies wรผrde Xi maximale Sympathie beim Volk bringen, aber gleichzeitig dem Regime den Todesstoร versetzen, weshalb Xi Jinping bis jetzt zรถgert, diesen Schritt zu gehen. Falls ihn die Jiang-Bande weiterhin so scharf attackiert, wird ihm jedoch bald nichts anderes mehr รผbrig bleiben.
Dem Ex-STASI-Chef droht die Todesstrafe – wรคhrend die deutschen STASI-Genossen unbehelligt geblieben sind und ihr dรผsteres Treiben in der Gegenwart unbehelligt fortsetzen dรผrfen – unter Billigung und wohl auch Kooperation mit deutschen “Justizpersonen”. Wen wundert da noch, dass die “Anti-STASI-Behรถrde” seit 1989 zahlreiche STASI-Agenten beschรคftigte UND weiter beschรคftigt und demnรคchst geschlossen werden soll…
QUELLEN: SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST/ EPOCH TIMES / EIGENE RECHERCHEN/
BILLION SUCCESS ENTERPRISE LIMITED
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FAIRSTAR SUCCESS HOLDINGS LIMITED
Famar China Holdings Ltd.
Fameast Limited
Farbourne Ltd.
FASODREAM LTD.
FASTESEE LIMITED
Fastmobilex Technology Limited
FAV Originality Private Equity Investment Co., Ltd.
FAVOURED STAR LTD.
Feliz International Inc.
FENG OU LIMITED
FENGYUAN HOLDINGS LIMITED
Ferry Network (BVI) Co., Ltd:
Finance & Law Research Foundation Ltd.
FINECRACKER LTD.
FINIWANE LIMITED
FIONNE LIMITED
Firehorse Shanghai Co., Ltd.
First Flite Holdings Co., Ltd.
First Linkage Global Inc
FIRST OCEAN HOLDINGS LIMITED
FIRST PARTNERS LIMITED
FIRST SKY LIMITED
FIRST SPACE HOLDINGS LIMITED
FIRST STAR INVESTMENT LIMITED
FLAMERSTEAD LTD.
Flash Air Holdings Limited
FMHONG INTERNATIONAL INC.
Focus Media Tianjin Limited
Focus Media Zhejiang Limited
Focus Mobile Holdings Limited
Fontes Enterprises Ltd.
FORESIGHT BRAND COMMUNICATIONS LTD.
FOREVER BRILLIANT HOLDINGS LIMITED
FORTUNE DIAMOND LTD.
Fortune Show International Ltd.
FRANKLIN DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION
FRONTVIEW SUCCESS LIMITED
FUHAN INVESTMENT LIMITED
FULL LAND LIMITED
FULLER LAND LIMITED
Fully Ascend Limited
FUSTAR TECHNOLOGY INC.
FUTURE MEDIA PARTNERS INC.
FUXIN SUITCASE CO., LTD.
FUXING TECHNOLOGY INC.
Gaff Investments Co., Ltd.
Gain Will Investment Limited
Galaxy Interholdings Limited
Gallant World Partners Limited
GARCO UNIVERSAL LIMITED
GEELE CORP.
GEMLAND HOLDING LIMITED
Geo Investment Holdings Inc.
GHIJIN TOUR MEDIA CO., LTD.
GIANTSTONE HOLDINGS LTD.
Global Market Network Ltd.
Global Strategy Consulting Limited
GLOMEDIA HOLDINGS LIMITED
Glory Stage Group Limited
GOAWOO RESOURCE CO., LTD.
Gold Delta Venture Ltd.
GOLD MIGHT LIMITED
Golden Bright Global Investment Holdings Limited
Golden Capital Invest Group Limited
Golden Crown International Investments Ltd.
Golden Global Intercontinental Limited
Golden Harvest Shipping Service Co., Ltd.
GOLDEN POWER COMPUTERS HOLDING LTD.
GOLDEN STAR BENEFIT LIMITED
GOLDENBRIDGES CREATION LIMITED
GOLDENYEAR INTERNATIONAL LIMITED
Goldfinch Investment (Holding) Co., Ltd.
Goldspring Creations Limited
Goldwheel Creation Limited
Gopher Holding Ltd.
Grace Giant Limited
Granger Holdings Universal Inc.
GREATRY INTERNATIONAL LTD.
Greatville Limited
Green Energy Investment Co. Ltd.
GREEN TECH CAPITAL LIMITED
GREEN VILLA HOLDINGS LTD.
Greenery Investing Inc.
GREENWOOD INTERNATIONAL ENTERPRISES CO., LTD.
Grouploongmobile Limited
Growell Investments Inc.
GROWELL RESEARCH & CONSULTING CO., LTD.
GROWINGSTAR INVESTMENT LIMITED
Growth Capital China Management Limited
Guo Chuang Investment (Holding) Co., Ltd.
GWUNMAY Hua Xia Investment Co., Ltd.
GX Architecture & Design Consulting Co., Ltd.
GZ.com, Inc.
HaiNa Financial Consulting Limited
HaiNa Investments Holdings Limited
Hampville Ltd.
HAN BRIGHT HOLDING LIMITED
HANYUAN GROUP HOLDING CO., LTD.
HAPPYDIGITAL HOLDINGS (BVI) LIMITED
HAPPYJOIN LIMITED
Harvest Investment Management Corporation
Harvestville Limited
HBP Holding Co., Ltd.
HE’S SMARTBUY LTD.
Heatandsave China Limited
Hedge International Investment Group Limited
Hejun Holdings Limited
Hermes Capital Limited
Hewitt & Long Ltd.
High Flyer Enterprise Inc.
HIGHER PERFORMANCE TEAM LIMITED
HIGHRISE FINANCIAL LIMITED
HiVentures Holdings Co., Ltd.
HK-China International Trading Ltd.
HomeE Information Holding Co., Ltd.
HomeGo Holdings Ltd.
HTX Holdings Ltd.
HUA INVESTMENT CO., LTD.
HUAKANG FINANCIAL SERVICES INC.
HUANGS SMARTBUY LTD.
HUAZHAN HOLDINGS LIMITED
Huge Star Limited
HUI XIN INTERNATIONAL INVESTMENT CO.LTD.
HUIFENG JOINT INVESTMENT PTE LTD.
I.dea Holding Group Ltd.
iBAF Investment Inc
Ibanet Ltd
ihandy Holding Co. Ltd.
IN-ASIA LTD.
Incsight Limited
INDERLAKE LIMITED
Ingle Games Ltd.
INKER GROUP INC.
Innovate Creations Limited
Inpac International Limited
Intellect-Link Education Development Co., Ltd.
Interactive New Media Group Ltd.
Interactive New Media Ltd.
International Incline Investment Corporation
INTERNATIONAL O&A SEMICONDUCTOR MANUFACTURING CO., LTD.
International Reactor Services Inc.
Iraty Partners Ltd.
ISI Group Holdings Ltd.
ISOLDOLE LIMITED
ISPAN International Holdings Co., Ltd.
ITG HOLDINGS LIMITED
Iwint International Holdings Inc.
J&B Holdings Group Limited
J&B SCIENTIFIC INFORMATION LTD.
Jade Global Ltd.
JcAllen Consulting Co., Ltd.
Jes Overseas Investment Limited
JET RISING MANAGEMENT LIMITED
JIA INVESTMENT CO., LTD.
JIAXUN LTD
JIN DING INTERNATIONAL LIMITED
JING INVESTORS CO., LTD.
JINRUI INVESTMENT LIMITED
JINS SMARTBUY LTD.
JL Holdings International Ltd.
JNS LIMITED
Join Vantage Limited
Joinwin Creation Limited
Jolly Roger.M International Group Ltd.
JOVEONE CAPITAL INC.
Joy Best Creation Limited
JOY BRIGHT JIANGUO LIMITED
JOY BRIGHT JINGYANG LIMITED
JOY BRIGHT KULUN LIMITED
JOY BRIGHT SUCCESS HOLDINGS LIMITED
JOY BRIGHT SUCCESS LIMITED
Joy Yarn International Corporation
Joy Year Limited
Joye International Investment Co., Ltd.
JP GREAT INTERNATIONAL INC.
Juren International Limited
Just In Mobile International Company Limited
JY Tech, Inc.
K2 Partners Ltd.
KAB INVESTMENT LTD.
KAI LUN INTERNATIONAL INVESTMENT LIMITED
Kaitone Information Technology Limited
Keli Capital Ltd.
KEY INVESTMENTS HOLDINGS LIMITED
Key Route Limited
KEY-FORTUNE LIMITED
Keys Of Gold Ltd.
KEYTECH INTERNATIONAL HOLDINGS LIMITED
Kina Import Ltd.
KINDERVILLE LIMITED
Kingsea Limited
KINGSVILLE GROUP LIMITED
Kingtone Data Communication Co., Ltd.
Kinoptics Inc.
Knowledge World Co. Ltd.
KOOPX Architects, Designers, Engineers Ltd.
Koopx Architectual Design Group Ltd.
Kosmmo Creations Inc.
Kosmmo Games Inc.
Kosmmo Institute Inc.
LaFaFa Education Capital Limited
LAKESIDE INTERSHORE LTD.
LAKEWEST HOLDING LTD.
LANDINFO TECHNOLOGIES HOLDING INC.
LAS LUNAS LIMITED
LATERAL FUSION LIMITED
LDK NEW ENERGY HOLDING LIMITED
LEAD INVESTMENTS LIMITED
LEARNING EDUCATION INVESTMENT LIMITED
Lee Pro Net Limited
LEYU LIMITED
LI BROTHERS HOLDINGS INC.
Lian Chuang Venture Capital Co., Ltd.
LIBERTY PARTNERS LIMITED
LIGHTWAVE SPEED LIMITED
LINGS SMARTBUY LTD.
Linkfull Limited
LINโS INVESTMENT GROUP LTD.
LIUS SMARTBUY LTD.
Lom Holdings Limited
Loncent Limited
Long Well Limited
LongTech Investment Co. Ltd
Longview Creation Limited
LONGโLONG INVESTMENT CORP.
Loongmobile Limited
LOYAL CHAMP INVESTMENT LIMITED
Loyal Firm Limited
LSB INTERNATIONAL GROUP LIMITED
LUCKY STAR FORTUNE LTD.
LUINZONE LTD.
LUNENG BAINIAN POWER (BVI) COMPANY LIMITED
LUNENG HEQU POWER COAL (BVI) COMPANY LIMITED
LUNENG HEQU POWER GENERATION (BVI) LIMITED
Luneng International Energy Investment Holding Company Limited
LUNENG LINYI POWER GENERATION (BVI) COMPANY LIMITED
LUNENG YUNHE POWER GENERATION (BVI) COMPANY LIMITED
LWJ Ltd.
M & B Plastic Film Sourcing., Inc.
M C Imports Ltd.
Macey Holding Limited
Magic Health Ltd.
MAGIC LOGISTICS INTERNATIONAL CO.,LTD.
Magical Coins Holdings Ltd
Major Harvest Limited
MALOSA (BVI) LIMITED
MAPLELAND LIMITED
Mark Vantage Limited
Marting Global Corp., Ltd.
Max Benefit Limited
Max Energy Business Limited
MAYFAIR INTERNATIONAL INVESTMENT HOLDINGS LIMITED
Medeville Limited
MEDIA CITY INTERNATIONAL LIMITED
Media Terminal (Holdings) Limited
MEGA EAST LTD.
Mega Stone International Limited
Mei Mei Ltd.
Meike Investments Ltd.
Melody Crystals Inc.
Memomedia Junction Ltd.
Mentmore Limited
Merchant Pacific Investments Limited
Mercury Capital Partners, Ltd.
MERIT CREATION HOLDINGS LIMITED
Merit Spread Limited
Merrilyvillev Limited
Messenger Investing Limited
MICRO-COAX ASIA LIMITED
MICROGOLDEN CAPITAL LIMITED
Midlothian Holdings Limited
Mighty Master Global Inc.
MILLION STONE DEVELOPMENT LIMITED
MILLION STONE INVESTMENTS LIMITED
Minella Limited
Minenik Investment Co., Ltd.
MINERALS & ENERGY HOLDING CO, LTD.
MINGHUIS SMARTBUY LTD.
MINGXIN HOLDINGS, LTD.
Miracle Capital Management Limited
Mojo Media Group LLC Ltd.
MONDERMOON LTD.
Mongold Limited
MONTWELL GROUP LIMITED
Moon Charms Worldwide Ltd
Morpheus Games Inc.
MOSUSS LIMITED
Mountain-E Investment Limited
Mowah Yong Limited
MPO INC .
Multi-idea Limited
N. CODE TECHNOLOGY LTD.
Nan&Bei Venture Capital Ltd
Nanopam Holdings Limited
Natural Flow Limited
NCO CONSULTING CORPORATION LTD.
NCO Corporate Services Ltd.
NETCONBI CORP.
New Bright Global Inc.
New Company Offshore Limited
New Company Offshore Limited
New Land Associates, Inc.
NEW URBAN INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPED CO., LTD.
Newmargin Food Ltd.
Newmargin Funinhand Limited
Newmargin Happydigital Investment Partners Inc.
NewMargin Investment Ltd
Newmargin Mining Corporation Limited
NEWMARGIN PARTNERS LTD.
Newmargin T2CN Investment Ltd.
NILIHUAS SMARTBUY LTD.
NOAH INVESTMENT MANAGEMENT CO., LTD.
NORTH AMERICA INTL INVESTMENT MANAGEMENT CO., LTD.
NSI Ltd
Nuage Capital Ltd.
Nuage Education Company Ltd.
O2 Pharmaceutical Holding Ltd.
Oakmont Holdings Ltd.
Oaktrade Limited
Oasis United Limited
OBCS Limited
OCEAN FORTUNE INVESTMENTS LIMITED
Ocean Well Holdings Limited
ODM Capital Ltd.
OFFSHORE BUSINESS CONSULTING
OFFSHORE BUSINESS CONSULTING & SERVICES LIMITED
Okevorne Ltd.
OLEASTER LIMITED
One Step Beyond Businee Company Limited
Opta Inc
ORANGE VENTURES LIMITED
Orangemobilex Technology Limited
Oricapital Investment Co., Ltd.
ORIENGENE INTERNATIONAL HOLDINGS CORP.
Oriole Capital Limited
ORMSKIRK LTD.
ORTHMED HOLDINGS LIMITED
ORTUS GROUP LIMITED
OUOU LIMITED
P&R Capital Limited
PacBridge Capital Holdings Limited
Pacific Merchant Group Ltd.
PACIFIC TRINITY HOLDINGS LIMITED
PAN-CONTINENTAL HOLDINGS LTD.
PAN-EUROPE CAPITAL LTD.
PANCHINE HOLDINGS CO., LTD.
