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Officers & Master Clients (4)
- Alibhay Djouma Goulamhoussen
- Mr. Ylias Akbaraly
- Noorani Ibrahim ep. Alibay Djouma Goulamhoussen Neelam
- Yakataly Nazaraly
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Nach dem Fund unzähliger Stasi-Akten in Cottbus 25 Jahre nach dem Mauerfall läuft die Sichtung der Unterlagen auf Hochtouren. Das Material werde von Archivaren „Seite für Seite gelesen“, sagte der Leiter der Außenstelle der Stasi-Unterlagenbehörde in Frankfurt (Oder), Rüdiger Sielaff, am Donnerstag. Bauarbeiter hatten die Papiere in der ehemaligen Stasi-Bezirkszentrale am Nordrand von Cottbus entdeckt. Der RBB hatte zuerst darüber berichtet.
Die Auswertung der Akten – ein Bestand von 30 Metern – werde wohl Monate dauern, sagte Sielaff. Erst rund die Hälfte sei gesichtet. Verhörprotokolle und andere Privatakten seien bislang nicht gefunden worden, es handele sich vor allem um Bauunterlagen.
Sielaff sprach von einem „kleinen Sensationsfund“. Die Unterlagen verrieten viel über Struktur und Arbeitsweise in der einstigen Bezirksverwaltung des Ministeriums für Staatssicherheit (MfS). Verhören, bespitzeln, verhaften: Die Bezirksverwaltungen seien „das MfS vor Ort“ gewesen, sagte Sielaff.
Das frühere DDR-Ministerium für Staatssicherheit in Berlin hatte 15 Bezirksverwaltungen. Nach dem Mauerfall wurden sie nach und nach geschlossen. Als erste MfS-Außenstellen hatten am 10. Dezember 1989 die Bezirksverwaltungen in Neubrandenburg und Suhl ihre Tätigkeit eingestellt. Auf dem Gelände der Cottbuser Stasi-Zentrale soll nach dem Abriss ein „innenstadtnahes Wohnquartier“ mit etwa 70 Eigenheimen entstehen.
Die gefundenen Aktenberge werden in der Außenstelle der Stasi-Unterlagenbehörde in Frankfurt (Oder) archiviert. Dass andernorts noch mehr Zeugnisse der untergegangenen DDR-Diktatur schlummerten, sei wahrscheinlich, sagte Leiter Sielaff. Ob in privater Hand oder bei Institutionen: Besitzer von Stasi-Material hätten grundsätzlich eine Rückgabepflicht.
Natürlich wird es im Stasiland Germany nicht zu Konsequenzen kommen. Denn die alten Kader sind ununterbrochen aktiv und weiter überall tätig, der Polizei, der Justiz, der Finanz, dem Parlament, dem Geheimdienst und nattürlich auch in der “STASI-Unterlagen-Behörde”, ein Feigenblatt, das niemals bei genauem Hinsehen funktioniert !
It has long been known that the Soviet state security service (currently the KGB) resorts to abduction and murder to combat what are considered to be actual or potential threats to the Soviet regime. These techniques, frequently designated as “executive action”** and known within the KGB as “liquid affairs” (Mokryye Dela), can be and are employed abroad as well as within the borders of the USSR. They have been used against Soviet citizens, Soviet emigrés, and even foreign nationals. A list of those who have fallen victim to such action over the years would be a very long one and would include even the co-founder of the Soviet state, Leon Trotsky. Several well-known Soviet assassination operations which have occurred since the rise of Khrushchev attest to the fact that the present leadership of the USSR still employs this method of dealing with its enemies.
The sudden disappearance or unexpected death of a person known to possess anti-Soviet convictions immediately raises the suspicion of Soviet involvement. Because it is often impossible to prove who is responsible for such incidents, Soviet intelligence is frequently blamed and is undoubtedly credited with successes it actually.has not achieved. On the other hand, even in cases where the Soviet hand is obvious, investigation often produces only fragmentary information, due to the KGB ability to camouflage its trail. In addition, Soviet intelligence is doubtless involved in incidents that never become officially recognized as executive action, such as assassinations which are recorded as accidents, suicides, or natural deaths.
All of the factors cited above have helped to obscure Soviet practices in regard to assassinations and abductions outside the USSR. Certain observations can be made, however, which will help to put these practices into their proper perspective. These observations are set forth in the following paragraphs and are based on information produced by the investigation of known or suspected Soviet operations which have occurred since World War II, as well as from information supplied by defectors during this period.
The large numbers of former citizens of the USSR (and of Imperial Russia) living abroad in protest against the Soviet regime have been a continuing cause for concern to the Soviets since the early twenties. Reducing and keeping to a minimum the potential threat to the regime represented by these emigrés is one of the functions of the state security service. Soviet intelligence seeks to neutralize, discredit and destroy anti-Soviet groups by luring emigrés back to the USSR, by penetrating emigré organizations, and by kidnaping or murdering individual emigrés considered to be particularly dangerous.
Emigré leaders who participate in anti-Soviet activities have been primary targets of Soviet abduction or assassination operations. Such operations are sometimes designed to demonstrate that the Soviet regime can strike its enemies anywhere in the world. The Soviets hope thereby to create fear, unrest, confusion, and dissension within emigré organizations, and at the same time deter other emigrés from joining their ranks. The planned assassination in February 1954 of Georgiy S. Okolovich, leader of the NTS emigré organization, was to have been a particularly significant step toward achieving this goal, but the act was not carried out because of the defection of state security Captain Nikolay Khokhlov.
On the other hand, assassinations of some emigré leaders have been carried out so skillfully as to leave the impression that the victims died from natural causes. Details of some of the techniques used to achieve this were brought to light in 1961 when professional KGB assassin Bogdan Stashinskiy defected to the West and revealed that he had successfully performed two such missions. In 1957 he killed Ukrainian emigré writer Lev Rebet in Munich with a poison vapor gun which left the victim dead of an apparent heart attack. In 1959, the same type of weapon was used on Ukrainian emigré leader Stepan Bandera, although Bandera’s death was never fully accepted as having been from natural causes. These cases are discussed in more detail later in this paper.
Executive action is also triggered by any signs of possible disloyalty on the part of Soviet officials abroad. The Soviets have gone to great lengths in the past to silence their intelligence officers who have defected, as evidenced by the assassination of former state security officer Ignace Reiss in 1937 and the unexplained “suicide” of former Soviet military intelligence officer Walter Krivitsky in 1941. In the post-war era, determination to prevent such defections was vividly demonstrated by the unsuccessful attempt to force the wife of Vladimir Petrov to return to the Soviet Union from Australia after his defection in April 1954. The practice of physical restraint applies with equal force to other Soviet officials who attempt to defect or are suspected of being on the verge of doing so. Examples were witnessed in Calcutta, India in January 1958 and Rangoon, Burma in May 1959. The respective victims, Aleksandr F. Zelenovskiy and Mikhail 1. Strygin, were both portrayed by the Soviets as mental cases, were taken into custody by means of strong-arm tactics, and were forcibly removed to the USSR in a matter of days.
Foreign nationals are sometimes victims of Soviet executive action. The targets who fall into this category may be indigenous agents who have become suspect, or former citizens of satellite countries who have turned against the Soviet regime. In the latter case, actions against such individuals are usually carried out through the corresponding satellite intelligence service, aided and abetted by Soviet state security. The abductions of Dr. Walter Linse and Bohumil Lausman exemplify this type of operation. Linse had fled East Germany in 1947 and later became a leader of the “Society of Free jurists,” an anti-Communist organization that the Soviets considered particularly dangerous. He was kidnaped from West Berlin in July 1952 by agents of the East German security service, with the full knowledge and approval of Soviet state security; he was later turned over to Soviet authorities in Karlshorst, East Berlin, and eventually sentenced to imprisonment in the USSR.* Lausman, prominent Czech anti-Communist who fled to the West in 1949, disappeared from Vienna in 1953. It was later learned that he had been kidnaped by agents of Czech intelligence, with the official sanction of Moscow. The Soviet state security rezidentura in Vienna also had been directed to assist the operation by supplying a car for transportating Lausman to Prague and arranging for the vehicle to have free passage through the Soviet Zone of Austria.
Foreign political leaders are also potential targets of Soviet executive action operations and, according to recent information, the KGB’s executive action component includes such persons among its targets. There is, however, no evidence proving that any Western leader has been the victim of Soviet executive action.
The executive action component of the Soviet government is currently designated the 13th Department of the KGB intelligence directorate (First Chief Directorate). The earliest known predecessor of the 13th Department was the so-called “Directorate of Special Tasks” reportedly established within the NKVD in December 1936 for terror purposes. During World War II terror missions were performed by the NKGB Fourth Directorate, which was responsible for partisan activity behind German lines. In late 1945 or early 1946 this directorate was replaced by a unit of the MGB known as Spets Byuro #1, which was organized to retain Fourth Directorate personnel to support and direct partisan activities behind enemy lines in the event of a future war. In the summer of 1952, however, the long-range aspects of Spets Byuro #1 mission were abandoned, and emphasis was shifted to using all available agents for sabotage and other violent activities. Spets Byuro #1 was given a new, and at present still unknown, designation some time in 1953 and assigned to carry out “special action tasks,” such as sabotage, political murders, and kidnapings. With the creation of the KGB in 1954, the executive action component was redesignated as the 13th Department. Although the jurisdiction of the department is global, its main target areas are the United States and members of Western treaty organizations. There is no evidence of the existence of any unit within the Soviet military intelligence component (the GRU) responsible for the type of executive action discussed in this paper, although the GRU reportedly can undertake such operations under certain circumstances.
The 13th Department is believed to be divided into sections (otdeleniye) or directions (napravleniye) by countries or groups of countries, such as, for example, the United States (“the principal enemy”), England, Latin America, etc. At Moscow headquarters the department has approximately 50 to 60 experienced employees, and was last known to be headed by a General Rodin, who under the alias Korovin had previously been the KGB resident in Great Britian. Secrecy about the work of this department is maintained through the careful selection and training of its personnel; the officers do not discuss their experience among others; department documents are not circulated.
In addition to headquarters personnel, the 13th Department has its own support officers in legal residencies in Western countries and in some satellite countries. Such support officers work under the instructions of the legal resident and the 13th Department. One of the more active groups is a unit in East Germany which numbers perhaps 20 to 30 persons. As of 1960 there was a group in China, but it probably no longer exists. Prior to 1955 there was also a group in Austria. In a country in which a support officer of the 13th Department is stationed, the legal resident and the headquarters department for that country are aware of the targets of the 13th Department in that country, although they are not aware of illegal agents who are in direct contact with the 13th Department.
Although the 13th Department is the KGB’s executive action component, the Emigré (Ninth) Department directs all operations, including assassination operations, against Soviet emigrés. The Emigré Department’s assassination operations, however, are believed to be conducted jointly with the 13th Department and sometimes other KGB components — for example, the counterintelligence directorate (Second Chief Directorate).
The 13th Department also supports the Disinformation (12th) Department of the First Chief Directorate in the latter’s covert propaganda campaigns aimed at the creation of confusion and panic in Western countries. An example is the campaign conducted, in 1959 and later, for the purpose of creating adverse world opinion toward West Germany. This campaign included setting fire to synagogues and painting swastika signs in public places, and attributing these acts to West Germans. Other operations in which both the 13th Department and the Disinformation Department are involved include attempts to remove the threat to Soviet interests posed by certain members of Western governments. Sometimes this entails arranging for the dismissal of such persons from public office, but in theory at least it could mean “eliminating” them physically.
The defector Khokhlov described two laboratories associated with the executive action department. One produced special weapons and explosive devices; the other developed poisons and drugs for “special tasks.” The explosives laboratory was located near Kuchino, outside Moscow, and was responsible for the development and production of weapons, from drawing up blueprints to melting and pouring bullets in no case was assistance obtained from military ordnance or other outside agencies.
The laboratory for poisons was supposedly a large and super-secret installation. No agents were permitted access to it or even knew of its location. Khokhlov could provide no first-hand information on it. Other sources, however, have reported the existence of this type of laboratory dating back to the purges in the late 1930′s. A report from one source in 1954 described an experimental laboratory within Spets Byuro #1 known as the “Chamber” (Kamera). This laboratory conducted experiments on prisoners and persons subject to execution to test the effectiveness of different powders, beverages, and liquors, and various types of injections, as well as research on the use of hypnotism to force prisoners to confess. Beside its staff, only certain high-level persons were permitted to enter its premises. Although its existence officially was kept a secret, it was generally suspected or known by many state security functionaries that a unit of this sort was maintained. The Soviet government allegedly abolished the “Kamera” in October 1953, according to an announcement made to selected state security and Party officials, attributing the establishment and operation of the laboratory solely to Beriya and his close associates. Whether or not this step actually was taken does not rule out the possibility, however, that the same type of unit continues to exist in some other form.
Training for executive action operations was conducted at a base in Moscow by a staff of instructors who specialized in such subjects as the use of small arms, jujitsu, code, wireless, driving, surveillance, and photography.
Although executive action operations outside the USSR are planned, directed, and sometimes carried out by state security staff personnel, a mission may also be performed by one or more agents recruited specifically for this prupose. Khokhlov himself, for instance, was categorically forbidden to assassinate Okolovich personally.
Two German agents, Hans Kukowitsch and Kurt Weber, were to carry out the deed under Khokhlov’s supervision. This reflected Soviet theory that indigenous personnel would have better access to the target, and also had the advantage of avoiding direct Soviet attribution. It appears from the Stashinskiy case, however, that security considerations ruled out the involvement of non-Soviets in more recent operations.