ParaEngine Corporation
Parker Bilham [Asia] Ltd.
Parktime Limited
PAYTECH HOLDINGS INC.
PCKK Holding Ltd.
PEACE SEA INTERNATIONAL INC.
PEAR COMMERCIAL INC.
PECCINA LIMITED
PEDDER INTERNATIONAL LIMITED
PEEBLEDROP LTD.
PENG CHENG HOLDINGS LIMITED
Pennysdale Limited
PERA INTERNATIONAL LIMITED
PERFECT FORTUNE SUCCESS LTD.
Perfect Media Group Limited
PERFECT PROFIT POWER LTD.
PERFECTWELL BENEFIT LIMITED
PERSEVERANCE INTERNATIONAL INVESTMENT LIMITED
Petro Max Group Holdings Limited
PETRONIX LIMITED
Phoenix Age Communications Ltd.
Phoenix Greation Investment Ltd.
PHOENIX STRATEGIC INVESTMENT LIMITED
PHYSTON LIMITED
Pinnat Limited
Plado Investment Co., Ltd.
PLUS CAPITAL LIMITED
POPPEEMERE LTD.
POPTOP LIMITED
Popular Creation Limited
POSTBOX TRADING CO., LIMITED
Precision Guided Media International Holdings Co., Ltd
Premieridge Limited
PRIMA NETWORK FINANCIAL GROUP LIMITED
Professional Capital Limited
Proinvestment Holding Co. Ltd.
PROSPERITY CREATION LTD.
Pulse China Group Ltd.
PUNDERMANE LTD.
Purple Dreams Overseas Inc.
PV RESOURCES LIMITED
Qiqiang Investment Consulting Inc.
QQ TECHNOLOGY INC.
QUAN INVESTMENT CO., LTD.
QUICK FORTUNE SUCCESS LTD.
Rab Altay Shan Ltd.
Rab Mining Ltd.
Rab Tian Shan Ltd.
RailPartners, Inc.
Rainbow Overseas Services Inc.
Rainbow Trend Limited
Rainbow-Bin Investment Inc
Ranksell Tech LTD.
Raspberry Co. Ltd.
Rayan Holding Co., Ltd.
RED RIVER WORLDWIDE LIMITED
Redcircle Partners Ltd.
Redstone Gold Limited
Redstone Mining Limited
Redstone Realestate Partners Limited
REEDSHAW LTD.
RENAISSANCE CAPITAL INVESTMENT LTD.
REXTOR LTD.
Rich Elite Holdings Limited
Rich Hope Ltd.
RICHSTAR INVESTMENTS GROUP LIMITED
Richwell Hightech Systems Inc.
RING&KING INVESTMENT CO., LIITED
Ringolden Limited
Ringsky Limited
Rise Sky Holdings Limited
Risenstar Investments Limited
Rising Management Corporation Ltd.
Rising Technology Corporation Ltd
Rising Technology International Corporation Ltd
ROADMAP INVESTMENTS LIMITED
RUITONG HOLDINGS INC.
RUIXIANG INVESTMENT LIMITED
S&L Co. Ltd.
Sage Advisors Ltd.
Saidi Holding Limited
SAKURA ENTERPRISES (B.V.I.) LTD.
SAN-XIN INTERNATIONAL CAPITAL MANAGEMENT CORPORATION LIMITED
Sazkipark Ltd.
SEA FINE CONSULTING LIMITED
Sea Profit Limited
Seashore Capital Ltd.
Seashore Creation Limited
SECURE DIGIT HOLDING LTD.
SENTO INTERNATIONAL LIMITED
Sepera Ltd.
SFO VENTURES LIMITED
Shanghai Business Consulting Limited
Shanghai Fengyue Glass Co., Ltd.
Shanghai Index II Limited
Shanghai Index III Limited
Shanghai Index Ltd.
Shanghai Offshore Petroleum and Chemicals Co., Ltd.
Shanghai Rock Technology Co., LTD.
Shanghai WeโTRON Capital Corp.
SHANGโS INVESTMENT GROUP LTD.
Shine Asia Investment Limited
Shine Trader Limited
Shiny Returns Inc.
Shirlly Focus Group Co., Ltd.
SICON INTERNATIONAL HOLDINGS LTD.
SimLi Manufacturing Limited
SINO BASE INVESTMENT CO LTD.
SINO EUROPE AIRCRAFT LIMITED
Sino Solar Energy Holding Ltd.
Sino-Kkr Invest Management Ltd
Sino-Swed Health-care Holding Limited
Sinobond Global Limited
Sinoeagle Investment Co. Ltd.
Sinolion Investment Co. Ltd.
Sinotec Holding Co., Ltd.
Sinotiger Investment Co. Ltd.
SIONG LOONG ENERGY LTD
Sipod Inc.
Sky Team Creation Limited
Skyland Technologies Inc.
Skylight Financial (China) Ltd.
SLQ Holding Ltd.
SM Future Investment Inc.
SMAP MEDIA LIMITED
Smartbase Global Limited
SMARTBUY ASSOCIATES LTD.
SMARTBUY INVESTMENTS HOLDING LTD.
SMARTBUY PARTNERS LTD.
Smartto Holdings Limited
Snsgame Global Limited
Socle Limited
SOIDO CHINA CORP.
Solarwafer Holding Ltd.
Solid Rock Foundation International Limited
SOOONER CORP
SOP LTD.
SOUTH GREAT INVESTMENT LIMITED
Sparky Holdings Limited
Special Education Consultants of Asia Limited
Speed Network Limited
SPEEDTEAM COM. LTD.
Speedy Technology Co. Ltd.
SPRING ASIA LIMITED
SPRING CALL MANAGEMENT CO., LTD.
SPRING SUMMER INVESTMENT LTD.
Springharvest Investments Limited
ST&A Holdings Limited
STANDARD GROUP ASIA LTD.
STAR RISING LTD.
STAR TRIUMPH INVESTMENT HOLDINGS LIMITED
STAR WAVE INVESTMENTS HOLDINGS LIMITED
Starats Consultant Co. Ltd.
Start Global Investment Limited
Start Incorporations Services Limited
Starz Creation Limited
Strategy Consulting Limited
Strong Chance Limited
SUCCESS ROADMAP LIMITED
Summi Bright Co., Ltd.
Sun Riviera Trading Limited
SUN&MOON HOLDING CO., LTD.
Sunmi Company Limited
SUNNIWELL PARTNERS LTD.
SUNNOVO INTERNATIONAL LIMITED
Sunny Island Trading Limited
Sunny Merit Limited
SUNNYKEY INTERNATIONAL HOLDINGS LIMITED
SunnyPeak Media Ltd.
Suntop Margin Limited
Super Communication International Inc.
SUPER RFID CO., LTD.
Superb Bright Limited
Superview Worldwide Limited
Sure Fortune Investment Limited
Sure Harvest Global Inc.
Sure Joyce Limited
Sure Max Development Group Limited
Synacast Corporation
Synergy Capital Associates, Inc.
T.C Capital Management Corporation
Talent Intl Investment Limited
TangHall Inc.
Taylor Asia Holdings Limited
TECHPOOL CO., LTD.
Tendle Holdings Limited
TENSYN INTERACTIVE ADVERTISING CO., LTD.
TGL Partners Limited
THE FIRST SHANGHAI HOLDINGS LIMITED
The Golden Sun Optics Ltd.
THOUSAND STONE LIMITED
TIANTAN LIMITED
TIANYA GROUP HOLDINGS LIMITED
TIMERLYNE LTD.
Timonium Limited
TNC Investment Co., Ltd.
TOMORROWS FOCUS LIMITED
Top Advantage Holdings Ltd.
TOP CREATIONS INTERNATIONAL HOLDINGS LIMITED
TOP FORTUNE STAR LTD.
TOP FORTUNE WIN LTD.
Top Heights Investments Inc.
Top Horizons Limited
Top Joy Development Limited
TOP MEDIA HOLDINGS LIMITED
Top Shelf International Limited
Top Sure Investment Limited
Top Value Holding Ltd.
TOPOWER INTERNATIONAL LIMITED
Transhold Navigation Technologies Ltd
TREND BILLION INTERNATIONAL HOLDINGS LIMITED
TREND GOLDEN HOLDINGS LIMITED
TRENDY LUCK LIMITED
Triad Technology Ventures, Ltd.
Triangle Venture Capital Limited
TRILLION STONE INVESTMENTS LIMITED
Trinityville Profit Limited
Trippo Capital Ltd.
Truck Link Ltd.
Trump Creation Limited
TSAI & LU LIMITED
TSK Group International Inc.
TV-NOW INC.
Two Bridges Limited
TZG HOLDINGS LTD.
U-Bright International Inc.
U. S. A. Rhone Energy Resource (Investment) Ltd.
U. Smec Limited
UGOBE ASIA HOLDINGS LIMITED
UGOBE ASIA LIMITED
Uniever International Corporation
UNION STATES GROUP HOLDINGS LTD.
Unipartners Ltd.
UNITED PACIFIC TRAVEL, INC.
UPBEAT GLOBAL LIMITED
UPSIDE INVESTMENTS LIMITED
Usano Corporation Ltd.
USANO INVESTMENT HOLDING LIMITED
UUPARK Corporation
UUSEE Inc.
V-J Holdings Ltd.
Valurise Health Solutions, Inc.
VAST CAPITAL LIMITED
Vast Well Development Limited
Vera Focus China Co., Ltd.
VERTICAL CHANNEL LIMITED
VERTICAL ORACLE VENTURES LTD.
VERTICAL RAY VENTURES LIMITED
VI-Tec Ltd.
VIAS INTERNATIONAL LLC LTD.
Victor International Holdings Ltd.
VID MICROELECTRONICS CORP.
VIPstore Holding Limited
Vision City Development Ltd
VLY Inc.
VSTAR INTERNATIONAL LIMITED
VT Investments Limited
W&Y Holdings Limited
WANGS SMARTBUY LTD.
WANXIANG JOINT INVESTMENT PTE LTD.
Waseta International Co., Ltd.
WaterMark Ventures Ltd.
Way-Way Capital Ltd.
Wayne Capital Partners Limited
WAYSTAR SUCCESS HOLDINGS LIMITED
We Media Group Inc.
Wealth Chime Limited
WEALTH RISING LTD.
Wealthy Bright Trading Limited
Webgather Technology Inc.
Weibo Investment Co., Ltd.
Well Elegant Holdings Limited
Welover Cooperation Ltd.
WENโS INVESTMENT GROUP LTD.
White Deer Development Corporation
White Winter International Pte Ltd
Whytebridge Ltd.
Wide Rise Limited
Wider Land Limited
Will (1968) Investment Co., Ltd.
WIN STONE LIMITED
Win Strategy Inc.
Winbridge Capital Ltd.
WINFORTUNE CAPITAL LIMITED
WininChina, Inc.
Wisdom Alliance Limited
Wisdom Success Limited
Wisehin Limited
WISTER INTERNATIONAL GROUP LTD.
WOLE MEDIA LIMITED
WONDERFUL SUCCESS LTD.
World Natural Medicine (Asia) Investment Inc.
World Natural Medicine Group Inc.
Worldwin Investment Group Limited
Wu’s Holdings Limited
Wudeke Networking Technology Limited
WWW CONSULTING CO., LTD.
Xiang’s Holdings Limited
XIN INVESTMENT CO., LTD.
Xinhua Investments (China) Limited
XPLANE LTD.
Xuanheng International Inc.
Y.K. TOH MARKETING(S) PTE LTD.
Yaan Investment Limited
YAN INVESTMENT CO., LTD.
YAS TECHNOLOGIES INCORPORATED
YBS INVESTMENT INC.
Yerumedi Entertainment China Ltd.
Yi Feng Ltd.
YIN INVESTMENT CO., LTD.
YONG YAO HOLDING CO., LTD.
Young Capital Inc.
Young Town International Limited
YSY Group Limited
Yvia International Inc.
Z.Y.L.Y. Int. Trade Co., Ltd
Zenda Group Co., Ltd.
Zenta International Co., Ltd.
ZHANG & CHEN LIMITED
Zhang Sky Holdings Limited
Zhangrui Web Tech Co. Ltd.
ZHANZUO INC.
ZHAODI GROUP LIMITED
ZHAOS SMARTBUY LTD
ZHENXING INTERNATIONAL TECHNOLOGY INC.
ZHOUโS SMARTBUY LTD.
Zinda Investment Limited
ZOE INVESTMENT LIMITED
ZTC Holdings Limited
Listed Addresses (415)
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#05-007 RITS GARDEN LIYUAN AVE, TIANZHU TOWN, SHUNYI DISTRICT, BEIJING 101312 CHINA
#160 Wenjing Road Minhang, Shanghai P.R. China 200245
#2006, Hua Xia Bank Tower 256 Pudong Nan Road Pudong, Shanghai, P.R.C. ไธๆตทๅธๆตฆไธๆฐๅบๆตฆไธๅ่ทฏ256ๅทๅๅค้ถ่กๅคงๅฆ2006ๅฎค, ้ฎ็ผ๏ผ200120
#2201 Yadian International Community NO.27 Zhimin Road, Chengdu City Sichuan Province 610021. P.R. China ๅๅท็ๆ้ฝๅธ่ดๆฐ่ทฏ27ๅท๏ผ้ ๅ ธๅฝ้ ็คพๅบ2201ๅท
(All letters send together with email) ไธญๅไธๆตทๅธๆตฆๆฑๆฐๅ, ๆฟฐๅ่ฅฟ่ทฏ1ๅผ3่, ไธ่ๆฟฑๆฑ่ฑๅ2่ๆจ, 302 (3F) ๅฎค, ้ต็ทจ:200122
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(Portcullis TrustNet provide correspondence address) GM (China) Investment Co., Ltd. 10/F., Jinmao Tower, 88 Cenyury Avenue Pudong, Shanghai 200121, China ไธๆตทๅธไธญๅฑฑ่ฅฟ่ทฏ1420 ๅผ16 ่ 3E ้ต็ทจ: 200336
1# -6 -202 Fengfangyuan Shangdixili Haidian District, Beijing Beijing 100085, PRC ไธญๅฝๅไบฌๅธๆตทๆทๅบไธๅฐ่ฅฟ้้ฃ่ณๅญ1ๅทๆฅผ6้จ202้ฎ็ผ100085
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1001, 10/F., No. 1 Fuxing Zhong Road Luwan District, Shanghai 200021 China
10th Floor, FIYTA Hi-Tech Building Gaoxinnanyi Avenue Southern District of Hi-Tech Park Shenzhen, 518057, P.R.C.
11/F., Tian Yi Business Center 21# Hua Lou Xiang Ningbo, Zhejiang China, 315000
1118 Changshou Road, Yueda International Plaza Building B, Suite 18G, Shanghai 200042 China ไธญๅฝไธๆตทๅธ้ฟๅฏฟ่ทฏ1118ๅทๆฆ่พพๅฝ้ ๅคงๅฆBๅบง18Gๅฎค
11H, Shenhangge Zhongyin Garden Caitian Road Futian Shenzhen China ๅปฃๆฑ็ๆทฑๅณๅธ็ฆ็ฐๅๅฝฉ็ฐ่ทฏไธญ้่ฑๅ็่ก้ฃ11H (้ตๆฟ็ทจ่ 518026)
12 Floor, Fuson Plaza No.237 Chaoyang North Road Chaoyang District, Beijing 100020 ๅไบฌๅธๆ้ณๅบๆ้ณๅ่ทฏ237ๅทๅคๅ ดๅฝ้ ๅคงๅฆ12ๅฑ 100020
123 Yan Ping Rd, Bld.4 Unit 6d Shanghai China 200040
12F-19F, 2 Grand Gateway 3 Hongqiao Road Shanghai 200030 China
130 Tianlin Road, Building 8 Xuhui District, Shanghai China PC: 200233
13th Floor, E-Sun International Building 27 Ke Ji Road Xi Gao Xin District Xian, Shaanxi, China
14/D, Tower B, No. 1, Hi-Tech Convention and Exhibition Certer, No. 48 North San Huan Xi Road Beijing 100086, P.R.C.
1404 Regent Place 433 Yanan Road Shanghai 200040 China ไธญๅไธๆตทๅธ้ๅฎๅๅปถๅฎ่ฅฟ่ทฏ433่1404ๅฎค
15-3-701, Fanghua Garden, Luoxi New City, Guangzhou ๅนฟๅทๅธๆดๆบชๆฐๅ่ณๅ่ฑๅญ15ๆ ไนไธ701.
1502 Lucky Tower A No. 3 North Road, East 3rd Ring Road Chao Yang District, Beijing 100027
16 Floor Resource Plaza Tower 1 #268, S. ZhongShan Road Shanghai
16/F Shanghai Bund Int’l Tower 99 Huangpu Road Shanghai 200080, PRC
16/F, Tower B, Gemdale Plaza No.91 Jianguo Road Chaoyang District, Beijing 100022, China ๅไบฌๅธๆ้ณๅบๅปบๅฝ่ทฏ91ๅท้ๅฐไธญๅฟBๅบง16ๅฑ
17# Building, WuZhi Trade Center North YingBin Avenue, WuZhi County Henan Province, 454950, China ไธญๅฝๆฒณๅ็ๆญฆ้ๅฟ่ฟๅฎพๅคง้ๅๆฎตๆญฆ้ๅ่ดธไธญๅฟ17ๅทๆฅผ,้ฎ็ผ454950
17-3-301 An Yuan, An Hui Bei Li Chaoyang District Beijing 100101 P.R.C. ไธญๅๅไบฌๅธๆ้ฝๅๅฎๆ งๅ้ๅฎๅ 17-3-301 (้ต็ทจ 100101)
17/F., South Tower Shanghai Stock Exchange Building No. 528 Pudong Road (S) Shanghai 200120 China
17/F., Tong Guang Mansion, No.12 Nong Zhan Nan Li, Chaoyang District, Beijing 100026
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1705A, Silver Centre, 1388 Shaan Xi North Road, Putuo District, Shanghai 200060, PRC
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1802 C st Xing Hui Xuan Building Shuang Zi Xing Cheng Garden Xin Gang West Road, Guang Zhou Guang Dong
188 Ming Yue Road Block 1, Unit 20-01 Pudong, Shanghai 200135 China
188 Na Shi Street Lake Shore Garden #10-102 Suzhou Industrial Park, Suzhou, Jiangsu China 215123
18th Floor CNT Manhattan Building 6 Chaoyangmen Beidajie Dongcheng District Beijing PRC
1906 Silver Tower 2# North Road, Dong San Huan Chao Yang District Beijing 100027 China
198 An Fu Road Kingsville 7C Shanghai 200031 CHINA
19F, Tower 1, 1199 Pudong Minsheng Road Zendai Wudaokou Plaza, Shanghai China Post code: 200135
1st Floor Guo Li Building No. 1465 west Beijing Road Shanghai 200040, China ไธๆตทๅไบฌ่ฅฟ่ทฏ1465่ (่ฟๅธธๅพท่ทฏๅฃ) ๅ็ซๅคงๅป้ฆๅฑค้ตๆฟ็ทจ่200040
1st Floor, G Institute, 123 Dewai Avenue, Xicheng District, Beijing 100088 REPUBLIC OF CHINA
2 – 5/F, North Block Southeast Industrial and Commercial Building Houhai Road, Shekou, Shenzhen, China ๆทฑๅณๅธ่ๅฃๅๆตทๅคง้ไธๅๅทฅ่ดธๅคงๅฆ2 – 5ๅฑ, ้ฎ็ผ:5180
2-17 Prime Center No.19 Hualou Lane Haishu District-Ningbo P.R.China ๆตๆฑ็ๅฎๆณขๅธๆตทๆๅบๅๆฅผๅทท19ๅท๏ผๅคฉไธ่ฑชๆฏ2-17ๅฎค ้ฎ็ผ: 315010
2-501 Yin Xing Yuan Lv Yuan, Qiu Shi Road Hangzhou, P.R. China
2/F 359 ZhaoJiaBang Rd. HXuHui District Shanghai
2/F., Shenyao Building Bagua 3rd Road Shenzhen 518029 P R China
20/F., Jing Rui Building 18 Long Kun Road North Haikou Hainan China ๆตทๅๆตทๅฃๅธ้พๆๅ่ทฏ18่ๆฏ็ๅคงๅป20ๅฑค
21-3-2, Zhong Hua Jia Yuan No. 17 Jia Yuan Road, Qing Yang District Chengdu, Sichuan Province P.R. China
22/F, Tower B, Offshore Petroleum Building #1, Industry Road 2 Shekou, Shenzhen 518067, P.R. China (Sent by Registered Mail)
22/F., SZSZD Tower 6008 Shennan Rd., Futian District Shenzhen, China.
22th Floor, South of Building H No. 6 yard, Shu Guang Xi Li Chaoyang District, Beijing P.R. China, Post code: 100028
233 Puming Road Suite 1-1704 Pudong, Shanghai 200120 P.R.C.
23A-727, Kang Cheng, No. 9 Shuangqiao East Road Chaoyang District, Beijing China 100024
23F, 333, Keelung Road, Sec.1 Taipei 110 Republic of China
2508 Capital Mansion Beijing China 100004
25C Jin Zhong Plaza, 98 Huai Hai Lu Shanghai 200021, China, P.R.C.
25G, Block A, Grand Orient 2B Dongzhimenwaiziaojie, Beijing, P.R.C. 100027
26 Kunshandong Road Huanggu District Shenyang City Laioning Province PRC 110032
269 Zhongxing Road Shiji-Longteng Building North Tower, 10th Floor, 1004-1006 Ningbo, China 315040
28/F., International Financial Building 2022 Jianshe Road Shenzhen 518001 People Republic of China
29G, Yitao Tower Yiyuan Mansion Xuefu Road, Nanshan District Shenzhen 518054 P.R.China
2nd Floor of Automobile Building Wei 2 Rd. Dong Jiang Avenue Guangzhou Free Trade Zone P.R. China Post code: 510730
2nd Floor,Longkou West Road 46 Tianhe District, Guangzhou China ไธญๅๅปฃๅทๅธๅคฉๆฒณๅ้พๅฃ่ฅฟ่ทฏ46่ไบๆจ
3 Floor Unit D, DongFangxinDi Garden No.12038 Road Shen Nan Shen Zhen, China ๆทฑๅณๅธๅๅฑฑๅๆทฑๅๅคง้12038่ๆฑๆนๆฐๅฐDๅบงไธๆจ
3 FLOOR, RUIDA YUAN BUILDING, JINGTIAN ROAD SOUTH, FUTIAN, SHENZHEN, CHINA
3-3-1 Huanglong Apartment, Wensanxi Road, Hangzhou, Zhejiang, P.R.C.
3/F, Building 5, Feizhongxin, Wuliqiao 1st Street Chaoyang North Road, Chaoyang District Beijing 100024, P. R. China ไธญๅฝๅไบฌๆ้ณๅบๆ้ณๅ่ทฏไบ้ๆกฅไธ่กไธๅท้ขไบๅทๆฅผไธๅฑ ้ฎ็ผ:100024
3/F, South Tower, 35 Sinan Road, Shanghai, 200020, PRC ไธๆตทๅธๆๅ่ทฏ35ๅทๅๆฅผไธๅฑ
30/F. Tower B, City Centre of Shanghai 100 Zunyi Road Shanghai 200051 P.R.C.
3004/957 East Binjiang Road Haizhu Guangzhou P.R. China
33B Floor, World Plaza, No. 855 Pudong Nan Road, Pudong New Area, Shanghai P.R.C. 200120
34th Floor, Citigroup Tower No. 33 Hua Yuan Shi Qiao Road Lujiazui Finance and Trade Area Shanghai 200120, P.R. China
3A, NO. 1 BUILDING, 1335 YAN AN ROAD (WEST) SHANGHAI 200050, CHINA, P.R.C.
3A, Xinbaohui Building, Nanhai Main Road, Nanshan District, 518054, Shenzhen, China ๆทฑๅณๅธๅๅฑฑๅๅๆตทๅคง้ๆฐไฟ่ผๅคงๅปไธปๆฅผไธๆฅผAๅ
409 – Milan Plaza Crossroad of Jieyuan Road and Fuxing Road Hongqiao District, Tianjin, China
44-203, Tian Jin Xin Cun Nanjing P R China 210023
45/F., Unit 01, Tower 2, Plaza 66 1366 Nanjing Road (West) Shanghai 200040 China
4A Floor, No. 158, HanZhong Road HanZhong Square, Shanghai China, P.C. 200070
4th Flr-A Gehua Tower Qinglong Hutong No.1.,DongCheng District, Beijing 100007 ๅไบฌๅธไธๅๅบ้้พ่กๅ1ๅทๆญๅๅคงๅฆA401-413 ้ฎ็ผ๏ผ100007
5-302, No. 6 Building, Tuoran Jiayuan No. 10 Baifu Quan Road ChangPing, Beijing, P.R.C. China 102200
50 Pu Hui Tang Road Unit 705, Building # 3 Xu Hui District, Shanghai 200030, CHINA
500, North of Shanxi Road, Jing An District, Shanghai, P.R.C.
503, 3 Chapter, No. 2 Yonghe House Dongbinhe Road, Andingmen, Dongcheng District, Beijing, China ๅไบฌๅธๆฑๅๅๆฟฑๆฒณ่ทฏ้ๅๅฎถๅ2ๆ3ๅฎๅ 503ๅฎค ไธญๅๅไบฌไธๅๅบๅฎๅฎ้จไธๆปจๆฒณ่ทฏ3ๅท ้ๅๅฎถๅญไบๆ3ๅๅ 503ๅฎค
509 Bank of America Tower, 12 Harcourt Road, Central Hong Kong. People’s Republic of China.
5C Building 5B, Heaven Software Garden No. 3 XiDouMen Road, Westlake District Hangzhou 310012 People’s Republic of China
6-10 Legend Garden Villas, No.89 Capital Airport Road, Shunyi District, 101300 Beijing
6/F., Tower A, Gerui Building No.12, Guanghua Road Chaoyang District, Beijing 100020, China ไธญๅฝๅไบฌๅธๆ้ณๅบๅ ๅ่ทฏ12ๅท้ขๆ ผ็ๅคงๅฆAๅบง6ๅฑ
602, Building 10, Ridong Hua Yuan 38 Yuan Lin Road Jida Zhuhai, Guangdong CHINA
604, Douban Hutong, 4th Block, Building 5, ChaoYangMen, Beijing 100020, People Replublic of China
6th Floor, Snowcity Mansion No. 3 Jianxue Street Zhengzhou, Henan China
711/B Jingyan Building, No.109, Weijin South Road Nankai Dist., Tianjin, China ไธญๅๅคฉๆดฅๅธๅ้ๅ่กๆดฅๅ่ทฏ109่ ไบฌ็ๅคงๅปBๅบง711ๅฎค
7A Dong Hu Hao Ting, Dong Hu Road Luo Hu, Shenzhen China
83 Dong Da Street Suzhou ่ๅทๅธๆฑๅคง่ก83่ ้ต็ทจ๏ผ215007
846 Bin He Road, SDN Suzhou, Jiangsu, China 215011
86 Yi Yuan, Quanfa Garden, 2 Xiangjiang Bei Road 100103 Beijing
88 Jian Guo Road, Block No. 2-2706 New Town Chao Yang District Beijing 100022 REPUBLIC OF CHINA CHINA
88 JIANGUO ROAD, CHAOYANG DISTRICT, BEIJING 100022, P.R.CHINA
8F, Gold Island, Orchid Court No. 1 Xibahe South Rd., Chaoyang District Beijing, China 100028
9/10F Metro Bank Plaza No. 1160, West Yan An Road Shanghai, China 200052 ไธๆตทๅปถๅฎ่ฅฟ่ทฏ1160่้ฆไฟก้้ฝๅคงๅป9/10F PRC
9/F., Tower W3 Oriental Plaza No. 1 Dong Chang An Avenue Dong Cheng District Beijing PRC 100738
9B, Fuchun Plaza, No. 507 Qingtai Road Hangzhou, China Post Code 310009
9th Floor, Bund Center 222 Yan An Road (East) Shanghai 200002 P.R. China
9th floor, Fenghe Building No. 101 Jixiangli Chao Yang District Beijing PRC 100020
9th Floor, Fenghe Building No. 101 Jixiangli Chaoyang District Beijing 100020 China
A-B/21F, Huaguang Building 333 Zhongshan Road Wuxi, Jiangsu, 214000 PRC ๆฑ่็็ก้ซๅธไธญๅฑฑ่ทฏ333่่ฏๅ ๅคงๅป21ๆจA-Bๅบง
A3-101, 808 Hongqiao Road Shanghai, 200030 P.R.C.