Even though some sources have made statements to the contrary, it appears that the agents (as opposed to staff employees like Stashinskiy) who perform executive action for the Soviets may be used for more than one mission of this nature. Khokhlov spoke of special executive action units known as “boyevaya gruppa” (literally, combat groups) which consisted of indigenous agents and/or Soviet illegal staff officers situated outside the borders of the USSR on the territory of hostile governments or in close proximity thereto. Such groups were armed and prepared to perform executive actions when required to do so, either in time of peace or war. A group of this type under the direction of the executive action department base at Karlshorst ostensibly was involved in the kidnaping of Dr. Alexander Trushnovich, an NTS leader in West Berlin, in April 1954, Khokhlov believed the abductors to have been recruited and organized by the East German security service at the request of the KGB chief at Karlshorst. The same type of group was mentioned in connection with the abduction of Dr. Linse; the actual abduction was reportedly performed by four German members of a “boyevaya gruppa” from East Germany. It is probable that such teams are a modern variation of the “mobile groups” described by a pre-war source as units dispatched from Moscow to foreign countries to assassinate Trotskyites and state security officers who refused to return to the USSR, as in the case of Reiss and possibly Krivitskv.
Many known or suspected executive action cases in the post-war period have involved the use of poison rather than guns or explosives. It is conceivable that the Soviets tend to favor poisons because murders can be accomplished more surreptitiously in this manner and in some instances without leaving easily recognizable traces of foul play. Drugs are also used to incapacitate a person temporarily for abduction purposes, as reportedly happened in the Trushnovich case and in the kidnaping of another NTS member, Valeri P. Tremmel, from Linz, Austria in June 1954. There are, however, many unknown, uncontrollable factors in the use of poisons and drugs which limit and often preclude their usage. Probably the most important is the narrow span between a dose that will cause disability and one that will cause death. Dosages vary from one individual to another depending on weight, state of health, and how the poison enters the body. The type used obviously is determined by the result desired. It is no problem to cause death, but often difficult to control dosage successfully when the objective is to incapacitate an individual only temporarily.
There appears to be no consistency in the use of poisons by Soviet intelligence to cause disability or death, or in the repetitious use of any one drug. Chemicals which have been used in cases known or suspected to be Soviet-instigated include arsenic, potassium cyanide, scopolamine, and thallium. Other likely substances are atropine, barbiturates, chloral hydrate, paraldehyde and Warfarin. Combinations of two or more substances may also be used, which further complicates diagnosis and tracing.
One well-publicized poisoning case involved the defector Nikolay Khokhlov. Khokhlov suffered a sudden and severe illness while attending an anti-Communist meeting in Frankfurt, Germany in September 1957. A positive diagnosis was precluded by the initial treatment given him at a German hospital, but there was evidence of his having been poisoned by a thallium derivative of arsenic and/or other chemical agents, and a strong possibility that the poison had been administered at RIS instigation. Khokhlov himself believed, and allegedly had supporting medical opinion, that he had been poisoned by radio-activated thallium. He believed that the poison was of Russian origin because it was such a complicated substance that it was difficult to analyze and had been carefully prepared to leave virtually no trace. A unique mechanism for administering poison was described by a knowledgeable source as a pneumatically operated poison ice “atomizer” which leaves no wound or other evidence of the cause of death. The equipment and techniques used in the poisoning of Rebet and Bandera are treated below in some detail as examples of the most recent and sophisticated methods in use by the KGB.
In November 1961 a Soviet intelligence officer, Bogdan Stashinskiy, surrendered to the West German police, stating that he had, acting under official orders, assassinated two individuals during the previous few years: Lev Rebet, a Ukrainian emigré writer, and Stepan Bandera, a leader of the Ukrainian Nationalist movement. In both cases, a similar type of weapon had been used: a gun which fired vaporized poison which killed almost instantly upon being inhaled. The properties of the killing agent were such that, until the defection of the assassin, both victims were officially believed to have died from heart attacks. In the case of Bandera, however, there was some unconfirmed suspicion of potassium cyanide poisioning, although there was insufficient evidence to prove it.
The Weapon: The weapon used to assassinate Rebet was a light-weight aluminum cylinder, 15 to 18 cm. long and approximately 3 cm in diameter, weighing about 200 grams. The cylinder was divided into three separate chambers, one of which contained liquid poison sealed hermetically into a plastic-type ampule container under low pressure. (At normal temperatures the poison would evaporate, disappearing without trace in about two minutes.) The three components could be assembled by means of a thread which allowed one part to screw into the other. The first component was the poison ampule portion, the front end of which had a fine metallic screen. The poison ampule fitted solidly against the walls of the metal cylinder. The center component contained a piston and a piston arm which extended into the third or activating component. The latter contained a spring-mounted activating arm which, when drawn back, armed the weapon. The releasing arm was appended to the third component at an angle, and was attached to the activating arm by means of a releasing catch. A small safety arm permitted the weapon to be placed in the safety position. The third component also contained a few grams of powder.
The maximum effective range of the weapon was about one-half meter; at one and one-half meters the effect of the vapors would be questionable; and at two and one-half meters, the vapors would be totally ineffective. (The assassin was instructed to fire the weapon only inches from the face.)
The weapon was activated as follows: The activating arm was pulled back and the safety released. The weapon was then activated. It was held in the palm of the hand in such a fashion that it fired when the user pressed the releasing arm towards the activating arm. The releasing arm, when pressed, acted upon the releasing catch, permitting the spring-held activating arm to fly forward against the small charge of powder. The exploding powder (which made a noise approximating the sound of a loud handclap with the hands cupped) drove the piston arm forward, causing the piston to strike against the poison ampule. The poison was thus driven out through the fine screen in the form of a liquid spray.
The weapon used for the second assassination was similar, except that it was double-barreled. Each barrel contained a charge of poison similar to that contained in the single-barreled weapon. The two barrels could be discharged separately, or together as a unit. Thus, in the event the first charge did not kill the victim, a second attempt could be made. The two barrels were welded together, and the weapon had two releasing arms, two releasing catches, two safeties, and two activating arms. The effect of the poison was the same.
Utilization of the Weapon: For maximum effective results it is recommended that the liquid poison be shot directly into the face of the victim, in order to introduce the vapors most quickly into the respiratory system. Since the vapors rise upward very rapidly, the poison is still effective when aimed at the chest; conceivably, this would give sufficient time to allow the victim time to scream.
Effects of the Poison: The effect of the poisonous vapors is such that the arteries which feed blood to the brain become paralyzed almost immediately. Absence of blood in the brain precipitates a normal paralysis of the brain or a heart attack, as a result of which the victim dies. The victim is clinically dead within one and one-half minutes after inhaling these poisonous vapors. After about five minutes the effect of the poison wears off entirely, permitting the arteries to return to their normal condition, leaving no trace of the killing agent which precipitated the paralysis or the heart attack.
Allegedly, no foreign matter can be discovered in the body or on the clothes of the victim, no matter how thorough an autopsy or examination. The liquid spray can be seen as it leaves the nose of the weapon, however, and droplets can also be seen on the face of the victim.
Stashinskiy claimed that before using the weapon on his first victim, he tested it on a dog. He fired the gun directly into the dog’s face, holding his hand approximately one and one-half feet from its nose. Almost immediately after the liquid spray had hit its face, the dog rolled over, without making any sound whatever. It continued to writhe for almost three minutes, however. Stashinskiy was told that the poison affected a human much sooner, causing death within one and one-half minutes.
Safety Precautions for the User: Stashinskiy was told that neither the poisonous liquid nor the fatal fumes affected any portion of the body other than the respiratory svstem, and that, since it could not enter the body through the skin or the pores, one could safely place his hands into a pail of the poison. Inasmuch as the weapon was held at arm’s length when fired and the liquid spray ejected forward in a conical pattern, the user, under normal conditions, is safe from the effects of the poisonous vapors. Nevertheless, as an extra precaution, Stashinskiy was provided with counteractive agents to use if he so desired.
Concealment Methods: For transportation, the weapon was transported hermetically sealed in a container, and inserted between sausages in a can which was itself hermetically sealed. It was suggested to Stashinskiy that he should carry the weapon to the site of the plannned assassination wrapped in a light newspaper, in RFE personnel. Atropine is a derivative of the deadly nightshade plant; it can cause paralysis of death if taken in sufficient quantity. The amount of poison in each salt shaker was said to be 2.36% by weight of the contents. White crystalline alkaloid is indistinguishable from salt. (Unclassified, from NYT, 17 December 1959.)
In March 1955, Lisa Stein, an interviewer with RIAS, the American propaganda radio station in West Germany (“Radio in American Sector”), was fed candy containing the highly dangerous poison scopolamine. (Scopolamine is used in the so-called “twilight sleep.” Given in small doses it induces a kind of euphoria; in larger doses it is supposed to be a deadly poison.) It was intended that Frau Stein would become ill and would be abducted. The plan was that the agent — someone whom Frau Stein trusted and with whom she was meeting in a West Berlin café — would offer the poisoned candy toward the end of the meeting. The lady was expected to become ill while walking from the caf6 to her nearby residence. On becoming unconscious, she was to be picked up by a waiting car which would appear to be passing by chance. The plot was not carried to fruition, however, because Frau Stein did not become ill until she was near her apartment, at which point neighbors came to her aid and she was moved to a hospital. She was severely ill for 48 hours, after which an antidote was found. (Unclassified, from the testimony of Theodor Hans, formerly with U.S. Military Intelligence, Germany, September 21, 1960, before a Congressional investigating committee.)
Another weapon used is described as a noiseless gas pistol, powered by a 300-volt battery, which fires a lethal, odorless, unidentified gas. The gas acts in two or three seconds, and is effective up to 15 or 20 meters. The pistol has three buttons: one for arming, one for firing, and the third for recharging the battery. (After 50 firings the battery may be recharged by plugging a transformer into normal house power source.) The piston is normally fired 20 times, very rapidly and automatically — ” Bzzzd.” (Although one squirt could kill, 20 squirts are emitted in order to saturate the area, inasmuch as the gun is fired at a silhouette, rather than at a point.) The gas shot by the pistol would penetrate the victim’s clothing and enter the skin. There is allegedly no danger to the user.
Since World War II, and especially in the years since Stalin’s death, assassination attempts abroad have become increasingly rare. Currently the emphasis in the executive action field is placed on sabotage and sabotage planning, rather than terrorism against individuals. The Soviets now apparently resort to murder only in the case of persons considered especially dangerous to the regime and who, for one reason or another, cannot be kidnaped. A kidnaped person is obviously more valuable inasmuch as the Soviets may be able to extract from him information of interest, as well as use him for propaganda purposes by making it appear that he defected to the Soviet side of his own fee will. This course was followed in the case of Dr. Trushnovich. It is also likely that the Soviets find it increasingly difficult to find persons willing to undertake murder assignments, while the same may not be true of abduction operations. It can further be conjectured that the Soviets are now more concerned about the adverse publicity generated by Soviet assassinations in general than they were in previous years.
In this connection, comments made by state security defectors Petr Deryabin and Yurv Rastvorov in 1954 about what the Soviets would or would not do are still of interest. Both believed that the Soviets would murder one of their officials on the verge of defecting if that were the only way of preventing the act. The same would apply to a Soviet official who had just defected, if thereby state secrets could be preserved, and if they believed that killing him would not bring about a more adverse situation in terms of politics and propaganda than already existed. Deryabin and Rastvorov doubted, however, that the Soviets would murder an official who had been in non-Communist hands long enough to have been exploited for intelligence and propaganda purposes. While both granted that in particular cases the Soviets might go to any extreme, they both believed, generally speaking, that the adverse propaganda resulting from such an act would negate its original purpose. On the other hand, Khokhlov, who might have been in a better position to know, has stated without qualification that the Soviets would continue to assassinate defectors in the future. The threat of Soviet executive action against defectors is also considered a real one by Reino Hayhanen, who defected from the KGB in 1957. A still more recent Soviet intelligence source also believes that standard Soviet practice is to mount a kidnaping or assassination operation “through all intelligence opportunities” against defectors from the Soviet intelligence services.
Deryabin and Rastvorov further agreed that the Soviets, without hesitation, would forcibly return to the USSR someone on the verge of defecting at a mission abroad. This was borne out by the aforementioned Strygin and Zelenovskiy cases. Deryabin and Rastvorov also believed that the same policy would apply to a Soviet official who had just defected, or one who had been in non-Communist hands long enough to have been exploited for intelligence and propaganda purposes, if the capability existed for returning him physically to the USSR.
Lastly, Deryabin believed that the assassination of an Allied official would be highly unlikely and probably unprofitable. He also doubted that the Soviets would attempt to kidnap any U.S. officials unless they were particularly knowledgeable. Such an incident would not be worth the trouble for an average official, but an important person conceivably would have sufficient information to make it worthwhile.