An Fu Road 198, Kingsville 7C Shanghai 200031, China ไธญๅไธๆตทๅฎ็ฆ่ทฏ198่้่7C, 200031
Apartment 5-2, No. 2 Shatanbei Street Beijing P.R.China 100727
Apartment 602, Unit 5, Building 2 HanXin Hua Yuan (Garden), Wang Hai Street Shekou, Shenzhen, PR China, 518067
Apartment D502, Building 3 Palm Springs International Apts No. 8 Chaoyang Gongyuan Nanlu Chaoyang District, Beijing China
Apt 1-302 Building 8 Fengrongyuan, Picai Hutong Xicheng district Beijing CHINA ๅไบฌๅธ่ฅฟๅๅ่พๆ่กๅ่ฑ่ๅญ8 ๆจ1้302
Apt 12B 539 Xin Hua Road Shanghai 200052
Apt 2905 Block E Palm Springs International Apartment 8 Chaoyang Park South Road Beijing China 100026
Apt. 703, 7/Fl., Tower One Central Park, No. 6 Chaowai Dajie Chao Yang District, Beijing, China
Ave 2002 Jiu Zhou, JiDa Zhu Hai City China PRC. Postal code 519015 ไธญๅ็ ๆตทๅธๅๅคงไนๅทๅคง้ไธญ 2002 ่ ้ต็ทจ: 519 015
B501, Vanke 17 Ying Li Xi Chong, Kui Chong, Long Gang Shen Zhen, Gunag Dong P.R. China
B701, Hong-an Mansion 188 Chaonei Street, Dongcheng District Beijing, China 100010 P.R.C.
Beijing Li Di Property Development Company Limited Di Tan Park 100010 Beijing China 100010
Beiyang Consultants Co. Ltd 36 Heping Road Jinan China 250014
Bel-Air On The Peak Phase 3, Tower 3, Flat 50A Hong Kong Island South, HKSAR, China
Bldg 12, Apt 2407 Bai Huan Jia Yuan 66 Guang Qu Lu Beijing, China
Block 73, Zhongguan Chun No. 402, Haidian District Beijing, P.R. China
Block C-9, 1-301, XiangGe Garden, Fazhan Road 39# Saertu District, Daqing City, Heilongjiang Province China
Building 27#202, Nanjing University of Science and Technology Nanjing, JianSu, P.R.China 210014
Building 7-2, Xinzhou Garden No. 181, Xianghua Road Xinxiangzhou, Zhuhai, 519001 PRC
Building 9, Room 1104 Huamu Road 718 Nong New Pudong Area Shanghai 201204, China
Building 95 No.888 Jianhe Road Shanghai China
Bundick Financial Investments Beiyang Consultants Co. Ltd 36 Heping Road Jinan China 250014
C/- HCP Packaging (Shanghai) Co., Ltd. Economic Development Zone of Luzhi Town Wu County, Suzhou Province Postal code 215127, China, P.R.C.
c/- Level 30 Three Pacific Place 1 Queen’s Road East Hong Kong, SAR China
C/- Wu Chun Hong – Beijing Management College of Agricultural Cadre,29
c/o 1908, No. 1, Unit 7# Building 59 Xi Da Wang Road Chaoyang District, Beijing 100027, PRC
C/o 6F (6A-6E), Dong Fang Guo Ji Ke Ji Building, No. 58, Xiang Cheng Road, Pudong New Area, Shanghai City , Republic Of China
c/o Beijing Cheng Yu Shi Dai Investment Management Co Ltd Rm. 1502, Lucky Tower A, No. 3 North Rd East Third Ring Road, Chaoyang Dist. Beijing 100027 China
c/o Clearworld Energy Room 1502, Lucky Tower No. 3 North Road, East 3rd Ring Road Chaoyang District, Beijing, China 100027
c/o CMM Intelligence Limited B621, Gehua Tower No. 1 Qinglong Hutong, Dongcheng District Beijing, 100007 China People’s Republic of China
c/o Crosspoint Limited Room 1102, Block 8, No. 259, Han Long Road Pudong New District, Shanghai 200127 REPUBLIC OF CHINA
c/o Diwan Management Consulting (Kunshan) Co., Ltd 9th Floor, 180 Qianjin Middle Road Kunshan, Jiangsu People’s Republic of China
c/o EFG Bank Ltd, Singapore Branch 25 North Bridge Road #07-00 EFG Building, Singapore 179104 Attn: Maria Chia
c/o Global Power Devices Rm 8D-E,Bldg. A, First World Plaza No.7002 Hongli West Rd., Futian District,Shenzhen ๆทฑๅณๅธๆณๆดๅๅต็งๆๆ้ๅ ฌๅธ,ๆทฑๅณๅธ็ฆ็ฐๅ็ด ่่ฅฟ่ทฏ7002่็ฌฌๅฃนไธ็ๅปฃๅ ดAๅบง8D-E
c/o Grandall Legal Group 30-31/F, Nan Zheng Building 580 West Nanjing Road Shanghai, 200041 P.R. China
c/o He Xu 9H, Block B, Xin Rong Jia Yuan 403 Hui Zhong Bei Li Chaoyang District, Beijing 100012
c/o Hsiao Ying Chih Room D1 – 101, 1 Long Dong Avenue Pudong New Area, Shanghai 200122 P.R.C.
c/o Hua Peng Hua Yuan Zhen Hua Lu, 572 Nong Bldg 42 No. 401 China 200436
c/o Mark Wells, Director International Business Division Beijing King & Bond Law Firm, Room 2003, Tower A CITIC Building, No.19 Jianguomenwai Street Chaoyang Dist. Beijing 100004, China ๅไบฌ็ฝๅบๅ้, ้ฆ็งๅๆฅ 7ๅทๆฅผ G-205, ไธญๅฝ100088
c/o Mr. Wei Wei Apt. 26C, Royal Terrace 933 King’s Road Hong Kong P.R. China
c/o No. 8, Dagang Sixth Road Dagang Industry City Ningbo 315800 China
c/o PriceWaterHouse Coopers 26th Floor, Office Tower A Beijing Fortune Plaza 7, Dongsanhuan Zhong Road Chaoyang District Beijing 100020
c/o Room 304, Floor 3, No. 818 Changde Road, Dean MOHO Business Center, Jingan District, Shanghai 200040, China
c/o Shanghai Ziyuan Industry & Investment Co. Ltd Suite A, 25/F., 212 Jiangning Road Shanghai P.R.C. 200041
c/o Unique Grand Trading Ltd. No. 255, Jiang Chang Xi Road Shanghai, China, 200436 ไธญๅฝไธๆตทๅธๆฑๅบ่ฅฟ่ทฏ255ๅท
c/o Watson Wyatt, 1515 Nanjing West Road, 11/f Kerry Centre, Shanghai, 200040, China
c/o Zhong Lun Law Firm (ไธญไผฆๅพๅธไบๅกๆ) 11/F, Bank of China Tower, No. 200, Yincheng Road Central Pudong New Area, Shanghai 200120, PRC ไธๆตทๆตฆไธๆฐๅบ้ถๅไธญ่ทฏ200ๅทไธญ้ถๅคงๅฆ11ๆฅผ, 200120
c/o. Fuzhou Sunlight Lighting Electrical Applicance Co., Ltd No. 219, Chen-Han Road Fu-Shin Investment Area Fuzhou, Fu-Chien, China zip:350014
C2-101, Jinling Yu Ting Yuan 64 Mu Su Yuan Street Nanjin, China
Cha & Cha LLP, Attorney At Law Capital Mansion, Suite 2508 Beijing, China 100004 Attn: Miss Grace Jin
Chao Yang Bei Lu 199 hao Moma Da Sha 0509 Fang Jian Beijing 100025, CHINA
China PRC. Postal code 519015 ไธญๅ็ ๆตทๅธๅๅคงไนๆดฒๅคง้ไธญ2002่ ้ต็ทจ: 519015
China Products Care Co., Ltd. Rm.1130 No.187 Bldg. #2218 Xin Songjiang Road Shanghai, P.C.: 201602 China
China, Beijing, Dongzhimenbeidajie 2-2-908, 100028
Company Incorporations Asia Limited Suite 14F Ladoll-J No. 831 Xin Zha Road Shanghai, 200041 P.R. China ***invoices in separate envelope***
D#19F,01 Room,First International Business Building Hong-Fu Road,DongGuan, GuangDong,China.
D6-2001, Di Jing Ming Yuan, 1# Tong Yuan Ju Xin Cun Nan An District, Chongqing 400060, PR China
Dahang Jiye Bldg. 15F No.33, Renda North Rd Haidian District Beijing, China 100080
dmcl. 1st Floor, Pacific Building, Port Building port Vill, Efate, Vanuatu Mail PR 2 Connaught Place, Central, Hong Kong, HK Special Administrative Region, PR China
E-4 Selbe Hothon 7th Horoo, Sukhbaatar Dist Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, China
E1-601, Building 2, No.6 Zhuyuan Rd Hi-Tech Industry Park Tianjin, China 300384 ไธญๅๅคฉๆดฅๅธๆ่กๆฅญๅๅ ่ฏ่็ขๆฅญๅ็ซน่่ทฏ6่2่ๆจ (ๅตๆฅญๅบๅฐEๅบง) I-601 ้ต็ทจ: 300384
E3 Shaw Administration Quarters Lot 220 Clear Water Bay Road Kowloon Hong Kong SAR CHINA
Eurovillage 159, 8 Yu Yang Lu Tianzhu Town, Shunyi, Beijing 101300
FLAT 102,UNIT 1, BLK 11, NAN DU DE JIA DONGQU, WEN ER ROAD, HANGZHOU,PRC, CHINA 310012
Flat 11-13-302, Vanke City Garden No. 3333 Qixin Road Shanghai 201101 P.R. China
Flat 15B, 1#, 1 Baihua Yilu, Futian Shenzhen 518028, China ๆทฑๅณๅธ็ฆ็ฐๅบ็พ่ฑไธ่ทฏ1ๅท1ๆ 15B๏ผ518028๏ผ
Flat 1603, No. 21 Building Hesheng International Garden Shuangjinqiao, Dongsanhuan North Road Chaoyang District, Beijing 100022
Flat 802, 1 Unit, Block 1 Han Lin Yuan, Qianshan Zhuhai City, P.R.C.
Flat C, 2/F., Mandarin Hotel NO.1418 Guangzhou Ave (M) Guangzhou, China, PC: 510500 ไธญๅฝๅนฟๅทๅธๅนฟๅทๅคง้ไธญ1418ๅทไธๆนๅฝ้ ้ฅญๅบCๅบงไบๆฅผ, ้ฎ็ผ: 510500
Global Trade Mansion Building B, Apt. 16E No. 9 Guanghua Road Beijing 100020, China
Grandscape Telecom (Group) Co. Ltd. Grandscape Cyber Harbor No. 9 ZhongYa Road of the Economic and Technoiogical Development Zone of Urumqi, Xinjiang, China
GT International Center, Tower A, 5th Floor Yongandong Li, Jia 3 Jianguomenwai Avenue Chaoyang District Beijing 100022 China
Guang Zhou Shi Ren Min Bei Lu Guang Bo Dian Shi Zhong Xin Room 606, 510012 Guang Dong Sheng P.R.C.
Guanghua Road, Qiaogang Street 19-803 Guangzhou 510403 China
Hangzhou Kwik Teletec Co. Ltd ๆญๅท้ฆ้บ็งๆๆ้ๅ ฌๅธ Building No.9.176 Tianmushan Road Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province, 310012 China ๆญๅทๅธๅคฉ็ฎๅฑฑ่ทฏ176ๅท(่ฅฟๆนๆฐๆบ่ฝฏไปถๅญ)9ๅทๆฅผ,้ฎ็ผ:310012
Herman Mulyana 188 Ming Yue Rd., Block 1, Unit 2001, Pudong, Shanghai, P.R.C.
Hong Kong Plaza 28th Floor, No. 283 Huaihai Middle Road Shanghai, P.R.China 200021 ไธๆตทๅธๆทฎๆตทไธญ่ทฏ283ๅท้ฆๆธฏๅนฟๅบ28ๆฅผ(200021)
HSL International Apartment B-616 Beisanhuan Eastroad No. 37 100029 Beijing China
HU DAN YUAN BEI LI 10 HAO LUO 908 HAI DAN DISTRICT BEIJING CHINA 100083
Hua Jing Road #999 Building #340 Shanghai, 200231 P.R. CHINA
International Steel Structure Co., Ltd 1 Yunshan Road Tongzhou Industrial Development Park Beijing, China 101113
Jiangsu Qing Jiang City Xin Shi Yi Garden #3-5 China
Jishanquiao, Shaoxing Zhejing Postcode: 31200 China
L15,Building2, No.1228, West Yanan Rd. Changning District, Shanghai China ไธๆตทๅธ้ฟๅฎๅบๅปถๅฎ่ฅฟ่ทฏ1228ๅท2ๅท15L, ้ต็ทจ:200052
Law Department No.2, Dong San Huan Nan Lu Chaoyang District, Beijing 100022 P.R CHINA
Level 2/E 17, No.33 Xiya Road Waigaoqiao Free Trade Zone Shanghai, China 200131
M Square Capital Partners Building D. 1110 Mid Huai Hai Road Shanghai 200031, China
MindTech International Group Ltd. 2-3F., Building 4 Gongxiaoshe Industrial Estate 26’th District Bao’an, Shengzhen CHINA
New Company Offshore Limited (Beijing) 25G, Block A, Grand Orient 2B Dongzhimenwaiziaojie, Beijing, P.R.C. 100027
New Company Offshore Limited Suite 905, Aviation Centre, 1600 Nanjing West Rd, Shanghai 200040 P. R. China
New Life Resources Limited Floor 10th, Unit A Pacific Commerce & Trade Building Jiabin Road, Shenzhen China
No 107 Shengli Road, Jiangmen, GuangDong, China
NO 5C-506,QINGZHIYUAN, XUANWU QU BEIJING ๅไบฌๅธๅฎฃๆญฆๅๆธ ่ทๅ5C506, 100054
No. 01, West Fuyang Road Economic Development Zone, Jingjiang, Jiangsu ๆฑ่็้ๆฑๅธๅผๅๅบๅฏ้ณ่ฅฟ่ทฏ1ๅท ้ฎ็ผ:214527
No. 1 He Bin Lu Jin Jian Qu Chengdu City, Sichuan Province China
No. 1 Jianguo Men South Ave. Beijing CHINA
No. 1, Longdong Avenue, Pudong, Shanghai 201203 P.R. China P.R.China
No. 103 Dong Lu Yuan, Tong Zhou District Beijing, China 101101
No. 1095 Yunji Road Keqiao Shaoxing Zhejiang China 312030
No. 116 Lane 1028, Shuiqing Road, Shanghai P.R. China
No. 1188 Li An Road Shanghai 201100 P.R.C.
No. 12-3104, Fu Jin Dong Dong Shan District Guangzhou City China, P.R.C.
No. 13 Pu Tao Road Gu Lou District Nanjing China
No. 1405, Yixian Road Shanghai P.R. CHINA
No. 141, Mao Jia Yan Road Huang Pu District Shanghai P.R. China
NO. 15 GUAN FANG HU TONG XI DAN, XI CHENG BEIJING CHINA
No. 15 Hangfeng Road Scientific Region, Fengtai District 100070, Beijing P.R.C.