It has been exactly 12 years since the SRI was established and 12 years since the public has been systematically and shamelessly lied to about the composition of that structure. Both [former SRI Directors] Virgil Magureanu and Costin Georgescu and [current SRI Director] Radu Timofte have been misleading us and are continuing to do so, taking turns to assure us that the SRI is becoming a modern intelligence service, in which he number of former Securitate officers is decreasing continuously. Today we find that, on the contrary, the former Communist body in charge of repression and intelligence is still controlling the game at the SRI, as the number of former Securitate officers always prevails at the SRI management level in Bucharest, in the management of local branches, and in all of its compartments. Retired former Securitate officers are also certainly on the offensive, infiltrated in economic structures, in financial institutions, managing public and private money, in the executive, and in the legislature. They have been and still are present in state or private funds, in financial investment companies, in the Financial Oversight Body, in the customs system, and, not least, in privatization mechanisms. Exactly 54 private security and protection companies are managed by former Securitate officers, and all of them are in permanent conflict with this country’s laws. They have been parasites on numerous banks, under the pretext of assuring the internal and external protection of those banks, and the banks protected by them have collapsed, one by one. They established the International Religions Bank [BIR], and they are the ones who led it to bankruptcy when the population’s deposits reached a tempting size. Then they got together in all kinds of insurance companies, which have no brilliant future.
In fact, our forecast has partly been confirmed. In an extreme situation, they signed up together under the banner of the great robber Sorin Ovidiu Vantu, who is cleverer than them at making money out of corners where they did not have access, either because they did not know the procedure or for other reasons. What can be more significant than the fact that more than 320 reservists from the former Securitate and the SRI, shoulder to shoulder, worked for this profoundly dubious man, cashing in their shares, of course? Equally, what can be more significant than the fact that our vigilant domestic intelligence service pretended not to notice anything when Vantu’s clay empire was riding on top of the wave? We are going back to the former Securitate officers that the SRI has kept. When he was director, Magureanu deceived us by claiming that there were only 15 percent of them in the service he managed. A decade later, Timofte is triumphantly giving us the same percentage. What could this mean? That out of the first 15 percent, those who died or retired were replaced with former Securitate people brought from home or from the marketplace? Unlike the SRI directors, the directors of the SIE [Foreign Intelligence Service] at least had the common sense to stay away from playing games with numbers, and, implicitly, from becoming ridiculous.
For years we have been told that former Securitate officers in the SIE and the SRI were kept exclusively as specialists. In that case, what was the specialty of General Dumitru Badescu, SRI division chief, if he ended up being mocked by a small-time informer? What was the specialty of General Corneliu Grigoras, SIE directorate chief, if two less-known journalists with modest reputations managed to lure him into a trap, through which he lost his job? Come to think of it, what was the specialty of General Vasile Lupu, first deputy of the SRI bosses during two parliamentary terms in office, decorated by President Ion Iliescuand former President Emil Constantinescu? Did he specialized in the low blows with which he tried to hit Timofte?
Actually, the SIE and the SRI did not keep Securitate officers who distinguished themselves before 1989 by their civilized, measured behavior. Instead, they kept the ones who were not shy about making every possible move to get ahead, polishing the shoes of the right figurehead politicians, hanging around talking and pretending they were good at something, or putting up for bid documents that could be used for blackmail. In this manner, the SRI was filled with people who pull strings behind the scenes and engage in intrigues, and others who are good for nothing. Made up of both active and retired officers, this category of Securitate officers was precisely the one who troubled the waters all the time in our society, because they are ready for any contingency. They have people who support the government, but they also have other shifts that support the opposition.
The most certain sign that power in the SIE and the SRI is no longer in the hands of the evanescent directors, but in the hands of former Securitate officers is offered by the two latest major decisions made because these officers exercised pressure. The former has to do with the SIE: from now on, this espionage service can do business for profit. Namely, it can establish firms, and it is certain that auditing bodies will not have access to their management. As they used to do in the old days, a special auditing body will be established, made up of former Securitate people. In connection with this issue, we reiterate a statement made by the distinguished General Iulian Vlad on 31 March1990: “Security work, the prestige of the institution, and even this country’s good name have been seriously damaged by the so-called activity to bring in hard currency, conducted primarily by external UM [Military Unit] 0544 and UM 0195, as well as the internal security UM 0650. Apart from the fact that, most of the time, the moneys represented a small fraction of the price of the goods that the state would have cashed in anyway in fair negotiations, Securitate officers had to enter into all kinds of combinations with foreigners, which were often compromising, and there was no definite control of their activity and of the hard currency involved. Equally serious was the fact that the units in question had to a large extent been detoured from the missions for which they had been established and which were useful to the country. Despite all of the efforts we made to exempt the Securitate from this task or at least to reduce it substantially, we were not successful. On the contrary [Securitate chief] Tudor Postelnicu turned it into a priority activity, to which the entire apparatus had to contribute.” Obviously, former Securitate officers who used to work for the CIE [Foreign Intelligence Center] or even the DIE [Foreign Intelligence Directorate] feel their palms itch when they think about dollars and euros. But who would have imagined that an intellectual like Ioan Talpes, who supervised the transformation of the SIE into a SA [shareholding company] or even anSRL [limited partnership company], could play Postelnicu’s role so happily?
The latter decision, made under pressure from former Securitate officers, this time in the SRI, was to dismantle the National Intelligence Agency [ANI]. As pretexts, they invoked the lack of funds and the fact that many graduates do not live up to the commitment they make, not taking jobs in the SRI. That is great! Funds for useless trips around the world in airplanes full of family members, political supporters, and most obedient journalists can be found immediately. But not for a school meant to educate officers who will protect this country’s interests. The truth is different: there is better education at the ANI than what they used to get at the Securitate school in Baneasa Forest [near Bucharest], which bothers Securitate people, who were educated at schools where attendance was not required and who have the kind of degrees that everybody knows how they were granted — and still are. It is also normal that the graduates in question avoid getting jobs with the SRI. Nobody in his right mind and with a solid education would agree to become the servant of the likes of Vasile Lupu, who chases ranks, and Dumitru Badescu, who is a sucker.
It was a piece of cake for former Securitate officers to penetrate the legislature. Colonel Stefan David, former chief of the Securitate in Resita, broke the ice. We cannot accuse Colonel Ilie Merce of any wrongdoing, almost all of the writers in Bucharest knew him, and maybe he even got the votes of some of them who were curious to see how a Securitate man is doing in democracy: like fish out of water or like an earthworm in the fish’s mouth? However, Ristea Priboi, forgetting to tell people that he was a former Securitate officer, worked like a real crook. More, he associated the SIE with his con job. The SIE did not communicate to the CNSAS [National Council for the Study of Securitate Files] any precise data on him, thus contributing to its own compromising. Indeed, following such an experience, how can anyone trust the service’s signals, syntheses, and verdicts? Still, the penetration of former Securitate officers into the executive is much more dangerous. Wearing the masks of advisers, they teem everywhere, like termites. We have identified six or seven such people in the entourage of the prime minister alone, with Priboi as their leader, fretting around.
If the name of our prime minister was Vladimir Voronin or Aleksandr Lukashenko, this would be explainable. But it is harder to answer this question: why does highly educated, aloof Adrian Nastase put up with Priboi, who is poor in spirit, whom even his former colleagues hate as a piece of garbage, lovingly calling him “Pig!” What does Nastase learn from Constantin Silinescu, a nobody in his profession? What does he learn from General Mihai Caraman, who engaged in espionage with the posterior part of his body toward the enemy? To say nothing of other people, smaller ones, but cleverer in getting lost in the vegetation of the government savanna, hiding behind various fuzzy landmarks in the landscape. There is an idea floating in the air that, following a personality cult that is exhibited according to all the rules, there is a dictatorship in store for us. For now, Nicolae Ceausescu has strong reasons to be envious: he only spoke on television two hours a day, because that is how long Romanian Television stayed on the air. In comparison, Nastase speaks to the nation from dawn until after midnight, because we now have many more televisions that are on the air around the clock. We will discuss some other time the dictatorship that makes both Nastase and stupid Priboi happy. When it is too late for them.
PS: We are publishing fragments of a list that includes more than 1,600 names of former Securitate officers who have been going from one place to another in the SRI, the SIE, and other, more civilian structures from 1990 to present. In order to avoid accusations that we publish state secrets, we steered clear of developing our demonstration on the current SRI staffing scheme. In the current circumstances, a possible investigation would not ask what those Securitate people are doing in the staffing scheme, it would ask why observers who were not taken into consideration got hold of that scheme.
Former Securitate officer, recuperated by the SRI with the rank of colonel and hired by the Timisoara section. He cooperated in exposing Magureanu’s informer file, and this is why he was placed in the reserves on 16 April 1996.
Former officer of the Securitate Fourth Directorate. Currently lieutenant colonel, section chief in the Army General Intelligence Directorate [DGIA].
Former Securitate officer from Ramnicu Valcea, recuperated by the SRI with the rank of major. Two months after the December 1989 events, he resumed surveillance of the county hospital in town, his objective before the revolution.
Former Securitate officer, recycled by the SRI. He took the initiative to expose file Z 4848, which revealed that Francisc Baranyi [former health minister] used to be a Securitate informer. He was later dismissed from the service and sued.
Former Securitate general, chief of the Counterespionage Directorate, and state secretary in the Interior Ministry before December 1989. In the 1990s, for a rather long period of time, he worked as an adviser to controversial businessman Vantu, who made an essential contribution in bankrupting the National Investment Fund [FNI].
Before 1989, he was chief of the Securitate in Roman. After December 1989, he was co-opted in the SRI management in Iasi County. After being placed in the reserves, he became president of the Iasi FNI and director of the local Gelsor company branch, which belonged to Vantu.
Former Securitate officer, taken by the SRI with the rank of major. At first, he worked for the section in Targu Mures. In July 1998, he was transferred to the post of deputy chief of the SRI section in Cluj.
Former Securitate officer. Taken by the SRI, he was promoted to the rank of colonel and promoted to the post of chief of the SRI section in Iasi.
Octavian Stelian Andronic
Former colonel in the Securitate espionage service, station chief in The Netherlands and Israel. Because of his precarious professionalism, he was no longer accredited abroad during the last period of the Communist regime, and he worked for the AVP [special hard currency providing] service. Reactivated by the SRI as an economic adviser to Magureanu, he had his headquarters in London Street [Bucharest], under the cover of a ghost company called Eson SRL, where the wife of journalist Octavian Andronic was a shareholder. As an adviser, Octavian Stelian Andronic sold several documents to the SRI that had been in the Securitate archives for a long time on the paintings that were taken out of the country by former King Mihai and his attempts to sell them through Western auction firms. Eson SRL ceased its activity following press reports.
Former high-ranking officer in the espionage service of the former Securitate, suspected of ties with the KGB in Romania. After the events of December 1989, he was promoted to the rank of general and promoted to the post of first deputy director of the new SIE. His son, Mircea Angelescu, an important member of the FSN [National Salvation Front] in the 1990s, was involved as shareholder in the dubious business of the SC Macons and Co SA company, registered in Belgium. He then became President Iliescu’s chief of staff.
Former high-ranking Securitate officer. Before December 1989, he was chief of UM 107/AVS of the CIE, a unit that specialized in state smuggling. In 2000, he was vice president of the Rapid soccer club.
Former Securitate officer. He was one of the first deputies of the SRI section chief in Dolj County.
Former officer of the Securitate Fourth Directorate. Currently a lieutenant colonel, chief of the financial service, in the DGIA.
Former Securitate officer, working for the Fifth Directorate, which was in charge of protecting Ceausescu and other Communist dignitaries. Currently, he is chief of the SRI section in Brasov.
Former Securitate officer. As a reservist, he coordinated the establishment of a dubious private investigation agency in Ramnicu Valcea, which got illegally involved in the riot led by miners in September 1991. Later, it was discovered that the so-called ANISE [National Investigation and Economic Security Agency] was established with forged deeds.
Former Securitate officer in Timisoara, involved in the crackdown in December 1989. After being taken away from judiciary bodies, the SRI recuperated him with the rank of colonel. For a while, he was chief of the Protection Division. Costin Georgescu tried to appoint him as chief of the SRI Zonal Operative Center in Oradea, but his appointment was cancelled following protests from civil society.
Former Securitate colonel in UM 0225, a unit of the CIE in charge of infiltrating the organizations of the anti-Communist emigration and combating programs by foreign radio stations that broadcast in Romanian. After December 1989, he held on for a few years in the espionage
service, but then he was placed in the reserves because he could not speak any foreign language. With other former Securitate officers, he managed to steal several confidential documents from the Astra insurance company, which unleashed an intense press campaign against the management of that company through intermediaries. Following that campaign, the Astra management was changed. After that, Avram became deputy director of the Astra branch in Bucharest, although he has received no training in insurance.
Former Securitate officer recuperated by the SRI with the rank of major. He was the first officer of the new intelligence institution to become the object of a public scandal when he tried to reactivate an informer.
Former officer of the Securitate Fourth Directorate. Currently a lieutenant colonel, deputy section chief of the DGIA.
Reserve colonel of the former Securitate. In July 1992 several members of the PNTCD [National Peasant Christian Democratic Party] in Arges County accused him of having infiltrated the local PNTCD organization on behalf of the SRI.
Former Securitate officer recuperated by the SRI. In 1998, he was chief of the surveillance service of the SRI section in Cluj.
According to Mircea Raceanu, who has recently been decorated by Iliescu, before December 1989, Baltazar was an undercover Securitate officer. After the December 1989 events, he became an important member in the leadership of the PD [Democratic Party]. Now he is president of the Romanian Development Bank [BRD-Groupe Societe Generale].
Former Securitate officer. Taken by the SRI, he became a general in December 1994 and managed the Economic Counterintelligence Division. He played an important role in detouring the investigation into the Cigarette 2 affair, directly participating in forging the file developed by the Military Prosecuting Magistracy. He was dismissed because he made stupid use of an informer, who talked to the press. The way in which he allowed himself to be trapped proved the very low level of his professionalism. Later, he was appointed adviser to the SRI director.
Former colonel in the Securitate espionage service, deputy station chief in London and Tokyo, then station chief in Cologne. Dismissed from the service for immoral behavior and involvement in various businesses that favored Generals Nicolae Doicaru and Ion Mihai Pacepa. After being placed in the reserves, he became a professor at the Stefan Gheorghiu Academy. After December 1989, he infiltrated himself into the entourage of Corneliu Vadim Tudor [president of the Greater Romania Party, PRM], whom he intoxicated with the most fantastic information, of which some could have compromised this country’s foreign relations. When the press exposed his past as a Securitate man, Vadim dismissed him as a political adviser.
Former high-ranking Securitate officer. He is now a general and chief of the SRI Counterintelligence Division.
She has been mentioned by the press recently in the entourage of the management staff of the executive and the Privatization Ministry. A member of the boards of a multitude of economic companies. If by any chance she is a member of the Ivan Bikel family (Bikel was a DIE colonel, who once worked under the cover of Romanian representative of the West German Franz Kirchfeld company), we understand whom we are talking about.
Former officer of the Securitate espionage service, recycled by the SIE with the rank of colonel. Director of Directorate E 101 (Europe, United States, Canada, and international bodies). He is said to be Teodor Melescanu’s man, with whom he cooperated in Geneva and who helped him in his career.
Former Securitate officer. Currently deputy rector of the National Intelligence Academy, which educates future SRI officers.
Former Securitate officer, recuperated by the SIE. On 30 November 1999, he was promoted to the rank of brigadier general. Chief of the division in charge of crisis analysis and deputy director of the SRI. Placed in the reserves in February 2002 at the request of [SIE Director] Gheorghe Fulga.
Former Securitate colonel, former chief of the MI [Interior Ministry] county inspectorates in the counties of Dolj, Mehedinti, and Teleorman. Until 1989, he distinguished himself by publishing works written by Blacks. Despite the fact that he was caught committing gross plagiarism,
he continued to dedicate himself to this hobby [preceding word published in English]. In the early 1990s, his name could be found in Romania Mare, Politica, and Europa, with insipid, nostalgic, and vindictive articles, marked, of course, by ardent patriotism.
Former Securitate officer, taken in by the SRI and appointed deputy chief of the SRI Section in Gorj County. In June 1990, he coordinated the journey of the miners to Bucharest. Later, he was placed in the reserves, with the rank of colonel. In May 2001, he was still under criminal investigation by the Section of Military Prosecuting Magistracies for undermining state power.
Former Securitate officer, former labor camp commander at the Danube-Black Sea Canal. Due to his criminal behavior, dozens of political prisoners and common criminals died. After 1989 he retired to Cluj, and nobody has held him accountable for his crimes.
Former Securitate colonel, in charge of ensuring the security of Ceausescu’s routes in Bucharest. For a while, he was also deputy commander of the Bucharest Municipality Securitate. After a short recycling at the SRI, he was appointed chief of the Association of Former SRI Officers, which is in fact an association of former Securitate officers. He provided the liaison between former Securitate people in the SRI management and Securitate people placed in the reserves.
Valentin Constantin Bretfelean
Former Securitate officer. Until September 2001, as a major, he managed the SRI Section in Maramures County. Dismissed and sent before the SRI Trial Council for serious violations of the institution’s rules. So far, he has not been punished in any way.
Former Securitate officer. He summarily executed at least 12 individuals who had not been sentenced to death; these facts have been determined by the Communist authorities. After 1990, he retired to Cluj, and nobody has held him accountable for his deeds.
Former officer of the Securitate Fourth Directorate. He is now a lieutenant colonel and section chief in the DGIA.
Former Securitate officer recycled by the SRI, where he specialized in wiretapping telephone conversations. He placed at the disposal of the press several inconclusive tapes that involved the institution in an unwanted scandal. He was dismissed on 14 June 1999, and the Military
Court of Appeals sentenced him to two years in prison, suspended. Later, as a member of the PRM, he ran for office and became a deputy in the Romanian Parliament.
Former Securitate officer. In recent years, he has been an employee of the Gelsor trust, managed by Vantu.
Marius Tertulian Budusel
Former Securitate officer. After December 1989, he was employed by the SRI and promoted, until he reached the post of section chief in Pitesti.
Former high-ranking Securitate officer. After December 1989, he became commander of UM 0215, the MI unit in charge of intelligence and counterintelligence, which he tried to turn into a parallel service to the SRI. The press repeatedly reported, offering concrete examples, that
under Calapod’s management, UM 0215 was engaged in political police activities, to the detriment of its legal duties. After having been placed in the reserves, he got involved in suspicious business with US and Australian firms that distribute Viagra illegally online. He has appeared in some television shows, lecturing the nation on what an intelligence service is all about.
Former Securitate officer in UM 0110. During the last period of the Communist regime, he worked for the Securitate espionage service, namely in UM 0544: in 1986 he was temporarily transferred from there to Cluj. After December 1989, he was employed by the SRI and promoted to the rank of colonel and to the post of SRI section chief in Cluj. The press reported that he could have been one of the artisans of the 1996 Cristal plan, which sought to ensure the survival of the Securitate and the preservation of its influence as the Communist regime collapsed. Owing to his unorthodox relations with the underground economic circles of Transylvania, the local and central press attacked him. In July 1998, he was transferred to the SRI central offices in Bucharest.
Retired Securitate general. In 1958-1968, as chief of the espionage station in Paris, he led the notorious “Caraman network,” which managed to steal documents from NATO headquarters. Later, he was chief of the DIE Counterintelligence Division. After Pacepa’s defection, he was transferred to marginal posts and eventually placed in the reserves. Immediately after the December 1989 events, he was appointed chief of the CIE, which later became the SIE. The anomaly was obvious: the espionage service of a country seeking NATO membership was left in the hands of a man who had spied on NATO. Caraman was dismissed in May 1992 at the express request of Manfred Woerner, then NATO secretary general. Currently, the same Caraman is a private adviser to Nastase.
Former Securitate officer. After December 1989, employed by the Antiterrorist Brigade with the rank of lieutenant colonel. He was a member of that brigade, which was deployed at the Otopeni International Airport [near Bucharest]. In 1992, it was determined that he was giving job-related information to Europa magazine, edited by Ilie Neacsu, who is currently a PRM deputy.
According to Raceanu, before 1989, Chebeleu was an undercover Securitate officer in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In the 1990s, he became a presidential adviser and spokesman for Iliescu. Under Constantinescu, he went back to diplomacy.
Former Securitate officer, recuperated by the SRI with the rank of captain. Officer in the surveillance service of the SRI Section in Cluj.
Former officer of the Securitate espionage service. Before December 1989, he worked in Paris under diplomatic cover. There was suspicion that he might have been recruited by the French special services. Despite that, he was promoted in the SRI to the rank of brigadier general. He acted to counteract irredentism, extremism, and separatism on ethnic criteria. In March 1998, owing to his Bacchus-like inclinations, he was dismissed from the SRI.
Former Securitate officer, currently a lawyer with the Bihor County Bar. As the press has reported, by offering bribe to the right people, he propelled his wife up to the post of vice president of the Court of Appeals in Oradea.
Former Securitate officer. In the SRI, he became chief of the Zonal Operative Center in Targu Mures. Placed in the reserves in 1998.
Former Securitate officer from Valcea County. As a major in the SRI, he became chief of the section in Bacau.
Stefan Floricel Coman
Beginning in 1968, he was a Securitate officer in the former Special Unit “T,” UM 0634, empowered to wiretap telephone conversations. After the events of December 1989, he became a commander of the Special Telecommunication Service [STS], subordinated to the Country’s Supreme Defense Council [CSAT].
Former officer of the Securitate DIE. Close ties with people involved in the Cigarette 2 smuggling affair. Close ties with Amer Obeid, president of the League of Iraqis in Romania.
Former Securitate officer, arrested in December 1989 and investigated as a member of the Timisoara lot. After two years and some months, he was released from prison, for lack of evidence. With Radu Tinu, he founded the Tival Impex SRL company, which prospered during the embargo imposed on Yugoslavia.
Former high-ranking officer of the Securitate espionage service. He worked in Italy under the cover of chief of the Economic Agency in Milan. Several years ago, he was banned from entering Italy. Currently, he is managing some of the firms that belong to George Constantin Paunescu.
Former Securitate officer. As a colonel in 1989, he was chief of the UM 0215 personnel service. He is a close relative of Viorel Hrebenciuc.
Officer of the Securitate DIE. He worked for the Dunarea foreign trade enterprise. After the events of December 1989, he privatized, specializing in selling concentrated fodder for cattle. Currently, he is an important member of the Romanian Humanist Party [PUR], led by Dan Voiculescu.
Former Securitate colonel. He is currently a member of the SRI management in charge of the thorny personnel issue.
Former Securitate officer. In the SRI, he was deputy commander of the Antiterrorist Brigade. In December 1994, he was promoted to the rank of brigadier general. In 1998, he was transferred, becoming deputy chief of an SRI intelligence division.
Securitate general, former chief of the Third Directorate, which was in charge of espionage, former commander of the Baneasa school for Securitate officers. After being placed in the reserves, he became executive president of the Romanian Automobile Club. In 1990, he was
reactivated in the SRI as chief of the Inspection Service and adviser to Magureanu. Soon, they dismissed him. General Gheorghe Diaconescu said in an interview that Cosma allegedly tried to obtain some problematic files in the archives of the former Securitate.
Former Securitate captain of the MI Inspectorate in Buzau. He cooperated with Petrica Dinu in recruiting informers. After the events of December 1989, he was hired by the Buzau County Police Inspectorate.
Former Securitate officer, recuperated by the SRI as lieutenant colonel. In 1994, he was deputy chief of the J Formation.
Former Securitate officer, currently lieutenant colonel, chief of the SRI Section in Piatra Neamt.
A professional psychologist, one of the worst acquisitions that Magureanu made from civilian life. As deputy SRI director and rector of the National Intelligence Institute, he was quickly promoted to the rank of general, but he had suspicious relations with female students who were subordinate to him, and this disqualified him morally, so he had to give up his post. Possibly, former Securitate officers in the SRI management stabbed him in the back, because they treated him like a stranger.
Former officer of the Securitate espionage service. For a while, he worked under diplomatic cover in London, but he was recalled in 1978 under vague circumstances. Under President Constantinescu, he was appointed ambassador to Oslo, and the press criticized this.
Former Securitate officer recuperated by the SRI as a lieutenant colonel. In 1994, he was commander of Division E.
Former Securitate officer from 14 April 1976 to 15 April 1990, when he was placed in the reserves. Before December 1989, he monitored the Fundeni hospital. In 1990, he specialized as chief of the FSN economic commission. At the same time he established and managed various private firms. He returned to politics as secretary general of the Bucharest Prefecture. In 1997, he was executive secretary of the PD. Like any important former Securitate man, he has a certificate for fighting for the victory of the Romanian revolution.
Former undercover DIE officer. Physical therapist, settled in Desenzano, Brescia Province, Italy. Involved in the Porcelain smuggling affair. In 2000, he was reported to have German and Romanian citizenships and an Italian identity document.
Former Securitate colonel with a dubious past. Until 1985, he managed the Securitate service in Caras Severin County. In the 1992-1996 Parliament, he was a deputy representing the Socialist Labor Party.
Former officer of the Securitate espionage service, a fact he admitted to after becoming finance minister in the Victor Ciorbea government. The prime minister defended him, saying he allegedly did not conduct political police activities.
Former Securitate officer. Currently chief of the Fraud Service in the Astra insurance company. He was involved in defrauding the company to Vantu’s benefit.
Former Securitate officer, recuperated by the SRI as colonel. In the mid-1990s, he was chief of the SRI section in Constanta.
Former Securitate colonel, personnel chief of the Bucharest Municipality Securitate. After December 1989, he managed the Aliance Coop company, which was involved in arms trafficking. He had shady financial relations with Bankcoop, a bank that was deliberately led to bankruptcy, and with the military company Romtehnica.
Former colonel with the Securitate Third Directorate, which was in charge of counterespionage. After December 1989 he became deputy director of the SRI. Dismissed for illegally possessing documents of the former Securitate, alcoholism, and the incorrect handling of hard currency funds. Later, he ensured the intelligence protection of the deals made by businessman Costel Bobic.
Former Securitate officer, taken into the SRI as major. At first, he worked for the SRI Section in Timis County. In July 1998, he was transferred and became deputy chief of the SRI Section in Cluj.
Former counterintelligence captain at the Buzau County Securitate. There, under cover of representing the Frigo Service, he organized a center to recruit informers. After the events of December 1989, he became chief of the service in charge of protecting personnel in the Buzau County Police Inspectorate, and he was involved in monitoring and harassing the opponents of the Iliescu regime.
Former Securitate officer, specialized in “bourgeois” political parties and people who were convicted for political reasons. He managed the file on philosopher Constantin Noica, who was monitored [by the Securitate].
Former high-ranking officer of the Securitate espionage service, he continued his activity after December 1989 in the SIE. In March 1998, after being promoted to the rank of general, he was placed in the reserves.
Former Securitate colonel, former chief of the SRI Section in Bacau, which he managed for eight years. Through his son, Claudiu Doros, he led the FNI local branch in Bacau, an institution that was deliberately led to bankruptcy by Vantu.
Former Securitate officer recuperated by the SRI as colonel. In 1998, he was chief of the SRI Section in Arad.
Former Securitate officer in UM 0110. After December 1989, he became section chief of Politia Romana [Romanian Police] magazine. After being placed in the reserves, he worked for various publications, including Expres magazine (the Cornel Nistorescu series). Currently, he is looking for sponsors to publish an espionage and counterespionage publication.