No. 15 Hebei Road Tanggu Tiajin P.R. China 300461
No. 177, Lane 333 Jin Hui Road Min Hang District 201107 Shanghai, P.R. China
No. 2, Unit No. 3, Tower 21 No. 17 Jia Yuan Road, Qing Yang District Cheng Du City, Si Chuan Province P.R. China 610072
No. 2077, Le Leman Lake Villas South East Baixingzhuang Shunyi District Beijing 101300
No. 28B Hongyun Village, 1158 Hongyun Main Road Jiangning County, Nanjiang City, Jiangsu Province ๆฑ่็ๅไบฌๅธๆฑๅฏงๅๅฎ้ๅคง้1158่ ๅฎ้ๅ้ๆ B28 ๆฑ่็ๅไบฌๅธๆฑๅฏงๅๅฎ้ๅคง้11158่ๅฎ้ๅ้ P.R. China 210000 ๆฑ่็ๅไบฌๅธๆฑๅฎๅบๅฎ่ฟๅคง้1158ๅท ๅฎ่ฟๅฝ้ ๆB 28ๅนข (้ตๅบ็ทจๅท210000)
NO. 3 LANE 789 GUYANG ROAD SHANGHAI, P.R. CHINA
No. 3 Tian Hua South Street, #E8 Beijing China 100176
No. 36 Gaoyou Road Shanghai China 200031
No. 4-3-502, Gate 6, Guangze Road Wanjing New Industrial District Chaoyang District Beijing, China Post Code: 100102 ไธญๅๅไบฌๆ้ฝๅๆไบฌๆฐ่็ขๆฅญๅ ๅปฃๆพค่ทฏ6่4-3-502 ้ต็ทจ 100102
No. 428, South Lover’s Road, Zhuhai S.E.C. Guangdong Province, P.R.C. ็ ๆตทๅธๆ ไพถๅ่ทฏ428่ไนๅทๆธฏๅคงๅป 9014ๆฟ (้ฎๆฟ็ทจ่519015)
No. 588, 1-76 Jin Feng Lu Min Hang District Shanghai P. R. China
No. 606, Yin Xia Building 3 Buo Jue Shang Zhuang Wenzhou, Zhejiang China
No. 6120 Capital Paradise, Houshayu, Shunyi District, Beijing 101300 P.R.C.
No. 669, Guoshoujing Road, Zhangjiang Hi-Tech Park, Pudong New Area, Shanghai 201203, P.R. China
No. 8 North Star East Road, Andingmenwai, Rm 815, Building K Beijing 100101, China
No. 832, Hua Mu Road Pu Dong New Area Shanghai PRC 201204
No.1-13 Xueshi Street Suzhou, 215002 Jiangsu, China
No.110, Longxin Road, Leather Tech Park Haining, Zhejiang Province China ไธญๅๆตๆฑ็ๆตทๅฎๅธ็ฎ้ฝ็งๆๅญ้ๅ ด่ทฏ110ๅท
No.1418 Mogan Shan Road, Hangzhou, China 310011
No.18 Haiyou Street Yanjiao, Sanhe, Hebei Province China, PRC, Post code: 065201 ๆฒณๅ็ไธๆฒณๅธ็้ๅผๅๅบๆตทๆฒนๅคง่ก18ๅท
No.219 Qingyang North Road Economic and Technology Development Zone of Kunshan City, Jiangsu Province, China ไธญๅๆฑ่็ๆๅฑฑๅธ็ถๆฟๆ่ก้็ผๅ้้ฝๅ่ทฏ๏ผ๏ผ๏ผ่
No.403, No. 86, Jiaxiang Road Shinan District Qingdao 266002 Shandong Province, PRC
No.49, Bieshu, Lane 165 Gui Ping Road (Yuanmeigui Garden), Shanghai, China ไธญๅไธๆตท (ๅ็ซ็ฐๅ)ๆกๅนณ่ทฏ165ๅผๅฅๅข 49่
No.602, Block A, Zhao Bei Zong He Building, Gong Ye Qi Road She Kou, Shenzhen Guangdong, China
No.8, Min Zu Yuan Road Chao Yang District, Beijing, China Post Code:100029
No.82 Lin Yu Villa Wenxin Rd, Hangzhou Zhejiang 310012 China
No.9988, Zhongchun Rd. Minhang District Shanghai, China ไธญๅไธๆตทๅธ้่กๅไธญๆฅ่ทฏ9988่
Office 715, R&F Centre Post Code: 100022 No. 63 The Middle East Third Ring Road Chaoyang District, Beijing
OFFSHORE BUSINESS CONSULTING & SERVICES LIMITED Room 2613, Paris Fashion, No. 500 XiangYang Nan Road, Shanghai 200031, PRC.
P.O. Box 120-9 Shanghai, 200120 ไธๆตทๅธ้ตๆฟไฟก็ฎฑ120-9, ้ต็ทจ200120
Plaza 66 II, Suite 2908 No. 1366 Nanjing Road West Shanghai 200040, China ๅไบฌ่ฅฟ่ทฏ1366่ๆ้ๅปฃๅ ดไบๅบง, 2908ๅฎๅ ไธญๅไธๆตท ๅ้ไธญๅฟ605ๅฎๅ ้ต็ทจ: 200040
Pu Tuo District Jin Sha Jiang Road No. 33, 4th Floor Shanghai, P.R. China 200062
Quanfa Garden, Fangyuan 109 Xiangjiang Northroad No.2 Chaoyang District Beijing, PR China, Postcode: 100103
R.1111 No.369 Wen San Rd. Hangzhou, China, PRC ๆญๅทๅธ่ฅฟๆนๅบๆไธ่ทฏ369ๅท ๆไธๆฐ็ ๅคงๅฆ1111ๅฎค
Rm 11-17, 4/F., Block A Ke Gong Mao Xiao Qu Shi Pai 89 Zhong Shan Da Dao Guangzhou, China
Rm 1121, Jing An Center No. 8, East Road of North Sanhuan Chaoyang, Beijing 100028 PRC CHINA
Rm 1208, 12/F., Business Office Tower W3 Oriental Plaza, No. 1 East Chang An Avenue Dongcheng District Beijing 100738, P.R.C.
Rm 2003, Blk 38 Zhong Hai Kang Cheng Da Guan Lu, Tian He Guang Zhou Shi CHINA
Rm 222, 2F, Tonglian Mansion No. 240, Huixinli Chaoyang District Beijing, China
Rm 2532, Jingxin Building No.jia2 Dongsanhuan Bei Road Chaoyang District, Beijing 100027, China ไธญๅฝๅไบฌๆ้ณๅบไธไธ็ฏๅ่ทฏ็ฒ2ๅทไบฌไฟกๅคงๅฆ2532ๅฎค(100027)
RM 26C BLOCK EAST WENHUA GRAND BUILDING SHENNAN ROAD EAST SHENZHEN CHINA
Rm 301, No. 12, Yin Xing Yuan Nan Chang District, Wuxi City Jiangsu Province, P.R.China
RM 312, DOOR 5, BUILDING 3 MINKANG RESIDENCE, NAN GUAN DISTRICT CHANGCHUN, JILIN PROVINCE P.R. CHINA
RM 501, NO. 26, LI ANG QING YUAN WUXI CITY, JIANG SU PROVINCE P.R. CHINA.
Rm 806, Hall No. 14, Of Four Season Building Kai Fu District Changsha, Hunan, China
Rm C17.3 Long-Tan Road Chongwen District Beijing 100061 CHINA
Rm F, 10th Floor, Bldg.5, Aosen Mansion 786 HongZhong Road, Shanghai, 201103 China ไธๆตทๅธ่นไธญ่ทฏ786 ๅผๅฅงๆฃฎๅ ฌๅฏ5่ๆจ10ๆจFๅบง
Rm., 9B, Block 4, Building 7 Wangfu Shiji Village, Shahedong Road Nanshan Qu, Shenzhen, China ไธญๅๅปฃๆฑ็ๆทฑๅณๅธๅๅฑฑๅๆฒๆฒณๆฑ่ทฏไธ็ดๆ็ๅบ7ๆฅ4ๅบง9B
Rm.302, No. 99 Guohe Road Haizhu Qu, Guangzhou, China ๅนฟๅทๅธๆตท็ ๅบ้ญๅ่ทฏ99ๅท302ๆฟ
Rong Bo Business Building 335 Xianxia Road, No 1 Unit 402 Zip: 200336 China (Behind DongFang Publishing Building)
Room 101, No. 2 Lane 461 Wu Yi Road Shanghai 200050 P.R.C.
Room 102, No. 33, Alley 558 Bao Chun Road Minghang District Shanghai City CHINA
Room 103,Bldg 15, Yuehua Yuan, Fengshan Street,Yuyao, Zhejiang China, 315400 ๆตๆฑ็ๅฎๆณขๅธไฝๅงๅคๅฑฑ่ก้ๆๅ่15ๅนข103ๅฎค้ฎ็ผ315400
Room 1104, Bldg 9, No. 718 Hua Mu Road, Shanghai, China, 201204
Room 1105, B1, Hai Tian Gardeng No. 1481 Hu Qing Ping Road Shanghai 201702 P.R. China
Room 1110, CNOOC Plaza 25 Chaoyangmenbei Dajie Beijing, 100010, P. R. China
Room 1120, River Gardon Village East Side of Baxinzhuang, Houshayu Shunyi District, Beijing 101300 China
Room 1201, Building #1 Hu Pan Garden 258 Xin Gang Street Su Zhou, China, Post Code: 215021
Room 1201, No. 15, Lane 300 Jinxiu Road, Pu Dong District Shanghai, P.R. China
Room 1203, East Building, Fang Xin Yuan, No. 6, Xi Ba He South Road, Beijing, P.R.C.
Room 1209, Tower B, SOHO New Town No. 88 Jianguo Road Chaoyang District Beijing 100022 China
Room 12F, No. 489 South Xiangyang Road Shanghai CHINA
Room 1301,building B, Di Yi Guo Ji, Nanchen Qu Dongguan Shi, GuangDong Sheng, China ไธญๅๅปฃๆฑ็ๆฑ่ๅธ ๅๅๅ็ฌฌไธๅ้Bๅบง1301ๅฎค
Room 1316-1318 Junefield SoGo Plaza No.6 Xuanwumen Wai Avenue Beijing, China 100052
ROOM 13C, NO. 7, ALLEY 118 ZI YUN ROAD, CHANG NING DISTRICT Shanghai P.R. CHINA
Room 1406, P. O. Box: 4705 No.25 Chaoyangmenbei Dajie Dongcheng District Beijing 100010, P.R.C.
Room 1506, 15/F, Block 48 Bao Li Hong Mian Garden Jiang Yan Road Guangzhou P R China 510260
Room 1651, New Century Hotel Office Tower Beijing P.R.C. 100044
Room 1708, Bld 411, Wangjingxiyuan Chaoyang District, Beijing P.R. China ไธญๅฝๅไบฌๆ้ณๅบๆไบฌ่ฅฟๅญ411ๆฅผ1708ๆฟ้ด (้ฎ็ผ: 100102)
Room 1714, Shenshi Plaza 511 Weihai Road Jingnan District, Shanghai P.R.C. 200041
Room 1715, Prime Tower No. 22 Chao Yang Men Wai Street Beijing Postal Code 100020 China
Room 1816, 18/F, Block A Hailrun Complex 6021 Shen Nan Blvd., ShenZhen, China
Room 2003, Tower A CITIC Building No. 19 Jianguomenwai Street Chaoyang District, Beijing 100004
Room 201, W4 Building, Dong Fang Garden (Gui Hua Yuan), Hua Qiao Cheng Shen Nan Lu, Shenzhen, China
Room 204, Building 11, Jin Lin District East Wen Hui Dong Lu, Yanzhou Jiangsu 225000 P.R.C
Room 206, No. 12 Zhongshan Dong Yi Road Shanghai 200002 P.R.China
Room 208, Zuo B, No. 1-73, Wan Fang Yuan Road Yuan Jing Jichang Xi Guang Zhou China ๅปฃๅทๅธๆฉๅ ด่ฅฟ้ ๆฏ่ทฏ 1-73 ่ ่ฌๆนๅ B208
Room 2101, No. 1 Building, No. 139 Dan Shui Road, Shanghai 200020, P.R.C.
Room 2102 No. 7 Building, GuoXin Jiayuan No. 20 Shout Ti Nan Road Hai Dian District Beijing China 100043
Room 2402, 8 Huawen Street Tiyu East Road, Tianhe District Guangzhou, China (ๅนฟๅทๅธๅคฉๆฒณๅบไฝ่ฒไธ่ทฏๅๆ่ก8ๅท2402)
Room 2402, No. 8 Huawen Street Tianhe District, Guangzhou, China (ๅนฟๅทๅธๅคฉๆฒณๅบๅๆ่ก8ๅท2402ๆฟ๏ผ
Room 2602, Building 9, Lane 1188 Changning Road, Changning District SHANGHAI, CHINA
Room 2602, Building 9, Lane 1188, Changning Road, Changning District, Shanghai, China
Room 2613, Paris Fashion, No. 500 XiangYang Nan Road, Shanghai 200031, PRC.
Room 2706, Bo Ya Garden ChaoYang Dist., Beijing, China
Room 2920, Parkson Mansion No. 60 Zhongshan Road 266001 Qingdao China ไธญๅ้ๅณถๅธไธญๅฑฑ่ทฏ60่ ็พ็ๅคงๅป2920ๅฎค ้ตๆฟ็ทจ่266001
Room 3, 18/F., 889 Zhaojiabang Road Shanghai 200030 China ไธญๅฝไธๆตทๅธ่ๅๆต่ทฏ889ๅท18ๆฅผ3ๅท 200030
Room 302, Blk 5, Lane 222 Ma Dang Road Shanghai 200000, China
Room 302, Building A, Ecological Square OCT, Nanshan District, Shenzhen, P.R. China 518053
Room 302, No. 18 Xu Jia Hui Garden Lane 255, Wan Ping Road West Shanghai 200012, China
Room 302, Unit 1, Building 35, No. 1328, Jin Ggang Shan Avenue, Nanchang City, Jiangxi Province, 330002, P.R. China
Room 3203, Tower 4, Dong Jun Plaza 836 Dong Feng Dong Road Guangzhou Guang Dong China
Room 33A, Tower E1 Gemdale International Garden No. 91 JianGuo Road, Chao Yang District Beijing, China 100022
Room 3603, No. 3, Lane 888, South Shan Xi Road Xu Hui District, Shanghai, China
Room 401, #62, Lane 320 Lu Lin Road, Shanghai P.R. China
ROOM 401, BUILDING #1, TAI SHI XIN YA YUAN #19 XIANG HU ROAD, CHANGSHA HUNAN PROVINCE, CHINA ๆนๅ็้ฟๆฒๅธๆนๆน่ทฏ19ๅทๆณฐๆถๆฐ้ ๅญ1ๆ 401ๅฎค
Room 402, Bldg. 927 Zhongguancun, Haidian Dist. Beijing China 100086
ROOM 405, No.2, Alley 1448, Yanan West Rd., Shanghai, P.R.China
Room 408, East Tower China World Trade Centre No. 1 Jian Guo Men Wai DaJie Beijing.
Room 424, Union Building No. 350 Wu Ning Road Shanghai, China 200063
Room 501, Building 8, No. 8, Yin Tai Rd., Jin Chang District, Suzhou City, Jiangsu Province, P.R.C. Postal code: 215004
Room 502, Gate No. 2, Building No. 6, No. 40 Gao Liang Qiao Xie Jie, Haidian District, Beijing, P.R. China
Room 503, 7th building, Lane 149, Dongโan Road, Shanghai 200032, PR China
Room 503, No. 11 Lane 775 HangHua Road MinHang District Shanghai City The People’s Republic of China
Room 505 & 521, Block 5, Lane 210, Taikang Rd., 200025 Shanghai, China
Room 508, West Lake International Trade Centre No. 58 Changsheng Road, Hangzhou, Zhejiang 310006 P.R. China
Room 509, 128 Weihai Road Shanghai 200003 ไธญๅไธๆตทๅธๅจๆตท่ทฏ128 ่ 509 ๅฎค ้ต็ทจ 200003
Room 602, Wande Building 19 Middle Shennan Road Futian District Shenzhen, CHINA
Room 622 Yuzhou JInqiao International Mantion, No. 333 JinGang Road, Pudong Shanghai, P.R. China ไธๆตทๅธๆตฆไธๆฐๅบ้ๆธฏ่ทฏ333ๅท้ๆกฅ็ฆนๆดฒๅฝ้ ๅคงๅฆ622ๅฎค
Room 701, Building A, Blue Ocean Center No.58, East Xinjian Road 201100 Shanghai, PRC ไธๆตทๅธ้ต่กๅบ่ๅปบไธ่ทฏ58ๅผ็ปฟๅฐ็งๆๅฒAๆฅผ701ๅฎค
Room 703, Building 1, No. 120, Gan Jiang West Road Ping Jiang District, Suzhou City Jiangsu Province, P.R.China
Room 704, Junling Plaza No.500 North Chengdu Road Huangpu District, Shanghai China, Postcode 200003
Room 706, Building A Sigma Apartment,49#,Zhichun Road Haidian District ,Beijing P.R.C. ๅไบฌๅธๆตทๆทๅบ็ฅๆฅ่ทฏ49ๅทๅธๆ ผ็ๅ ฌๅฏAๅบง706ๅฎค
Room 706, Building no. 302 WangJingXiYuan area 3 Chao Yang District Beijing The People’s Republic of China
Room 7C16, 7/F, No. 5, Sinyi Road Sinyi District Taipei City 11011, Taipei REPUBLIC OF CHINA
Room 8004, No.428 South Lover’s Road Zhuhai, Guangdong, China P.C: 519015 ไธญๅฝ็ ๆตทๅๅคงๆ ไพฃๅ่ทฏ428ๅทๆตทๆดๅคงๅฆ8004ๅฎค ้ฎ็ผ: 519015
Room 801, 27 Building, 99 Block Guoquan East Road, Yangpu Shanghai, China, 200093 ไธๆตทๆจๆตฆๅบๅฝๆไธ่ทฏ99ๅผ27ๅท801ๅฎค 200093
Room 801, Building 1, Alley 99 Pu Cheng Rd., Lu Chia Zui Shanghai City P. R. China
Room 803 No. 14 Shanyunxuan Building Huananxincheng Nancun Town, Panyu District Guangzhou P.R.C. ๅปฃๅทๅธ็ช็ฆบๅๅๆ้ฎ่ฏๅๆฐๅๅฑฑ้ป่ป14ๅบง803ๅฎค
Room 803, No. 21 Meilongba Village Xuhui DDT Shanghai, P.R. China
Room 807, Huizhong Building, 1 Shangdi 7th Street Haidian District Beijing China
Room 905, No.1065 (jia), Zhaojiabang Road Xuhui District, Shanghai 200030 P.R.C
Room 915, Mechancial Building No.248, Guang’ Anmenwai Street Beijing City, China, 100055 ๅไบฌๅธๅปฃๅฎ้ๅคๅคง่ก248่ๆฉๆขฐๅคงๅป915
Room 919, Tower B, COFCO Plaza, No.8 Jianguomennei Avenue, Dongcheng District, Beijing 100005P.R., China ๅไบฌๅธๅปบๅ้ๅ งๅคง่ก8่ไธญ็ณงๅปฃๅ ดBๅบง919ๅฎค
Room A2011, 20/F, Golden Central Tower, #3037 Jintian Road, Futian District Shenzhen, China
Room C-2, Baihua Science & Tech Zone No. 15 Baishiqiao Road Beijing 100081 CHINA
Room No. 401, Building No. 22 1599 Dingxiang Rd, Pudong District Shanghai 200135 P.R.C
Room50, Block 6, No.2 Ximen Zhijie Huancheng Er Lu, Yang Cheng Qu Qingyuan Central, China ๆธ ่ฟๅธๅธๅบ้ณๅๅบ็ฏๅไบ่ทฏ่ฅฟ้จ็ด่ก2ๅท6ๅบง50ๅฎค
Roon 2601, No.3, Long 288, Huai Hai Road Shanghai, P.R.C.
S-25, Tomson Golf Villa No.1 Long Dong Avenue Pudong, Shanghai CHINA – POSTAL CODE: 201203
Sanlitun Diplomatic Compound 5-2-32 1 Gongrentiyuchang Beilu Chaoyang District Beijing 100600
Shangdi Yu Jin Apartment 1301 Haidian District, Beijing CHINA
Shanghai DAKS Science & Technology Development Co. Ltd German Industrial Park of Kangqiao Industrial Zone Pudong Shanghai 7A King Tower 28 New Jingqiao Road Pudong Shanghai 201206 P.R.C.
Shanghai Post Box 30-25 Shanghai, 200030 CHINA
SHANGHAI ZIYUAN INVESTMENT CO., LTD. Suite c, 13/F., 445 Jiangning Road, Shanghai PRC
Shenzhen Shi Fu Tian Qu Hai Tian Lu Tian Lu Tian Jian Shi Ji Hua Yuan Bei Qu 7 Dong 2 Dan Yuan 5D China
Shuang Yu Shu Post Office Post Box 93, Post Code 100086 Beijing REPUBLIC OF CHINA
Suit 2202, No. 569 Xu Jia Hui Road Luwan District Shanghai China 200031
Suite 1031, Ocean Centre Harbour City Tsimshatsui, Kowloon Hong Kong Jiangsu China
Suite 1202, Building 16, China Central Place 89 Jian Guo Lu Chaoyang District Beijing, 100025, PRC PRC
Suite 14F Ladoll-J No. 831 Xin Zha Road Shanghai, 200041 P.R. China ***invoices in separate envelope***
Suite 1501-02, North Tower Guangzhou World Trade Center 371-375 E. Huanshi Road Guangzhou, China 510095
Suite 1710, No.58 Chang Liu Road Pudong, Shanghai, 200135 P.R. China
Suite 202 #22, No.458 South Ruijin Road Shanghai, China 200032 ไธญๅไธๆตทๅธ็้ๅ่ทฏ458ๅผ22่202ๅฎค ้ต็ทจ: 200032
Suite 2109, Building 8, Jiulong Garden No.29 Guang Chu Rd, Chaoyang District, Beijing ๅไบฌๆ้ฝๅๅปฃๆธ ่ทฏ29่๏ผไน้พ่ฑๅ8่ๆจ 2109ๅฎค๏ผ้ต็ทจ๏ผ100022
Suite 3-32, Jian Guo Men Wai Diplomatic Building Jian Guo Men Wai Avenue Chaoyang District, 100600 Beijing P.R. China
Suite 306, Tower E1 The Towers, Oriental Plaza No. 1, East Chang An Avenue Dong Chegn District Beijing PRC 100738
Suite 318-319 Towercrest Plaza 3 MaiZiDian West Rd ChaoYang District Beijing P.R.C. Zip 100016
Suite 504, Building 24 Zhao Bei Xiao Qu, Shekou Shenzhen 518052 Peopleโs Republic of China
Suite 615, Garden Hotel Jintai Building, 58 Mae Ming South ROAD, Shanghai 200020, China
Suite 804, 27 Building Bei San Huan Zhong Road Haidian District, Beijing P.R.C. 100088
Suite 901, Aviation Centre, 1600 Nanjing West Rd Shanghai 200040, China P.R. China
Suite 905, Aviation Centre, 1600 Nanjing West Rd, Shanghai 200040 P. R. China
Suite C-4, Dahua Villa Bei Qi Jia, Changping District Beijing, Postal Code 102209
Suite E, 30F. 100-2 Xin-geng Road Shanghai PR China 200030
Sunburstex Import and Export Company No.:123, JinHui (West) Road Investment Central, YingZhou Zone Ningbo City, P.C.: 315041, PRC China
Tat Fook (Shenzhen) Technology Co., Ltd. Building A & B, Tongfuyu Industrial Zone Rd. Aiqun, Shiyan Town, Baoan District Shenzhen City, China
TGL Partners Limited 1705A, Silver Centre, 1388 Shaan Xi North Road, Putuo District, Shanghai 200060, PRC
The Red House Hotel, Suite 25 Unit A10, Jingdu Business Hotel 26 Jiuxianqiao Road, Beijing REPUBLIC OF CHINA
Tian Shui Road, Lane 69, No 4, Room 1403, Shanghai 200086, P.R. China
Tianxin, Huang-Jiang Town Dongguan City, Guangdong Province China ๅนฟไธ็ไธ่ๅธ้ปๆฑ้็ฐๅฟ็ฎก็ๅบ
Tongda Chuangye Building 600 Tianshan Rd. Building No.1 Room 2805, Shanghai, China ไธๆตทๅธๅคฉๅฑฑ่ทฏ600ๅผ1ๅท2805ๅฎค๏ผๅ่พพๅไธๅคงๅฆ
Unit 102, Building 7 Lian Hua Bei Village Fu Tian District Shen Zhen City, China
Unit 105, West Tower 1376 Nanjing Road, Shanghai Centre 1376 West Nanjin Road Shanghai CHINA 200040
Unit 1602 Lei Shing International Plaza 1319 Yan An Xi Road Shanghai 200050 China
Unit 17B5, No.585, West Long Hua Road Hua Fu Building, Shanghai, China Postal Code 200235 ไธๆตทๅธ้พๅ่ฅฟ่ทฏ585ๅทๅๅฏๅคงๅฆ17B5ๅฎค้ฎ็ผ200235
Unit 20A, No.18, Cao Xi Road Shi Ye Building Shanghai, 200030, China ไธๆตทๅธๆผๆบชๅ่ทฏ18ๅท20A, ้ฎ็ผ200030
unit 301-303, Tower B, Gemdale Plaza; No, 91 Jianguo Road, Chaoyang District, Beijing. 100022,China
Unit 30D, Building A Global Trade Mansions 9A Guanghua Road Beijing 100020 P.R.C.
Unit 3301, Level 33, China World Tower 2 No.1Jian Guo Men Wai Avenue Beijin, P.R CHINA 100004
Unit 5A, 298 Urumuqi South Road Shanghai 200030 China
Unit 601, Golden Finance Tower, No. 58 Yannan Road East, Shanghai 200002 Peoples Republic of China
Unit 705-708, Cyber Times Tower A Tian’an Cyber Park, Shenzhen China 518041 ๆทฑๅณๅธ็ฆ็ฐๅบๅคฉๅฎๆฐ็ ๅๆฐ็ ๆถไปฃๅคงๅฆAๅบง705 – 708
Unit 905-908,9/F China Resources Building 8 Jianguomenbei Avenue,Dongcheng District Beijing, China 100005
Unit0201, Builiding6, SOHO Xiandaicheng, no.88 Jianguo Road, Chaoyang District, 100022 Beijing, P.R.China
XIAO BEI GUAN CHUN LAI YUAN ZHEN, LAI YUAN COUNTY HE BEI PROVINCE P.R. CHINA
Xinjiang Sino West Mining Tec service LTD Unit 1227, Core A, Jing Hua Jie Zuo 556 South Beijing Road, Urumqi Xinjiang, PRC, Zip Code: 830000
Xintang Villatic Zhonghan Town Cixi City, Zhejiang Province China
Xuan Wu Qu, Xuan Wai Da Jie, No. 6 Zhuang Sheng Bei Guang Chang #1505, Beijing 10005, P.R.C.
Yixin Yazhu Garden Village No. 288 Longtan Dong Lu Jiangsu, 214220 P.R. China
Yulu Industrial Estate Gong Ming County Baoan District Shenzhen P.R.China 518132
Zhong Shau Park Xi Nan Yuan Beijing China 100031
Ziyun Road National Hefei Economic and Technolongical Area Hefei City Anhui
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ๅไบฌๅธๆๆๅๅปๅ้ฎๆกๅฑฑๆๆฑ309 ้ต็ทจ: 101401
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ๆฑ่็ก้ซ็ขฉๆพๅทฅๆฅญๅไบๆ ่ฃ่ฑ่ทฏๅๅ ซ่
ๆทฑๅณๅธ็พ ๆนๅ ๆกๆฏ่ฑๅLๅพ๏ผ่
ๆทฑๅณๅธ่ค็ฐๅ่คๆฐ่ทฏๅพกๅบญๅๆฏ่ฏๅบญ6D
ๆทฑๅณ็ฆ็ฐไฟ็จ ๅๅฏถ็่ป็ฆๅฎ้ฃ๏ผ๏ผก 4A, Fu Hong Ge, Bao Bui Xuan, Futian Bao Sui Qu, Shenzhen REPUBLIC OF CHINA
ๆทฑๅณ็ฆ็ฐๅๅๅ่ทฏ68่ ไธๆญฅๅคงๅป26ๆจA-Cๅฎค
CIA in 1977 Correctly Estimated South Africa Could Produce Enough Weapons-Grade Uranium “to Make Several Nuclear Devices Per Year”
Report on the Libyan Nuclear Program Found that “Serious Deficiencies,” “Poor Leadership” and Lack of “Coherent Planning” Made it “Highly Unlikely to Achieve a Nuclear Weapons Capability “Within the Next 10 years”
Intelligence Estimates on Argentina and Brazil Raised Questions About Their Nuclear Programs and Whether they Sought a Weapons Capability
National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 423
Washington, D.C., May 2, 2013 โ China was exporting nuclear materials to Third World countries without safeguards beginning in the early 1980s, and may have given Pakistan weapons design information in the early years of its clandestine program, according to recently declassified CIA records. The formerly Top Secret reports, published today by the National Security Archive and the Nuclear Proliferation International History Project, are the CIA’s first-ever declassifications of allegations that Beijing supported Islamabad’s nuclear ambitions.