Prosecutor, an active collaborator of the Securitate before December 1989. Among other things, he was the one who investigated those who participated in the protest rally against the Communist regime in Brasov on 15 November 1987. For his zeal at the time, he was promoted, and he kept his prerogatives after Ceausescu’s regime was ousted, as well. In 1998 he was delegated to investigate the Cigarette 2 smuggling affair, namely to erase the traces of the intelligence services’ involvement in that con job.
Former Securitate officer. When Cigarette 2 was unfolding, he was a captain with the SRI surveillance service.
Former Securitate colonel in the espionage service. He worked undercover as a press attache in London. After December 1989, he specialized as a journalist working for the Expres press trust. He published various articles wherever and whenever he could, exalting the ineptness of the institution he was once a member of.
Former Securitate officer, recycled by the SRI as a lieutenant colonel, subordinated to Colonel Ghoerghe Moldovan at the SRI Section in Maramures County. There were reports that he gave information from inside the service to the PUNR [Romanian National Unity Party].
Former officer of the Securitate espionage service, recycled by the SIE as a colonel.
Former Securitate officer, a CI [expansion not given] at the Cluj army command. Recuperated by the SRI as a colonel.
Former Securitate officer. As a major in the SRI, he was chief of the SRI Section in Harghita County.
Gheorghe Alexandru Florea
Former Securitate officer recuperated by the SRI as colonel. In 1994, he was chief of the SRI General Secretariat.
Former Securitate officer. In 1998 he was chief of the SRI Section in Buzau. Previously, he managed the Zonal Operative Center in Cluj.
Former Securitate officer. Recuperated by the SRI, he became the first chief of the Pitesti section. The press published documents that showed the exposure of old informers and political police preoccupations similar to those he had before December 1989.
Ion Petre Gavrilescu
He was a higher-ranking officer in the former Securitate’s espionage department. In 2000, he was brought back to active service in the SIE through a presidential decree. He was promoted to the rank of division general. His true identity triggered controversial debates. A little bit more than one year later, he was passed again into the reserves.
He used to work as a physics teacher at a Bucharest high school [Spiru Haret]. Until 1989, he was one of the former Securitate’s informants. Later, he entered the political life. He joined the PNTCD. In 1996, he was appointed as a deputy director in the Romanian Intelligence Service. Many people who were familiar with his past used to blackmail him. That is why, from the position he had at that time, he favored many fraudulent privatization processes, such as those involving a chain of food shops in Bucharest and the Bucharest Hotel.
He is a former Securitate officer. He was the deputy commanding officer of the special unit in charge of antiterrorism. He was an active participant in the attempt to reprimand the street actions that led to Nicolae Ceausescu’s fall. In December 1989 — the media also wrote about this — in his capacity as the head of the defense unit at the Otopeni International Airport, he allowed approximately 50 Securitate officers to flee abroad by using counterfeit documents. After December 1989, he was appointed head of the SRI’s antiterrorist brigade. For a short while, he worked for the UM 0215. This unit had more expertise in the field of the political police than in anything else. After that, he was briefly the director of the Universul news agency while Sorin Ovidiu Vantu owned it. The agency was accused of having been an intelligence service, working in parallel with the similar state services. Dan Gherghe came back to the SRI as an aide to the body’s new director, Radu Timofte. On 1 November 2001 he resigned from office. However, he continues to be present in ruling circles.
He is a former Securitate officer, Colonel Gheorghe Ardelean’s deputy (former Moise Bula) at the USLA’s [Special Unit To Fight Terrorism] leadership. After having been re-trained in the SRI, he was Ion Botofei’s successor in the leadership of the Former SRI’s Officers’ Association, which is in fact an association of former Securitate officers. He ensures the connection between the former Securitate officers currently in the SRI’s leadership and those in the reserves.
Before 1989, a person with an identical name was an undercover officer in the former Securitate’s espionage department. He was accredited as an international civil servant at UNESCO. At the moment, the Dan Ghibernea we refer to is Romania’s ambassador to the United Kingdom.
A former Securitate officer in the Second Directorate for economic counterintelligence. He was an expert in Hungarian counterespionage. In 2000, he was appointed as the head of the SRI Salaj County’s branch.
A former officer in the Securitate’s espionage department. After the December 1989 events, he was brought back into active service in the SIE. He was sent to South Africa as an undercover agent, acting as a commercial attache. He involved himself in some suspect deals with Puma helicopters and cashed some undue commission fees. He was sent to court and received a mild sentence, just “fit” for a former Securitate officer.
A former Securitate officer, currently a colonel, and head of the SRI’s Slatina branch.
A former Securitate officer. Currently a member of the Foreign Intelligence Service’s leadership. In February 2002, he was promoted to the rank of brigadier general.
Nicolae Dorel Goron
A former Securitate officer. Currently a colonel and the incumbent head of the SRI’s Arad branch.
A former Securitate counterintelligence officer. Following the December 1989 events, the SRI rehabilitated him with the rank of a Colonel. In a short while, he was appointed as the head of the human resources staff in the “G” Division (logistics).
Ilie Anghel Gradinaru
A former Securitate officer. In the SRI, he was promoted to the position of head of the department for religious cult-sects in the SRI Constanta County branch. He holds the rank of major. In the spring of 2000, he was noticed while keeping the PDSR’s [Social Democracy Party of Romania] staff under surveillance during their visit to Constanta.
A former officer in the Securitate’s espionage department. He was kept in the system after the events in December 1989, too. On the eve of the 1996 elections, he monitored the moves made in the CDR’s [Romanian Democratic Convention] headquarters for the PDSR’s benefit. Nevertheless, during Emil Constantinescu’s presidential mandate he was promoted to the rank of general and appointed to the General Counterespionage Directorate in the SIE. Two journalists staged a trap for him. He proved to be a stupid person, fell into this trap, and was removed from office.
A former Securitate officer. In the SRI’s structures, he was promoted to colonel and then to brigadier general. He is the head of the technical expertise division, code-named Division “S.”
A former Securitate colonel. When the former SRI Officers’ Association was set up, he was appointed its cashier.
Nicolae Constantin Hateganu
A former Securitate officer. Chairman of the Astra Insurance Company’s administrative board. His role is still unclear in the damages brought against the company in Sorin Ovidiu Vantu’s favor. He was removed from office in March 2001. At the moment, he is being investigated.
A former Securitate officer. In the SRI, with the rank of colonel, he became the deputy head of the Cluj field branch. He was removed from office in July 1998.
A former Securitate officer. He kept the Romanian Radio Public Station under surveillance. After December 1989, the SRI recovered him with the rank of colonel. The project of the extremist magazine Europa, led by Ilie Neacsu, was drafted at his residence. Neacsu, a former PRM MP, passed with bag and baggage to the PSD.
A former Securitate officer. After being recruited into the SRI, he was promoted to the rank of general. He was promoted to the position of head of the Counterintelligence Department, currently called the Protection Department. He was removed from office following the Timofte-KGB [SRI's incumbent director's alleged ties with the KGB] scandal.
Vasile Valeriu Iancu
A former Securitate colonel. Currently, the SRI director’s first deputy. On 30 November 1999, he was promoted to brigadier general. Before December 1989 he worked within the foreign counterintelligence unit in the UM 0215, which was set after General Ion Mihai Pacepa’s defection. He also worked in the UM 0544, for foreign counterintelligence. After the revolution, he was appointed the first head of the SRI’s Counterintelligence Directorate. Then he was appointed as head of the SRI’s oversight body.
A former officer in the Securitate’s Directorate for Foreign Intelligence. At the moment he is in the leading team of the SC [commercial company] Alliancecoop. During 1995-1996, the Army’s Procurement Department contacted him for the purpose of facilitating some dubious arms exports.
A former Securitate officer. He was brought back to active service in the presidential bodyguard and protection service, where he was promoted to colonel. In 1998, he was passed into the reserves due to health-related causes. He has placed himself at the disposal of controversial businessman Sorin Ovidiu Vantu. In this capacity, he set up a paramilitary service in the village of Corbeanca [close to Bucharest]. Its missions included surveillance and escort activities, and even abducting people.
A former Securitate officer and expert in criminal investigations. On 31 December 1990, he was passed into the reserves, upon request, from the Romanian Intelligence Service. He was involved in smuggling cigarettes from Cyprus. Through these operations, he brought damages amounting to $110 million to the Romanian State. On 15 July 2001, he was brought back to active service for a short while in the SRI. At the moment he is a personal legal aide to General Zaharia Toma, who is a secretary of state in the Interior Ministry. It has been pointed out Iordache allegedly has bank accounts in Switzerland at the BNP Schweiz.
A former officer in the Securitate’s Fourth Directorate. Currently a colonel, he is a department head in the Army’s General Directorate of Intelligence.
A former higher-ranking Securitate officer. The SRI recovered him with the rank of colonel. Immediately after the December 1989 events, he became the deputy head of the SRI’s Botosani County branch. He was removed from office on charges of being involved in deals carried out by some dubious companies in that county.
A former high-ranking officer in the Securitate’s espionage department. He was kept in the system some time after the 1996 elections. He carried out intelligence missions in the United States and in Turkey. He was passed into reserves with the rank of general.
A former Securitate officer recovered by the SRI with the rank of major. He was passed into the reserves following some blackmail activities carried out by resorting to counterfeit documents.
A former Securitate officer at the Dunarea foreign trade company, which was under the Securitate’s control. At the moment, he is a general manager at Grivco International SA.
Before 1989, he was an officer within the Foreign Intelligence Center [CIE]. He was the office head in the Department for France-Benelux-Spain-Portugal in the Europe Division. He also carried out missions abroad, under the cover of a commercial representative in Spain and Portugal. During the Constantinescu regime, he was appointed as a deputy director in the Customs Directorate.
A former Securitate officer. In the summer of 2000, he was appointed as head of the department in charge of parallel intelligence offices in the SRI’s Division “A.”
A former Securitate officer. After December 1989, he was employed in the SRI’s Buzau branch with the rank of captain. It is known that he has attempted to recruit a female journalist from the local daily Opinia.
A former Securitate officer in the UM 0110. Quite inadequately, this unit was considered to be a structure meant to fight the KGB agents in Romania. In fact, the unit used to manufacture arguments, based on which the people who fell into Nicolae Ceausescu’s disfavor were charged with spying for the Soviet Union. This method was meant to misinform public opinion, which was sensitive to any Russian threat. After the December 1989 events, he was recruited into the SRI’s structures. In a short time, more precisely on 27 March 1994, he was appointed as head of the Counterintelligence Directorate. He was the SRI’s first deputy director in two legislatures, under Virgil Magureanu and Costin Georgescu’s mandates. Throughout this period, he made considerable efforts to strengthen the former Securitate officers’ influence in all fields of political, economic, and social life. On 30 November 1999, he was promoted to Army Corps general. Much earlier, the media pointed out the fact that his successive promotions were the result of intervention by influential people whom he had kept under surveillance in the past. Most of them are important people in the state. Because he was unable to get rid of the specific methods of the UM 0110, he was involved in publicly launching the misinformation that the SRI’s future director, Radu Timofte, was allegedly recruited by the KGB. He was passed into reserves as an Army Corps general.
A general in the reserves. He was an active staff member of the former Securitate and headed an office within the former Center for Foreign Intelligence. He was in charge of Romania’s immigration problems. Then he was transferred to the Romanian Intelligence Service. For a short time, he was director Virgil Magureanu’s first deputy. After he had a conflict with the latter, Marcu was removed from his position and from the SRI in 1995. He was charged with having business relations with Arab mafiosi. His records include the obscure coordination of the dubious deals developed by the SC Macons & Co SA Company, registered in Belgium. His daughter, Anca Steliana Marcu, was the company’s main shareholder. However, he remained a reliable person at the Cotroceni [presidential] palace. At one point, with support from some obscure forces, he succeeded in setting up a customs checkpoint downtown Bucharest. He was to administer it together with his circle of friends. When the media exposed the illegal deal, the customs checkpoint vanished into thin air, as if it had never existed. After the November 2000 elections, Victor Marcu was appointed deputy minister in the Privatization Ministry. He held the position of undersecretary of state. Quite cautiously, he forwarded his resignation shortly before the emergence of the scandal around Sorin Ovidiu Vantu and the fraudulent deeds that were carried out to the detriment of the Astra Insurance Company.
A former Securitate officer in the Military Academy’s counterintelligence department. He is married to the former Communist leader Ion Dinca’s niece. In December 1989, he was found armed in the PCR [Romanian Communist Party] CC’s [Central Committee] headquarters. He was a lieutenant colonel at the time and was a member of the team appointed to protect the former dictator Ceausescu. On 24 March 1990, the SRI employed him after intervention by Mihai Stan. A short time later, he was promoted to brigadier general.
A former Securitate officer, the former commanding officer at the Baneasa Securitate school from 1965-1967. He was removed from office following his attempt to counterfeit some documents related to a car accident. He was reoriented toward diplomacy. He also played the role of dissident. Immediately after December 1989, he emerged on the political scene as a vice president of the National Salvation Front’s Council. In one of the confused days of January 1990, he climbed up on a tank and shouted what the civilians that had taken to the streets never did: “Death to the former Securitate officers!” After having committed himself in something that looked like a coup d’etat, he left for Switzerland for quite some time. He came back to Bucharest later, when people had already forgotten him. At the moment, he is the vice president of a UN commission.
The first head of the Romanian Intelligence Service, which was officially set up in March 1990. This body started to structure itself in the first days of that same year. In April 1992, journalist Ioan Itu published Magureanu’s file. The latter was a former officer in the syntheses department of the Securitate’s Foreign Intelligence Directorate [DIE]. In December 1995, Magureanu himself published his file as a former Securitate informant. Most probably, he had been warned that a major publication was about to do the same thing.
A former Securitate Colonel. He was involved in culture and art problems. At the moment, he is working in the SIE. On 30 November 1999, he was promoted to brigadier general.
A colonel in the former Securitate’s structures. A general in the current Romanian Intelligence Service’s structures.
A former Securitate officer, the former head of the SRI’s Brasov branch. He is one of the Romanian Discount Bank’s [BRS] founders. The bank was deliberately brought to bankruptcy in 2002, after $17 million had disappeared from the Astra Insurance Company’s account.
A former high-ranking Securitate officer. After the December 1989 events, he was briefly the deputy head of the SRI Prahova County’s branch. Then he started to do businesses on his own. Among other things, he was one of the shareholders of the dubious SC Macons & Co. SA Company, registered in Belgium.
A high-ranking Securitate officer recovered by the SRI. He was promoted to the rank of general. He is the commanding officer of the SRI’s Bran Office.
According to statements by Mircea Raceanu, whom President Iliescu has recently granted an award, before 1989, Melescanu was a former Securitate officer under diplomatic cover. After the [December 1989] revolution, he was appointed foreign minister. Later on, he established the Alliance for Romania party [ApR], which he led to total disaster. He ran for president and lost.
A former Securitate colonel. He was the head of the art-culture department in the former Securitate’s First Directorate. During 1985-1986, he led the Eterul Department, whose mission was to combat the foreign radio stations that used to broadcast in Romanian. Later, he was appointed head of the Securitate’s Buzau County branch. After December 1989, he remained in the Romanian Intelligence Service. He was removed from office due to many inadequate deeds and to the open sabotage carried out against the body’s leadership. He was passed into the reserves. He joined the Greater Romania Party, where he went up the hierarchy, until he became the party’s first vice president. In the November 2000 elections, he ran on this party’s slates. He was elected as an MP. Later, it was proved he had been involved in political police activities. At the moment, he is currently involved in a lawsuit filed by the victims of one of his deeds.
A former Securitate officer in the espionage department. He carried out missions in Italy and the United Kingdom. At the moment, after having been an important member of the Greater Romania Party, on whose slates he had been elected as an MP, he passed into the PSD’s camp. He is currently engaged in an argument with the head of his former party.
Iosif Mircea Miclea
A former Securitate officer, currently a lieutenant colonel, the head of the SRI’s Maramures County branch.
A former Securitate officer. After the December 1989 events, he vanished abroad. At the onset of 1999, he was expelled from Canada after being identified as “a member of the former Romanian Securitate and an accomplice to many atrocities.”
A former Securitate officer. The SRI recovered him. He became the first head of the Alba Iulia office. An officer under his subordination sent intimidating letters to some opposition members’ addresses.
A former Securitate officer in the espionage department. After he displayed abnormal behavior during a drill in Yugoslavia, he was subjected to a medical checkup. He was found to be suffering from paranoia. He was passed into the reserves. Immediately after December 1989, he was brought back to active service within the SRI. However, he damaged the service’s image after he published a series of completely phantasmagoric information in the media. He also wrote a book full of completely stupid things. He continues to create confusion in the public opinion on various television shows.
A former Securitate officer, currently the head of the SRI’s Bistrita-Nasaud County branch.
A former Securitate officer. During Emil Constantinescu’s regime, he was appointed as the head of the SRI Bihor County branch. A former political prisoner informed the media about the fact that Moga had conducted political police activities before 1989. He said the latter had searched and had even beaten him.
A former Securitate officer, the former commanding officer of the Securitate troops. After the December 1989 events, he was the first head of the Romanian Police forces.
A former Securitate colonel who was recovered by the SRI. In the first half of the 1990s, he was appointed as the head of the SRI Maramures branch. He was removed from office for having wiretapped some UDMR [Hungarian Democratic Union of Romania -- RMDSZ] local leaders’ phones. He claimed he had carried out this mission at Virgil Magureanu’s order. However, he failed to provide the slightest evidence in this respect. He was sentenced, but his sentence was suspended.
Ion Alexandru Munteanu
A former Securitate officer within the Independent “D” [Misinformation] Service. After that, he was in charge of the surveillance of foreign students at the Bucharest University Center. It was found he had been involved in various onerous deals with them. He was demoted, sent to court, and sentenced to several years in prison. After the December 1989 events, he was released from prison. He went through a series of dubious promotions. A little more than two years later, he was promoted from the rank of a soldier to that of a general. He was appointed as general director of the State Archives. He was an important member of the Greater Romania Party. Deceased.
He is suspected of having been one of the former Securitate’s undercover officers. The Romanian Intelligence Service took him over, too. As the head of the Otopeni cargo customs office, his duties also included ensuring the facilities requested by the special transports of commodities. He was involved in the Cigarette 2 smuggling deal.
A former Securitate officer. Currently a colonel, the head of the SRI’s Suceava County branch.
A former high-ranking Securitate officer, recovered by the SRI with the rank of colonel. In 1998, he was leading the counterintelligence service of the department in which he had been employed.
A former Securitate officer, re-employed in the SRI’s Bacau County branch. Not long ago he was transferred to the Bucharest head unit.
A former colonel in the Securitate’s espionage department. In 1983, he was appointed as the DIE’s representative in a shadow company, Marsue Holding, meant to cover the activity carried out by some Romanian agents abroad. He retired in 1986 while holding the same position. After December 1989, he was compelled to transfer the money in the company’s bank account to an SRL [limited responsibility company] company’s bank account. He refused to do it. In 1993, the Foreign Intelligence Service filed charges against him for embezzlement of funds. The gesture was far from the espionage people’s habits, which used to launder their dirty linen at home. Consequently, it remains to be seen what is hiding behind the Marsue deal.
A former high-ranking officer in the Securitate’s espionage department. He was kept in the system not too long after the 1996 elections. He was passed into the reserves with the rank of general.
A former Securitate colonel within the Independent “D” (Misinformation) Department. He was brought back into active service in the SRI for a short while. After that, he was passed into the reserves. He became an important member of the Greater Romania Party. From that position, he used the information obtained while he was in office in public life. Deceased.
A former Securitate officer, [Communist] party secretary of the Cluj County Securitate Inspectorate. In 1998, he was the head of the UM 0215 in Cluj.
A former Securitate major, the deputy head of the Fifth Office in USLA. After December 1989, he was appointed general manager of the state office for the government’s special problems. In 1997, he was Mircea Gheordunescu’s deputy at the leadership of the National Agency for the Control on Strategic Exports and Chemical Weapons Ban [ANCESIAC].
According to the statements by Mircea Raceanu, whom President Ion Iliescu has recently granted an award, Negritoiu was an undercover Securitate officer. After 1989, he played an important role in the Romanian power structures.
A former Securitate officer, recovered by the SRI with the rank of lieutenant colonel. In 1994, he was a member of the “B” Counterintelligence Directorate’s leadership.
Nicolae M Nicolae
A former undercover officer in the Foreign Intelligence Directorate. He was removed from that position following General Ion Mihai Pacepa’s defection. He was a former foreign trade minister and Romania’s ambassador to Washington during Nicolae Ceausescu’s regime. In the first post-revolutionary Romanian Government, he returned to the leadership of Romania’s foreign trade.
A former officer in the Securitate’s espionage department, currently a senator for Arges County. He is the chairman of the Parliament’s SIE Oversight Committee.
A former Securitate officer. In the SRI, he was the head of the Dobruja’s Regional Operational Center. In 1994, he was promoted to the rank of brigadier general.
A former Securitate officer. Currently a lieutenant colonel, the head of the SRI’s Resita branch, Caras-Severin County.
A former Securitate officer, re-employed by the SRI. With the rank of general, he led the SRI’s Operation Center in Transylvania. After passing into the reserves, he became the director of the Gelsor branch in Oradea. He played an important role in the National Investment Fund’s [FNI] collapse.
A former high-ranking Securitate officer, recovered by the SRI, with the rank of colonel. In 1998, he worked in the SRI’s Harghita County branch.
General Otelea’s son, from the Steaua sports club. He was an officer in the Securitate’s Fourth Directorate. At the moment, he is a colonel in the Army’s General Directorate for Intelligence.
A former Securitate officer. In the SRI, he was appointed as office head in the Anti-terrorist Brigade with the rank of lieutenant colonel. He was charged with influence peddling.
He was a former Securitate major before 1989. Later, during Virgil Magureanu’s mandate, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel and then to colonel. He was promoted as head of the “F” Division in the SRI, which used to store computer data and managed the institution’s archives. Before the establishment of the National Council in Charge of Studying the Former Securitate Archives [CNSAS], a civil body that should be the same thing as the Gauck Institute in Germany, he retired due to health-related problems. He set up a security guard and protection company. In 1999, when the CNSAS was established, nobody knows what methods he used, but he succeeded in obtaining the exclusive right for his company to ensure the guarding and protection for the aforementioned council. At the CNSAS’ headquarters, he installed various pieces of special equipment. Supposedly, many microphones controlled from outside are among these devices. Thus, those who reportedly have to study the former Securitate’s behavior are still at the Securitate’s mercy. All of their moves are allegedly being kept under control.
A former Securitate officer, taken over in the SRI’s structures with rank of colonel. After having passed into the reserves, he helped manufacture a counterfeit commitment in the Division “S” laboratories, proving its author was as a former Securitate informant, to Senator Corneliu Vadim Tudor’s detriment and to the benefit of Ziua.
George Constantin Paunescu
A former undercover Securitate officer. In this capacity, before 1989, he led the Romanian Economic Agency in Milan. He was and perhaps still is banned from entering Italy. The Italian special services know more about him than the SRI claims to know. He runs his operations in Italy via a branch in the Swiss canton of Ticino. In 1996, when he was subjected to some criminal investigations, he fled the country, at first to Switzerland, under the pretext of a medical treatment. Then he settled temporarily in the United States. From that position, he sponsored several of Ion Iliescu and Adrian Nastase’s trips across the Atlantic Ocean, with the help of the lobbyist called the Eurasia Group, with a majority Russian capital.
A former Securitate officer. In the SRI, he was appointed head of the SRI’s Timisoara branch. He had a conflict with Virgil Magureanu. His file, which proved he was a former collaborator for the local Securitate, was made public. He was removed from the system and currently has dedicated himself to his businesses.
A former Securitate officer. He was later promoted to the rank of major within the SRI. His true name has the initials DM. He worked under General Dumitru Badescu, who was the head of the division in charge of economic counterintelligence. He was present in the unit that carried out the “Cigarette 2″ smuggling operation. He was identified as such on the video recordings made at the airport.
A former Securitate officer in the Third Directorate for Counterespionage. After December 1989, he was passed into the reserves. Later, he involved himself in various businesses with persons working for the Russian Lukoil Company.
A former Securitate General, appointed as the minister of postal services and telecommunications in the first government after December 1989. At the moment, he is running various businesses, also in the telecommunications field, along with STS head General Tudor Tanase. Among other things, he worked as a councilor to the Ericsson Company, which was among the main players involved in the scandal related to the Romanian Army’s transmissions system.
A former Securitate officer. He was the first head of the SRI’s Gorj County branch. He had the rank of colonel. He took part in the June 1990 miners’ incursion. He directed the miners’ travel to Bucharest. Later, he was employed in SRI’s central unit in Bucharest. In May 2001, he had the same position, although the legal system’s bodies were conducting an investigation against him. He was charged with undermining state power.
A former Securitate general’s son-in-law. At the moment, he is the chairman of the Chamber of Deputies’ Foreign Policy Committee.
A former Securitate officer in Brasov. The SRI took him over. At first, he was the deputy head of the SRI’s Dolj County branch. When his superior was ousted, he was appointed leader of the branch. In June 1994, he was appointed head of the Oltenia Region’s Operational Center.
A former Securitate officer. In the SRI, with the rank of a colonel, he was appointed as the deputy head of the SRI’s Cluj County branch. He was removed from office in July 1998.
A former Securitate officer, re-trained in the SRI with the rank of lieutenant colonel. He was Gheorghe Moldovan’s subordinate in the SRI’s Maramures County branch. It has been reported he used to provide information from inside the service to the PUNR [Romanian National Unity Party].
A former officer in the Securitate’s espionage department, re-trained in the SIE, with the rank of colonel. He headed the Directorate for Synthesis and Analysis for some time.
A former Securitate officer. After the December 1989 events, he fled abroad and disappeared. In early 1999, he was expelled from Canada after being identified as “a member of the former Romanian Securitate and an accomplice to many atrocities.”
A former Securitate colonel. During his espionage-related activities in Paris, his mission was to compromise priest Vasile Boldeanu and to transfer the Romanian Christian Orthodox Church in France’s capital under the Bucharest Patriarchy’s authority. His mission failed. He was asked to return to Romania. He continued to work as an undercover officer. He was appointed as the head of the Department for Religious Cults. After December 1989, with support from some high-ranking clergy, with whom he had probably used to work, he set up the International Bank of Religions. The dubious sponsorships, along with the mismanagement of funds, have ultimately brought this bank’s sonorous bankruptcy. Other former Securitate officers, tied to the incumbent ruling party, were also involved in this bankruptcy.