The newly released records, obtained under the Freedom of Information Act and Mandatory Declassification Review process, indicate growing U.S. concern from the 1960s to the early 1990s about the intentions of other embryonic or potential nuclear states, including Brazil, Argentina, South Africa and Libya. Among the disclosures in these reports:
A 1966 estimate discussed what would become an important problem: the possibility of “covert” nuclear programs and the prospect that a “country could go far toward a weapons program” under the disguise of a “peaceful program.”
On South Africa, a 1977 CIA analysis of the uranium enrichment plant at Valindaba included the estimate that South Africa would be able to produce enough weapons-grade uranium “to make several nuclear devices per year.”
According to a 1982 estimate, nuclear proliferation could become a “greater threat to US interests over the next five years.” Nuclear R&D alone, without producing any weapons, could contribute to regional instability and the “disruptive aspect of the proliferation phenomenon will constitute the greater threat to the United States.”
In 1981, U.S. intelligence became aware of a “secret nuclear facility” at Pilcaniyeu that the Argentines later announced was a uranium enrichment (gaseous diffusion) pilot plant.
A Special National Intelligence Estimate (SNIE) prepared after the 1982 Argentine-British conflict over the Falkland Islands professed “great uncertainty” over Argentina’s nuclear intentions: “emotionally” the Argentine military leadership was interested in a weapons option, but it had “reduced capability to fulfill this desire.” By 1985, uncertainty had passed: U.S. intelligence believed that Argentina had no program to develop nuclear weapons.
According to the estimates on Brazil, the leaders of the nuclear establishment sought to “keep โฆ options open to develop a nuclear weapons capability.” The 1985 estimate asserted that the prominent role of the Brazilian military in nuclear activities, “the direction of Brazil’s nuclear r&d,” and the “reputation” of the National Nuclear Energy Commission’s president for “favoring a nuclear option” all posed a “danger to US interests.”
A report on Indian efforts to purchase nuclear-related supplies in world markets described it as a “direct challenge to longstanding US efforts to work with other supplier nations โฆ for tighter export controls” over sensitive technologies. Japan and Western Europe resisted U.S. pressure by arguing that “they will be replaced by the Soviets in the Indian market if they are curtailed.”
The analysis of the Libyan nuclear program was severe: the program’s “serious deficiencies,” including “poor leadership” and the lack of both “coherent planning” and trained personnel made it “highly unlikely the Libyans will achieve a nuclear weapons capability within the next 10 years.”
Image of South African nuclear facilities near Pretoria in 1991. The uranium enrichment plant at Valindiba is indicated as the Y-Plant. (Courtesy of Institute for Science and International Security and http://www.terraform.com)
Since its inception, the U.S. intelligence community has been investigating and analyzing overseas nuclear activities, whether explicitly weapons-oriented or simply suspicious.[1] At the heart of the earliest effort was the monitoring of the former Soviet Union and its European allies for signs of a weapons program. Beginning in the late 1950s, however with concern about France, China, Israel, and other countries mounting, the Central Intelligence Agency began to focus on global trends. While the CIA has declassified dozens of National Intelligence Estimates (NIEs) on the former Soviet Union and its nuclear forces, NIEs and other detailed reports on proliferation issues have been relatively scarce, especially for the 1970s and 1980s, and often heavily excised. Nevertheless, the Agency has been taking a more forthcoming approach to nuclear proliferation intelligence and the releases are significant. NIEs have had the reputation, sometimes disputed, of being the most authoritative intelligence product on a given topic and their declassification is important for understanding how the intelligence establishment understood this problem during various time periods. [2]
These intelligence estimates alert us to the challenge of interpreting the motives of other countries. Some of the estimates present a rather pessimistic view of the future of the nuclear nonproliferation system, raising questions about the intentions of countries that did not actually seek a nuclear weapons option. With more information available from overseas archives and other sources it is becoming possible to evaluate the acuity of U.S. intelligence analysis for understanding nuclear motivations. For example, new sources in Brazil indicate that the country’s leadership did not want a weapons capability but aimed instead for major accomplishments in advanced technology. Like Iran today, Brazil had initiated a gas centrifuge program (although without the international opprobrium). Nevertheless, the NIEs pointed to a “determination” to have a weapons option, although it also more accurately cited the quest for technological progress. Indeed, Brazil and Argentina, another suspect country, eventually signed off on the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty despite longstanding objections (which persist in Brazil). Determining the intentions of the leadership in such countries as Iran and North Korea remains a continuing and important challenge because the outcome will have profound implications for the future of the nonproliferation system. Declassified NIEs can serve as a primary source data set for illuminating contemporary proliferation controversies and for drawing lessons from earlier ones.
Except for a few items, the CIA released these documents as a result of Freedom of Information and mandatory declassification review requests by the National Security Archive. Some of the estimates appear on the CIA FOIA Web site and the editor of this posting requested a new review to see if more information would be declassified. In some cases, that happened: the CIA released more details, for example, on Argentina and Brazil. In some instances, as in Pakistan, the CIA released no new information and the estimates are under appeal. Other pending requests and appeals, if successful, will illuminate CIA and intelligence community perspectives on the problem of nuclear proliferation.
National Intelligence Estimate, “The Likelihood of Further Nuclear Proliferation,” NIE 4-66, 20 January 1966, Secret, Excised copy, released on appeal by Interagency Security Classification Appeals Panel
This estimate, previously released in massively excised form, updated an estimate (NIE-4-2-64) published in 1964 of the nuclear proliferation problem. That estimate, like this one, overestimated the likelihood of an Indian bomb, while somewhat underestimating Israel’s program. This assessment followed the same pattern-predicting India would produce a weapon within a “few years” and also putting Israel in the “might” category, although treating it as a “serious contender” nonetheless. Sweden was also in the “might” category, although the estimators acknowledged the strong opposition of public opinion to a weapons program. Why Israel was in the “might” category, even though it would have weapons by mid-1967, must have reflected debate among U.S. government experts as to the purposes of the Dimona reactor.
The estimate ruled out nuclear programs by a number of countries (Belgium, Denmark, Italy, etc.) for the “foreseeable future,” while it found that other countries “warranted more detailed discussion” because their “incentives” could be strong enough to acquire nuclear weapons in the next 10 years. In addition to India, Israel, and Sweden, these included Japan and South Africa, among others. For plausible reasons (lack of incentive and ample disincentives) the estimate ruled out Italy from the second list, but it is worth noting that in early 1967 its top officials were so angry about the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty that they briefly debated whether to initiate a national nuclear weapons program. [3]
A short discussion of the “snowball effect” (later known as “proliferation cascades” or “chains”) suggested that the United Arab Republic (Egypt-Syria) and Pakistan were likely to take the nuclear option should India or Israel go nuclear. The snowball effect could be limited by various considerations; for example, if close allies such as Japan or West Germany felt the pressure, they were less likely to go nuclear if the United States “strongly opposed” it. An interesting but heavily excised section on “The Detection of Covert Programs” is the first time that an NIE on nuclear proliferation addressed this problem at length, although the possibility had long been known. This section includes deletions on intelligence capabilities and U.S. efforts to inspect Israel’s Dimona reactor. In this connection, the estimate treated the “ultracentrifuge process” as a “feasible” source of weapons-grade uranium where an enrichment plant could be “built and operated without attracting attention.” Unlike some of the earlier estimates, there is little discussion of adverse consequences of nuclear proliferation; no doubt by 1966, the drafters of this estimate assumed that its readers recognized that the implications were harmful to U.S. interests and there was no need to belabor the point.
Document 2: National Intelligence Estimate, “French Nuclear Weapons and Delivery Capabilities,” NIE 22-68, 31 December 1968, Secret, excised copy, released under appeal
The French nuclear program had been of great concern to U.S. presidents during the 1960s because Paris had defied U.S. pressure and was also suspected of supporting proliferation by aiding the Israeli nuclear program. This recently declassified estimate, prepared at the close of the Johnson administration, gives a picture of a program that was slowing down because of internal financial and economic problems, in part by the impact of the May 1968 student and worker uprising. While President Charles de Gaulle saw a nuclear arsenal as indispensable for “great-power status,” the plans for bomber, missile, and submarine-launched delivery systems were difficult to realize. Even the bomber force that was in place could only undertake one-way missions to Soviet targets. Despite the heavy excisions in the section on nuclear weapons, it comes across that the French had not yet produced a deliverable thermonuclear weapon. Although the French had provided Israel with a small nuclear reactor in the 1950s, the estimators did not believe that they would take further action to abet nuclear weapons proliferation, yet the sale of advanced delivery capabilities was not ruled out “if the price was right.”
The document hinted at the possibility of special arrangements with the United States to get “US nuclear know-how,” but De Gaulle would reject any quid pro quo that involved external control of French forces. The same would be true of any continental nuclear arrangements, for example, special cooperation with West Germany; DeGaulle would insist on “French control” of the weapons. Within a few years, the Nixon administration would begin to provide secret aid to the French nuclear weapons program, beginning first with assistance to missile systems, but no information on a quid pro quo has surfaced.
Documents 3A-B: China and Nuclear Proliferation
A: Deputy Director for National Foreign Assessment, Central Intelligence Agency, to Christine Dodson, National Security Council, 7 December 1979, enclosing report, “A Review of the Evidence of Chinese Involvement in Pakistan’s Nuclear Weapons Program,” 7 December 1979, Top Secret, Excised Copy
B: Special National Intelligence Estimate, “Chinese Policy and Practices Regarding Sensitive Nuclear Transfers,” SNIE 13/32-83, 20 January 1983, Top Secret, Excised Copy
Nuclear proliferation issues posed a sensitive problem in the early development of U.S.-China relations. With nuclear proliferation a policy priority for the Jimmy Carter administration, and Pakistan already a special concern, the possibility that China and Pakistan were sharing nuclear weapons-related information began worry U.S. government officials. They had no hard evidence–and the soft evidence that concerned them is massively excised in the December 1979 report just as Beijing and Washington were normalizing relations-so the “precise nature and extent of this cooperation is uncertain.” These concerns did not go away during the Reagan administration. While nuclear proliferation was not a top priority, the administration was apprehensive about the implications of the spread of nuclear capabilities and that China may have been aiding and abetting some potential proliferators by selling unsafeguarded nuclear materials. That China was selling nuclear materials to meet national objectives (hard currency earnings, etc.) and flouting international standards, however, did not mean that it was intent upon supporting further nuclear proliferation.
On Pakistan specifically, the CIA had evidence suggesting close Chinese nuclear cooperation, to the point of facilitating a nuclear weapons capability, although the intelligence community saw this as possibly a special case based on an alliance that had existed since 1963. This allegation has come up before, for example in a State Department document and in major news stories but this is the first time the CIA has released some of its own information. [4] The estimate highlights some of the main developments, including “verbal consent [in 1974] to help Pakistan develop a ‘nuclear blast’ capability”, “hedged and conditional commitment” in 1976 to provide nuclear weapons technology, and unspecified excised information that raised the “possibility that China has provided a fairly comprehensive package of proven nuclear weapon design information.” The exchanges may not have been one-way and the reference to Chinese “involvement” in Pakistan’s uranium enrichment program probably refers to gas centrifuge technology, which Pakistan shared with the Chinese. [5] Significant portions of the document covering technology sharing are excised, but more may be learned if additional details are released under appeal.
National Intelligence Estimate, “Nuclear Proliferation Trends Through 1987,” NIE-4-82, July 1982, Secret, Excised copy, under appeal
This pessimistic appraisal portrayed a deeply troubled nonproliferation regime, with “the development of small nuclear forces โฆ increasingly feasible,” declining confidence in International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards, and research and development programs exacerbating regional tensions. With proliferation becoming a “greater threat to US interests over the next five years,” intelligence analysts believed that the “disruptive aspect of the proliferation phenomenon will constitute the greater threat to the United States.” While the estimators saw “low potential” for terrorist acquisition of nuclear weapons, the likelihood of terrorist/extortionist hoaxes was on the upswing.
Significant portions of the NIE are excised, especially the estimate of Israel’s nuclear arsenal and its impact in the Middle East. Nevertheless, much information remains on the countries of greatest concern: Iraq and Libya in the Near East, India and Pakistan in South Asia, Brazil and Argentina in Latin America, and the Republic of South Africa, as well as those of lesser concern: Iran, Egypt, Taiwan and the two Koreas. The title of the last section, “Implications for U.S.-Soviet relations” suggests that the analysts saw the nuclear proliferation problem in largely cold war terms.
While describing suspect nuclear activity in a number of countries, the estimate provided little evidence of intentions. For example, Argentina was “unlikely” to try to test a device in the next five years and the incentives to do so were weak, but beginning in 1984 it could potentially produce one to four weapons a year using safeguarded plutonium. But whether Argentina was likely to make a decision to build weapons is not discussed (but see documents 5A-B).
On Pakistan, a state where evidence of intentions was strong, the estimate found that by the end of 1986 it “could accumulate five to ten enriched uranium implosion weapons” and five to ten plutonium weapons. Yet this projection was highly exaggerated because Pakistan would barely have one weapon in 1987 and did not have a truly deliverable weapon (by fighter jet) until 1995. Plainly the Pakistani nuclear effort was less efficient than the estimators recognized but this report does not get into the nuts and bolts of program efficiency. [6]
On one crucial point there may have been a misunderstanding. The estimate identified the Iraqi nuclear reactor project destroyed by an Israeli attack in 1981 as having a “plutonium production capability.” Yet recent research indicates that the French had taken action to ensure that the reactor had low value as a plutonium producer; that the reactor would have been under IAEA safeguards; and that French technicians were staffing the project to prevent untoward uses. Nevertheless, the estimate correctly suggests that the Israeli attack had been a counter-proliferation failure by raising Iraq’s determination: it “[increased the] desire for secrecy in attempting to acquire nuclear-related assistance from foreign sources.” [7]
Documents 5A-C: Argentina
A: Special National Intelligence Estimate, “Argentina’s Nuclear Policies in Light of the Falkland’s Defeat,” SNIE 91-2-82, 1 September 1982, Secret, Excised copy, under appeal
B: Special National Intelligence Estimate, “Argentina’s Nuclear Policies Under Alfonsin,” SNIE 91/3-84, 31 July 1984, Secret, Excised copy, under appeal
C: Central Intelligence Agency, Directorate of Intelligence, “Argentina: Seeking Nuclear Independence: An Intelligence Assessment,” September 1985, Secret, excised copy
Source: CIA CREST Database, National Archives II, College Park, MD
Argentina, like its neighbor, Brazil, was determined to develop an “independent nuclear fuel cycle,” with the capacity to reprocess plutonium and enrich uranium. Also like Brazil, Argentina was one of the few Latin American countries to refuse to sign the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. Thus, Argentina’s nuclear activities were under routine scrutiny to see if they involved anything that suggested an interest in a weapons capability. U.S. intelligence agencies continued to monitor developments but perspectives shifted as Argentina’s domestic politics evolved. Prepared after the Argentine-British conflict over the Falklands Islands, in which Washington helped London, this special estimate professed “great uncertainty” over Argentina’s nuclear intentions. While “emotionally” the Argentine military leadership was interested in a weapons option, it had “reduced capability to fulfill this desire.” Nevertheless, rightly or wrongly, the intelligence establishment assumed that the leadership had “carefully reserved an option to develop nuclear weapons.” [8] Therefore, if the National Atomic Energy Commission (CNEA) decided to implement the option, it had two “plausible” routes for securing plutonium: 1) diverting spent fuel from a safeguarded reactor, or 2) diverting spent fuel from an unsafeguarded reactor that was in the works.