A former low-ranking Securitate officer, recovered by the SRI, in the surveillance division. He fell into a trap on the occasion of the Anda Terrace scandal.
Alexandru Constantin Postelnicu
A former Securitate officer. After the December 1989 events, he was promoted to the rank of general and he was the first head of the SRI’s Dolj County branch. He tried to recruit journalists from troublesome media circles in Craiova. The local media focused on his activities. It succeeded in taking his picture in a professional situation. He was removed from office. Obviously, he has started to run his own businesses.
A former Securitate officer. In the SRI, with the rank of colonel, he was appointed as head of the Constanta County branch.
A former Securitate colonel. He was an active staff member of the UM 0199, which was a sub-unit of the espionage department, which dealt with European territory. Starting in May 1988, he was transferred to the UM 0225, another sub-unit dealing with espionage activities. This unit was involved in infiltrating Romanian immigrants in Europe and fighting the foreign radio stations that used to broadcast in Romanian. Some former Securitate officers say that, before 1989, he trained incumbent Romanian Prime Minister Adrian Nastase to place him in the West as an undercover agent. The operation was to take place in 1990. However, the December 1989 revolution triggered the project’s cancellation. Later, Ristea Priboi became Adrian Nastase’s aide. Allegations say he is very close to the prime minister. Following the November 2000 elections, Adrian Nastase tried to impose Priboi as the head of the Parliament’s SIE Oversight Committee. The deal failed, following the forceful intervention by the media, which had managed to find a few facts about Ristea Priboi’s past. He remained Adrian Nastase’s aide. From his position, he makes it easier for other former Securitate officers to enter the ruling party’s structures and, implicitly, the state bodies. In December 2000, Ristea Priboi was imposed as a member of the administrative board of the SIF [Financial Investment Company] Oltenia. This allowed him to control the economic activities carried out in one of the country’s important regions, in collaboration with another former Securitate officer, Dinut Staicu. A group of former Securitate officers has recently forwarded to the major media’s editorial offices, to some parties, and institutions’ headquarters, a letter that states that his former comrades also dislike Ristea Priboi. This letter calls the character with the comradely name “Pig!” We also happen to be familiar with some things about how Ristea Priboi plots against the incumbent prime minister’s political opponents. It is impossible to explain how a cultivated person, with an education achieved in normal conditions, with masters and doctoral degrees, who has often traveled to Western countries and speaks several foreign languages, like Nastase, can bear to have such an aide close to him.
A former officer in the State Securitate Department’s technical divisions. After December 1989, as an associate of the Zenith Trading Consulting Company, he illegally manufactured and traded devices for wiretapping phones. He involved his son, Codrut Prichici, in these activities, too. In the fall of 1997, after having exposed himself at a television station, he was sent to court. He was charged with violating the National Security Law.
A former Securitate officer, recovered by the SRI with the rank of major. After having passed into the reserves, he launched himself in business. In 1997, he was subjected to an investigation for outstanding debts incurred by a bank loan. In 1998, the Democratic Party [PD] nominated him to be appointed as the head of the Financial Oversight Body in Buzau County.
A former Securitate officer. He was taken over by the SRI with the rank of colonel. He led the SRI’s Galati County branch. In the spring of 1994, he was transferred to Bucharest and promoted both to a higher position and to a higher rank.
A former Securitate officer, he was re-trained in the SRI. He was appointed as the head of the counterespionage office at the SRI’s Botosani County branch. He was removed from office for alleged involvement in the deals carried out by some dubious companies in that county.
A former Security major, recovered by the SRI. At the onset of the 1990s, he was appointed as the head of the SRI’s office in Sinaia. He was passed into the reserves following the protests voiced by those who had been subjected to his investigations before December 1989. In 1992, he ran for mayor of Sinaia as an independent candidate.
A former Securitate colonel, employed in the Independent Misinformation Department. Among other things, he used to launch some fake stories abroad. According to them, some dissidents that could not be kept in the country anymore had allegedly been among the former Securitate’s agents. Mathematician Mihai Botez was one of the persons who was subjected to this despicable treatment. At the moment, Ramfu is delivering expert training at the National Intelligence Institute.
A former Securitate colonel, the former head of the Securitate’s First Directorate in charge of domestic intelligence during 1986-1989. Immediately after the December 1989 revolution, he left Romania and went abroad. He went to West Germany and returned to Romania from… China after things settled down a little bit. At the moment, he is one of businessman Sorin Ovidiu Vantu’s most important councilors.
A former Securitate officer. He was later recruited to the SRI’s structures. He led the SRI’s Dambovita County branch.
A former Securitate colonel, the former head of General Iulian Vlad’s secretarial office. The latter was the head of the State Security’s Directorate. When he retired from the SRI, he published a book that justifies the former Securitate’s actions. At the moment, he is SRI Director Radu Timofte’s aide.
A former Securitate officer, he graduated from the Baneasa School for active staff members of the Interior Ministry. He worked for the UM 0279 as an expert in foreign intelligence. Starting in 1979, when he was passed into the reserves, he worked in the legal system. In 1993, he was appointed as chairman of the Bucharest Court of Justice.
A former Securitate colonel, currently a general, the deputy director of the Foreign Intelligence Service. Before December 1989, he was the deputy director at the ICE [foreign trade company] Dunarea. He remained in that positions in the early 1990s, too. He left the system temporarily. He led the Intact media trust. He has a close collaboration with businessman Dan Voiculescu [owner of the Antena 1 private television station] at the moment. The latter was the endorser of the Crescent Company, another one of the former Securitate companies, with its headquarters Cyprus. In fact, according to the information published by the media, through General Constantin Rotaru, the SIE manages and grants protection to several of Dan Voiculescu’s companies.
A former Securitate colonel. At the moment, he is one of businessman Sorin Ovidiu Vantu’s advisers.
The former head of the SRI’s Turda branch. He is an expert in irredentism-related matters. The SRI took him over in its structures with the rank of Colonel, as an expert in the problems of ethnic minorities. In 1998, he was the head of the SPP’s [Guard and Protection Service] structure in Transylvania.
A former high-ranking Securitate officer, recovered by the SRI, with the rank of colonel. Before December 1989, he used to work hand in hand with General Vasile Lupu, who took Rusan with him. In the mid-1990s, Colonel Rusan was appointed head of the Surveillance Directorate.
Alias Ion Prigoreanu. A former Securitate major. He was a French teacher at the Interior Ministry’s school for active officers at Baneasa. In the years before December 1989, he worked as an undercover agent, as an employee of the Agerpres news agency. Immediately after December 1989, he was appointed as a general secretary of Zig Zag magazine’s editorial office (the Ion Cristoiu series). At present he teaches French at a Bucharest high school, after having earned his doctorate on the basis of articles written by other people.
A former high-ranking officer in the Securitate’s espionage department. After December 1989, he continued to work within the SIE. In March 1998, after being promoted to the rank of brigadier general, he was passed into the reserves.
A former Securitate first lieutenant in Sinaia. During the first months of 1990, he was involved in the violation of the local Securitate archives’ seals.
A former Securitate officer. In the SRI, he was appointed deputy head of the antiterrorist Brigade, with the rank of lieutenant colonel. He was charged with influence peddling.
A former officer in the former Securitate military counter-espionage and counter-intelligence departments (Third and Fourth Directorates, respectively). He was passed into the reserves in 1991. However, he was kept in the structures parallel to the active structures. In 1999, he was asked to testify as a defense witness in the lawsuit filed by former President Emil Constantinescu against Andrei Zeno. The latter accused the head of state of being a foreign power’s alleged agent.
According to statements by Mircea Raceanu, whom President Ion Iliescu has recently granted an award, Secares was an undercover Securitate officer before 1989. He was a member of the teaching staff at the [former] “Stefan Gheorghiu” [only for party members in leading communist structures] Academy. After the December 1989 Revolution, he became an important member of the innovative group “A Future for Romania.” At present, he is the rector of the Academy for Political and Administrative Sciences. This is also some kind of “Stefan Gheorghiu,” but with a different shape.
A former Securitate colonel. He was an operative agent abroad during 1974-1984. He was an office head in the communist espionage department. After December 1989, he was kept in the system. He was promoted to general. He was promoted to be deputy director of the Foreign Intelligence Service. He collaborated with General Florentin Popa in operations involving arms trafficking. Following a conflict with General Ioan Talpes, the SIE director, he was passed into the reserves. After the 2000 elections, he became one of Prime Minister Adrian Nastase’s aides. He currently holds the same position.
Ion Tomita Sima
A former Securitate officer. He was a colonel, with a PhD in engineering, in the Special Telecommunications Service. On 30 November 1999, he was promoted to brigadier general.
A former Securitate officer. He is currently a lieutenant colonel and the head of the SRI’s Bacau County branch.
A former Securitate officer within the Fifth Directorate, which dealt with ensuring the guard and protection of former Communist dignitaries. He ensured Nicu Ceausescu’s protection and guard and then that of Alexandrina Gainuse. During the December 1989 events, he sought refuge in the Militia’s Section 1. At present, he is the head of the SRI’s “A” Division.
A former Securitate undercover officer in the Romanian Bank for Foreign Trade [Bancorex]. He contributed to the bank’s bankruptcy after December 1989. At present, he is the chairman of the Gelsor financial group, which is the property of businessman Sorin Ovidiu Vantu.
A former officer in the Securitate’s Fourth Directorate. He is currently a colonel and an office head in the Army’s General Directorate for Intelligence.
A former officer in the Securitate’s Fourth Directorate. At present, he is a colonel and the head of the Air Forces service in the Army’s General Directorate for Intelligence.
A former Securitate officer in the Bucharest Municipality’s branch. He was an expert in youth- and student-related problems. After the December 1989 events, he went vanished. He returned to public life in April 1990 as an SRI officer. He led the Antiterrorist Brigade. He was an adviser to Senator Sergiu Nicolaescu’s parliamentary commission, which dealt with the investigation of the December 1989 events. In 1997, he passed into the reserves. Later, he was appointed as head of the Protocol Department and staff’s protection at the World Trade Center.
A former Securitate officer in the Dolj County inspectorate. After December 1989, to cover up his deeds, he developed some businesses that were not too legal in Hunedoara County. He took advantage of that county’s status as a disadvantaged area. When things calmed down a little, he returned to Craiova. He played a significant role in the International Bank of Religions’ bankruptcy. At present, he controls SIF Oltenia through various intermediaries. He is closely tied to businessman Sorin Ovidiu Vantu and to Ristea Priboi, Prime Minister Adrian Nastase’s aide.
A former Securitate major in the counterintelligence department in Covasna County. During the events in December 1989, he was involved in the deadly shooting of engineer Gheorghe Suiu. Later, he was recruited by the Romanian Intelligence Service. He was promoted to the rank of colonel and to the position of head of the Covasna County branch.
A former Securitate officer, who dealt with religious cult-related problems. In 1998, he was secretary of the Cluj branch of the [former] National Romanian Party [PNR], chaired by Virgil Magureanu.
A former Securitate colonel in the Independent Misinformation Department. After December 1989, he became SRI Director Virgil Magureanu’s deputy. He was promoted to general. Following the Berevoiesti deal, he was removed from office. This scandal involved the mismanagement of the transportation of some documents belonging to the former Securitate. He was then appointed head of the Directorate for International Relationships in the Private Ownership Fund. Soon afterward, he was appointed head of the Center for Operational Documentation of the Guard and Protection Service. He was again removed from office against the backdrop of the scandal triggered by the Cigarette 2 state smuggling operation. At present, he is nothing less than the general director at the… Organization for Human Rights Protection in Romania.
A former Securitate officer, currently a lieutenant colonel and head of the SRI’s Ploiesti branch.
A former Securitate colonel. Before 1989, he worked in the Securitate’s Bucharest Municipality branch. After 1989, he was reintegrated into the SRI. To lose any trace of him, he was transferred to the position of head of the SRI’s Dambovita County branch. When things calmed down a little, he was invited back to Bucharest. When Virgil Magureanu was replaced, he retired. He was immediately hired to become an aide to Adrian Nastase, whose party was in opposition at the time. After the November 2000 elections, he kept the same position. In parallel, he was the head of the domestic protection department at the International Bank of Religions. A gang of former Securitate officers brought the bank to bankruptcy. When Adrian Nastase was appointed as the country’s prime minister, Stoica was honored with the position of deputy general director of the Romanian customs system.
A former Securitate colonel employed by the Romanian Intelligence Service after 1989. In 1997, he was passed into the reserves. He is considered to be a member of Mircea Gheordunescu’s entourage, one of the SRI’s deputy directors. After having passed into the reserves, he was appointed head of the legal office at the International Bank of Religions [BIR]. Another former Securitate officer, Colonel Ion Popescu established and chaired this bank. The depositors’ savings were wasted. The bank went bankrupt in 2000. Later, on behalf of Mircea Gheordunescu, he was also involved in the privatization process of the Bucharest Hotel. He acted to the detriment of many honest investors and to the benefit of a genuine mafiosi ring made up of financial frauds. Later, he was appointed as a legal expert and an AGA [Shareholders' General Assembly] secretary at the SC Bucharest-Turism SA.
A former Securitate officer from the UM 0110. After that, the SRI incorporated him into its structures. Until the spring of 1998, he was head of the SRI’s Targu Mures branch. At that time, he entered the reserves with the rank of colonel. He was brought back to active service in 1998, when he was appointed as the head of the SRI’s Cluj County branch.
A former Securitate officer, re-employed in the SRI’s structures. He is Dinel Staicu’s godson. When he gave up his job, he started to import listening and recording devices from abroad, used in his godfather’s dubious connections in Craiova.