The 1982 estimate does not mention the gaseous diffusion uranium enrichment project at Pilcaniyeu, which the Argentines began in 1978 when the Carter administration cut off sales of enriched uranium to countries refusing to sign the NPT. Nevertheless, according to the 1985 report (Document 5C), in 1981 U.S. intelligence became aware of a “secret nuclear facility.” As military rule was collapsing in November 1983, the outgoing head of the Atomic Energy Commission, Vice Admiral Carlos Castro Madero, announced the achievement of an enrichment capability and the Pilcaniyeu plant became known to the world.
Almost two years later military rule had collapsed and a democratically-elected government led by Raul Alfonsin was taking an unambiguous stand on nuclear weapons. In its 1984 assessment, the intelligence community was more certain about Argentina’s nuclear policies: “on the basis of discernible evidence โฆ Argentina does not have a program to develop or test nuclear explosives.” Nevertheless, Alfonsin was unlikely to change “Argentina’s long-term efforts to achieve its goal of acquiring a full range of nuclear-fuel-cycle facilities.” Consistent with this, the military–which still played a central role in the nuclear energy program–was “likely to continue its involvement in some of the most sensitive nuclear programs, including uranium enrichment and reprocessing.” Despite the CNEA claim that it had developed a capability to enrich uranium, the estimate could not confirm that “indigenous equipment has functioned successfully.
A year later, the CIA was still more definite about Argentine capabilities. According to the 1985 report, the Argentines “have achieved at least a proof of principle of uranium enrichment via gaseous diffusion.” In other words, they had a workable system. Nevertheless, the enrichment plant would not be “fully operational until 1987-1988.” While the assessment of Argentine interest in nuclear weapons did not change, CIA analysts asserted that “Argentina continues to develop the necessary facilities and capabilities that could support a nuclear weapons development effort.”
Documents 6A-C: Brazil
A: Special National Intelligence Estimate, “Brazil’s Changing Nuclear Goals: Motives and Constraints,” SNIE 93-83, 21 October 1983, Secret, excised copy[9]
B: Special National Intelligence Estimate, Memorandum to Holders, “Brazil’s Changing Nuclear Goals: Motives and Constraints,” SNIE 93-83, December 1985, Secret, excised copy
C: Central Intelligence Agency, Directorate of Intelligence, “President Sarney and Brazil’s Nuclear Policy,” 8 September 1986, Secret, Excised copy.
Source: CREST, National Archives
Brazilian nationalism has often posed a challenge to U.S. official precepts on the way the world should work and these estimates convey the deep Brasilia-Washington gap over nuclear policy during the 1980s. SNIEs from 1983 and the 1985 update emphasize Brazil’s quest for technological-industrial autonomy which in nuclear terms meant developing an indigenous program to master the fuel cycle, including uranium enrichment and plutonium reprocessing capabilities. In seeking those objectives, Brazil did not want to face any constraints, and its leaders were unresponsive to U.S. or other pressures for safeguards on nuclear facilities.
Even though Brazil had cut back its civilian nuclear program and had virtually withdrawn from the controversial agreement with West Germany, the military services were going ahead with a variety of secret nuclear R&D projects which are described but excised in the two reports. For example, the Nuclear Energy Research Institute [Portuguese acronym, IPEN] role in developing gas centrifuge technology is spelled out, but any information on its purposes is excised. While it sought to produce nuclear submarine reactor fuel, it will not be clear whether the CIA knew until more information is declassified. Less than a year after the 1985 SNIE, the IPEN centrifuges had successfully enriched uranium, but whether the CIA was aware how close it was to success remains to be learned. The 1985 SNIE predicted the requisite capabilities for developing nuclear weapons by 1990. [10]
On the key issues of nuclear weapons and capabilities, both reports assume that a decision had not been made. Nevertheless, the estimates portray leaders of the nuclear establishment as wishing to “keep โฆ options open to develop a nuclear weapons capability.” Indeed, Brazil’s refusal to sign the NPT and the insistence that the Treaty of Tlalelolco permitted PNEs [peaceful nuclear explosives] “demonstrates a determination โฆ to preserve a nuclear weapons option.” U.S. intelligence analysts saw this as worrisome: according to the 1985 report the prominent role of the military in nuclear activities, “the direction of Brazil’s nuclear r&d,” and the CNEN president’s “reputation of favoring a nuclear option” posed a “danger to US interests in Brazil.” But the alleged interest in a nuclear weapons option was probably overstated in light of recent research that indicates that Brazilian leaders were not thinking in those terms.[11]
A Directorate of Intelligence analysis, prepared later the following year, provides an interesting contrast with excisions in the NIEs on the indigenous program; it includes details on the major Navy, Air Force, and Army components of the indigenous program, including the nuclear submarine objective. As with the NIEs, the authors of this report saw no “political decision” on nuclear weapons and further noted President Sarney’s public statements against a weapons program. But a piece of political intelligence initially excised from this report suggested, rightly or wrongly, that Sarney may have been personally ambivalent.
Documents 7A-B: India
A: Central Intelligence Agency, Directorate of Intelligence, Intelligence Assessment, “India’s Nuclear Program: Energy and Weapons,” July 1982, Top Secret, excised copy, under appeal
B: Central Intelligence Agency, Directorate of Intelligence, “India’s Nuclear Procurement Strategy: Implications for the United States,” December 1982, Secret, excised copy
Source: CREST, National Archives
This massively excised report indicates the Agency’s strong views about releasing its knowledge of India’s nuclear weapons activities, even when the information is decades old. That many of the pages are classified “Top Secret Umbra” suggests that some of the information draws on communications intelligence intercepts, another highly sensitive matter. A CIA report on India produced a few months later, “India’s Nuclear Procurement Strategy: Implications for the United States,” has comparatively fewer excisions. It discusses in some detail Indian efforts to support its nuclear power and nuclear weapons development program by circumventing international controls through purchases of sensitive technology on “gray markets.” The report depicts a “growing crisis in the Indian civil nuclear program,” which combined with meeting nuclear weapons development goals, was forcing India to expand imports of nuclear-related supplies. The purchasing activities posed a “direct challenge to longstanding US efforts to work with other supplier nations โฆ for tighter export controls.”
Central Intelligence Agency, Directorate of Intelligence, Research Paper, “Pakistan’s Nuclear Weapons Program: Personnel and Organizations,” November 1985, Top Secret, Excised copy, under appeal
This heavily excised report on the “well-educated committed cadre” that managed the Pakistani nuclear program demonstrates how the CIA protects its intelligence on Pakistani nuclear activities. This is the same version of the report that can be found on the Agency’s FOIA Web page; the recent version includes no new information. Details on Khan Research Laboratories and the gas centrifuge program are entirely withheld, but some information is made available on the Pakistani Atomic Energy Commission and the Directorate of Nuclear Fuels and Materials. The latter includes details on the status and purpose of major projects, for example, the Kundian Nuclear Complex, also known as the Chasma Reprocessing Plant, which was not completed until 1990. For the purposes of producing plutonium for weapons, the Pakistanis were interested in a heavy water moderated reactor of the NRX (National Research Experimental) type that Canada built at Chalk River. In 1985, the Pakistanis started that project in earnest, with construction beginning in 1987 of what became known as Khushab Chemical Plant II.[12]
Documents 9A-B: South Africa
A: Central Intelligence Agency, Directorate of Intelligence, Office of Scientific Intelligence, “South African Uranium Enrichment Program,” August 1977, Secret, excised copy, under appeal
B: National Intelligence Estimate, “Trends in South Africa’s Nuclear Security Policies and Programs,” NIE 73/5-84, 5 October 1984, Top Secret, excised copy, under appeal
These reports remain heavily excised even though the institutions and activities that they describe have not existed for years (although perhaps some details have been withheld on nonproliferation grounds. With South Africa’s status as a pariah state, its nuclear program was a thorny problem for a series of U.S. presidents. In August 1977, the Carter administration, working with the Soviet Union, lodged protests against South Africa’s apparent preparations for a nuclear test, forcing a shut-down of the Kalahari test site if not the entire nuclear program itself. Indeed the CIA’s analysis of South Africa’s innovative “aerodynamic” uranium enrichment plant at Valindaba brought it to the conclusion that South Africa would be able to produce enough weapons-grade uranium “to make several nuclear devices per year.”
Seeking “constructive engagement” with the apartheid regime, the Reagan administration wanted the South Africans to keep a lid on their nuclear weapons program. The NIE’s top-secret status was compatible with one of the elements of the 1984 estimate: that any revelations that broke the regime’s “calculated ambiguity” about its nuclear status would put Washington in an “awkward position” by “fir[ing] the drive” for the sanctions and disinvestment campaigns which the administration was trying to avoid. Analyzing the motives for the nuclear program, the CIA found it “irrelevant” to any threat that the regime was likely to face.
A key issue was whether South Africa had a nuclear arsenal. On that problem, the NIE dovetailed with the view taken by NIE-4-82: South Africa “probably has the capability to produce nuclear weapons on short notice.” That was accurate, but U.S. intelligence may not have known that the regime’s leaders had already decided to build a stockpile of 7 weapons, with six weapons assembled during the 1980s. [13] A lengthy annex detailed South Africa’s nuclear test capabilities, with some coverage of the mysterious South Atlantic flash of September 1979. This portion is significantly excised so the event remains a puzzle, with debate continuing over whether South Africa tested the weapon, whether it even had a suitable device for atmospheric testing in September 1979, or whether another country, possibly Israel, was the guilty party.
Central Intelligence Agency, Directorate of Intelligence, “The Libyan Nuclear Program: A Technical Perspective,” February 1985, Top Secret, excised copy
For years, U.S. intelligence agencies did not take seriously Muammar Gaddafi’s efforts to develop a Libyan nuclear capability and this report provides early evidence of the perspective that the Libyan program “did not know what it was doing.” [14] According to the CIA, the program’s “serious deficiencies,” including “poor leadership” and lack of both “coherent planning” and trained personnel made it “highly unlikely the Libyans will achieve a nuclear weapons capability within the next 10 years.” The Libyan effort was in such a “rudimentary stage” that they were trying to acquire any technology that would be relevant to producing plutonium or enriched uranium. While the Soviets had provided some nuclear assistance, that relationship was stagnating and the Libyans were trying to acquire enrichment-related technology from Belgium, but even if that happened it was likely to be provided under safeguards narrowing Gaddafi’s freedom of action. The denouement of Gaddafi’s failed quest for the bomb was the discovery in 2003 of a shipment of material en route from the A.Q. Khan network. While the Pakistanis had provided centrifuge equipment it was not working or had not been installed, remaining in packing crates – more evidence of the “rudimentary” nature of Libya’s nuclear efforts.
Director of Central Intelligence, National Intelligence Estimate, “Prospects for Special Weapons Proliferation and Control,” NIE 5-91C, Volume I: The Estimate, and Volume II: Annexes A (“Country Studies), B (Weapons and Technologies) and C (Control Regimes), July 1991, Top Secret, excised copy, under appeal
With the term “weapons of mass destruction” having not yet fully come into general usage, this NIE used the term “special weapons” to describe nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons (formerly the term “special weapons” was sometimes used to describe nuclear weapons only). With numerous excisions, including the names of some countries in the sections on “East Asia and the Pacific” and “Central America,” this wide-ranging estimate provides broad-brushed, sometimes superficial, pictures of the situations in numerous countries along with coverage of international controls to halt sensitive technology exports to suspect countries. The estimate presents a fairly bleak picture of continuing proliferation “despite efforts by the United States and others to arrest the spread.” Iraq’s nuclear ambitions, even with the recent war, remained a concern and so did Iran’s, although it was deemed unlikely to achieve a nuclear capability “over the next decade.” North Korea was likely to have a nuclear device in 2 to 5 years (surely an overestimate) while India and Pakistan were estimated to have the ability to “assemble nuclear weapons quickly.” Also troubling was the ability of would-be nuclear proliferators to acquire sensitive technologies. Sometimes that was done through “dummy corporations” and other such devices, but “West European reluctance or inability to enforce controls” did not help, nor did China’s role as a supplier of nuclear technology.
The picture was not entirely bleak. Brazil had “halt[ed] the development of nuclear weapons” and the current Argentine government “will not attempt to develop nuclear weapons,” although no evidence is provided that either country had been trying. With the downfall of apartheid, South Africa’s nuclear weapons were “less troublesome,” although it is not clear whether the analysts were aware that country had already dismantled its nuclear arsenal.
NOTES
[1] See Jeffrey Richelson, Spying on the Bomb: American Nuclear Intelligence from Nazi Germany to Iran and North Korea (New York, 2006), for the most comprehensive survey.
[2] Controversies over NIEs, in and outside the U.S. government, have been a running theme in the history of U.S. intelligence. See, for example, Harold R. Ford, CIA and Vietnam Policymakers: Three Episodes, 1962-1968 (Washington, D.C. 1998), 1-24, Thomas Powers, The Man Who Kept the Secrets: Richard Helms and the CIA (New York, 1979), 204-207, and Anne Hessing Cahn, Killing Dรฉtente: The Right Attacks the CIA (University Park, 1998).
[7] Jacques Hymans, Achieving Nuclear Ambitions: Scientists, Politicians, and Proliferation (New York, 2012), 96-97
[8] For an argument that the Argentine program had non-weapons motivations, see Jacques Hymans, The Psychology of Nuclear Proliferation: Identify, Emotions, and Foreign Policy (New York, 2006), 141-170.
[9] CIA reviewed the SNIEs on Brazilian nuclear activities in 2011 for another requester and under the two-year limitations of Executive Order 13526 they cannot be re-requested until later in 2013.
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