A former higher-ranking Securitate officer. He was a general, the head of the Cluj County’s Securitate Inspectorate. After the December 1989 events, he was in charge of the guard and protection system at the Dacia Felix Bank, which was soon brought to bankruptcy.
A former Securitate officer, restored by the SRI with the rank of colonel. After having passed into the reserves, he became the co-owner of a company in the Civic Center.
A former Securitate officer. Currently a colonel, the head of the SRI’s Timisoara branch.
Ion Manole Stefanut
A former Securitate officer, recovered by the SRI. On 30 November 1999, he was promoted to the rank of brigadier general.
A former Securitate officer. Before December 1989, he was a member of the team that ensured Nicolae Ceausescu’s guard. He was passed into the reserves with the rank of lieutenant colonel. He was appointed deputy director at the Galati customs office. In the spring of 1994, he was brought back to active service. He was employed as the head of the SRI’s Galati County branch.
During 1976-1978, he was an officer in the Foreign Intelligence Directorate. During 1978-1989, he worked in the Special Unit “R” in the State Security Directorate. In 1993, Nicolae Vacaroiu’s government re-employed him in the Special Telecommunications Service. He involved himself in many private deals, based on obscure funds, together with former Securitate General Stelian Pintilie. In May 2001, although his participation in companies with similar objects of activity had not yet been wound up, he was appointed as head of the Special Telecommunications Service, with the rank of general. The incumbent government did not take into account any of the warning signals sent by the media.
A former Securitate General, passed into the reserves in 1999. He was an active officer in the former Directorate for Foreign Intelligence. He carried out several missions abroad for the aforementioned body, mainly in the United States. After December 1989, he was kept in the Foreign Intelligence Service’s structure. He went up the hierarchy, until he was appointed its first deputy director. He was the topic of frequent media campaigns. He was removed from the espionage service in 2000. Later, he was appointed as an adviser to the director of the Aedificia Carpati construction trust. This trust had built the SIE’s current headquarters in Baneasa. Its director, Petre Badea, owed Alexandru Tanasescu a few favors, because his company had been favored in the bid. We would like to point out the fact that the Aedificia Carpati construction trust, with the help of some other former Securitate officers, has benefited and continues to benefit from important orders from the state. We may list the National Library, the consolidation works of the Telephones’ Palace, the Special Telecommunications System’s headquarters, the repair works at the Royal Palace, and so forth. Everybody kept taking from Petre Badea until they led him to the verge of bankruptcy.
A former undercover Securitate officer. He acted mainly in the Benelux region. Through his children, Oana and Nineta, he was involved in the SC Macons & Co SA’s dubious deals, a company that was registered in Belgium.
A former undercover Securitate officer at the Romanian Bank for Foreign Trade. After December 1989, he was appointed as the bank’s director. He remained in that position until he led the bank to bankruptcy. Although he was brought to court and was held in preventive custody, he succeeded in getting off scot-free. At present, it should be noted that he is deeply involved in Sorin Ovidiu Vantu’s deals, in his capacity as an adviser to the much-contested Romanian Discount Bank. He has been recently proposed to be appointed as a manager at the Romanian Commercial Bank. It is desirable that he would fail to bring this bank to bankruptcy, too, to make us privatize it at the cost of one euro.
A former officer in the former Securitate’s Fourth Directorate. At present, he is a colonel. He is the deputy office head within the Army’s General Directorate for Intelligence.
A former Securitate officer in Bucharest. After December 1989, he worked as a commissioner in the Financial Oversight Body, as head of a department in the Bucharest City Hall, and then as a deputy director at the Customs General Directorate. The media paid attention to him because he favored dubious cigarette shipments.
A former Securitate officer, recovered by the SRI with the rank of colonel. In 1998, he worked in the SRI’s Harghita County branch.
A former high-ranking Securitate officer, recovered by the SRI. He led the Oradea Regional Operational Center.
A former low-ranking Securitate officer recovered by the SRI in the Surveillance Department. He fell into the trap during the Anda Terrace scandal.
According the statements by Mircea Raceanu, whom President Ion Iliescu has recently granted an award, Tinca was a former Securitate officer who worked undercover in the Foreign Ministry. At the onset of the 1980s, the United States refused to grant him an entry visa. In 1994, he was appointed defense minister. Later, he joined the ApR, Teodor Melescanu’s bankrupt political party. At present, he is Romania’s ambassador in Prague.
A former Securitate major, deputy head of the Timis County’s Securitate Inspectorate. He was in charge of the misinformation and counterespionage departments. He was arrested in December 1989. He was subjected to an investigation as a member of the Timisoara lot. After a little more than two years, he was released from prison due to a lack of evidence. Along with Valentin Ciuca, he set up the Tival Impex SRL Company, which thrived during the embargo against Yugoslavia. Although he declared he would not want the return of the communism, all of his published statements speak extremely highly of the former Securitate.
A former Securitate officer. She was in charge of surveillance at the Institute for Research and Technological Design for Transportation Activities. She returned to the institution in 1992, this time as an SRI officer.
A former officer in the Securitate’s espionage department. Under Ioan Talpes’ mandate, he was the SIE’s deputy director. In December 1994, he was promoted to the rank of brigadier general. He was passed into the reserves on 3 April 2000.
A former high-ranking Securitate officer. The SRI recovered him. He was the deputy head of the SRI’s Bacau branch and then its acting head. He was appointed as such in January 1998.
A former high-ranking Securitate officer. At present, he is a general and a member of the SRI’s central leadership.
A former Securitate officer. Until January 2002, he led the SRI’s Bistrita-Nasaud County branch.
Alin Vivian Tudose
A former Securitate colonel in the Second Directorate in charge of economic counterintelligence. No evidence proves he had been re-trained in the SRI. However, in the fall of 1999, he published in the media the information that Radu Campeanu [liberal politician, former presidential candidate in 1990] used to work for the former Securitate. This kind of misinformation is not sent to the public at random. This kind of activity is carried out in an organized framework. It also depends on the SRI’s Securitate-oriented leadership’s momentary interests.
A former Securitate officer. Immediately after the December 1989 events, the SRI recovered him with the rank of colonel. He was appointed as head of the SRI’s Botosani County branch. He was removed from office following his involvement in the financial pyramid scheme Caritas.
A former Securitate officer. At first, he worked in the Craiova Inspectorate. He was transferred to Bucharest, where he was in charge of the Interior Ministry’s Pentru Patrie magazine. He wrote thrillers. After December 1989, he was appointed as the PDSR’s media councilor. He was the vice president of the PDSR’s Sector 3 Bucharest branch. In 1997, at a signal from behind the scenes, he forwarded his resignation in a boisterous manner. He also wrote a book in which he mocked Ion Iliescu.
A former Securitate colonel. He is the former deputy head of the First Directorate in charge of domestic intelligence. He was involved in activities aimed at combating the foreign radio stations that used to broadcast in Romanian. When he retired from the SRI, he collaborated on a book that contains extremely high praise for the former Securitate. Following the 2000 elections, he was appointed head of the Independent Department for Protection and is in charge of the fight against corruption in the Justice Ministry.
He is a former officer in the Securitate’s Foreign Intelligence Directorate. At present, he is a member of the SC Alliancecoop’s leadership. During 1995-1996, the Army’s Procurement Department contacted him to facilitate some dubious arms exports.
A former Securitate officer. He was an expert in arms exports. In 1997, he was appointed as Mircea Gheordunescu’s deputy in the leadership of the National Agency for the Control of Strategic Exports and Chemical Weapons Ban. Later, he was appointed as general director of the Pro Romania Consulting Company.
He is a former Securitate officer who passed into the reserves after December 1989. At present he is SRI Director Radu Timofte’s main aide. The latter is a former Border Guard officer who does not have any expertise in the field of intelligence. In Timofte’s name, Victor Veliscu does and undoes everything in the SRI. He acts to the former Securitate officer’s constant benefit, to the detriment of those who graduated from the National Intelligence Institute. Victor Veliscu is known for his extremely close ties with Sorin Ovidiu Vantu, a businessman who is expert in fraudulent operations and who has spread his tentacles over the entire Romanian financial-banking sector. Veliscu has also worked for the latter for a number of years.
A former Securitate officer. In 1998, he was the head of the SRI’s Onesti branch, in Bacau County.
A former Securitate officer. After December 1989, he was employed in the SRI’s structures at the Timisoara branch office. Following a scandal related to the collection of some signatures in favor of Viorel Salagean’s candidacy for president, he retired. The SRI’s branches in Transylvania also took part in that difficult task.
A former Securitate officer in Giurgiu. Following the December 1989 events, he was transferred to the SRI’s office in the town of Alexandria. He is a typical example of the changes performed at the former Securitate’s staff level to lose track of some officers who had been previously involved in despicable activities.
A former Securitate officer. After the December 1989 events, he was recruited into the SRI’s Antiterrorist Brigade, in its troops deployed at the Otopeni International Airport. In 1992, it was discovered he used to deliver job-related information to the Europa magazine, edited by Ilie Neacsu. The latter used to be a PRM MP until not long ago. He has recently joined the PSD.
A former Securitate officer. In the SRI, he was appointed head of the counterespionage department in the Constanta County branch. In the spring of 2000, he made himself obvious because he conducted surveillance on the PDSR staff members who were visiting the locality.
A former high ranking Securitate officer. The SRI recovered him with the rank of colonel. Before December 1989, he led the counterintelligence department in Cluj. He was assigned the same mission for the entire Transylvania area after the establishment of the SRI. His son was employed at the SRI’s Cluj branch, even though he did not have the training needed for this job.
A former Securitate officer. He was among the first commanding officers of the SRI’s Oltenia Regional Operational Center. He had the rank of lieutenant colonel.
A former Securitate officer. He is the former head of the National Investment Fund in Bistrita County. Sorin Ovidiu Vantu brought the fund to bankruptcy because he fraudulently appropriated most of the 300,000 depositors’ money.
A former Securitate officer. After the December 1989 events, he was recruited into the SRI’s structures. He was promoted to the rank of colonel and to the position of head of the SRI’s Buzau County branch. After having passed into the reserves, he was employed as the director of the DHL branch in Romania.
A former Securitate colonel, at present an SRI general. He is the head of the department that also deals with wiretapping phone conversations. On 30 November 1999 he was promoted to the rank of brigadier general. Those who know him say he reportedly got rich due by embezzling funds from the SRI’s budget.
A former Securitate officer. The SRI took him over in its structures. He was promoted to the rank of colonel and then to brigadier general. He has recently retired from the position of head of the counterespionage division.
A former Securitate officer. After December 1989, he was passed into the reserves. Under Emil Constantinescu’s presidential mandate, he accused the head of state of having allegedly been the agent of a foreign power. The PRM has managed his declarations in such a manner to make them generate an extremely sonorous scandal. Andrei Zeno was sentenced, but his sentence was suspended. He was elected a PRM MP. Deceased.
· Karl Koecher, the mole who penetrated the CIA
· Clyde Lee Conrad, U.S. Army NCO who betrayed NATO secrets.
· Marian Zacharski, Polish Intelligence officer arrested in 1981. Among other things, he won access to material on the then-new Patriot and Phoenix missiles, the enhanced version of the Hawk air-to-air missile, radar instrumentation for the F-15 fighter, “stealth radar” for the B-1 and Stealth bombers, an experimental radar system being tested by the U.S. Navy, and submarine sonar.
NKVD and KGB
· Louis Adamic, writer and spokesman for Yugoslav immigrants. During World War II, he advised the OSS on Balkan questions. Source for Golos-Bentley network via Louis Budenz.
· Aldrich Ames, CIA officer spying for the Soviet Union beginning in 1985 as a ‘walk-in’ to the Soviet Embassy in Washington, D.C.
· Marion Davis Berdecio, friend of Judith Coplon and Flora Wovschin from their days at Barnard College
· William Weisband, U.S. Army signals intelligence staffer and NKVD agent handler
The “Berg” – “Art” Group
· Alexander Koral, former engineer of the municipality of New York.
· Helen Koral, Berg’s wife, housewife.
· Byron T. Darling, engineer for the Rubber Company.
· A. A. Yatskov
· George Blake, United Kingdom SIS officer who betrayed existence of the Berlin Tunnel under the Soviet sector and who probably betrayed Popov.
· Felix Bloch, U.S. State Department economic officer. Robert Hanssen warned Soviets about the investigation into his activities  
· Christopher John Boyce and Daulton Lee, American walk-in spy for the Soviet Union, known as the Falcon and the Snowman.
· Louis F. Budenz, former member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party USA, former editor of the newspaper Daily Worker, professor at Fordham University.
· Robert Menaker, commercial traveler (traveling salesman) to a variety of trade firms
· Salmond Franklin, without specific assignments, husband of “Rita.” Used as a “signaler” [Russian: sviazist = communications man]
· Sylvia Caldwell, technical secretary for a Trotskyist group in New York City.
· Lona Cohen, sentenced to 20 years; subject of Hugh Whitemore’s drama for stage and TV Pack of Lies
· Morris Cohen sentenced to 25 years; subject of Hugh Whitemore’s drama for stage and TV Pack of Lies
· Judith Coplon, NKGB counter-intelligence operative in the U.S. Department of Justice; two convictions overturned on technicalities
· Eugene Dennis, senior member of the Communist Party USA leadership, convicted of advocating the overthrow of the U.S. government an sentenced to five years
· Mark Gayn, journalist, The Washington Post; Amerasia case
· Dieter Gerhardt, South African Navy Commodore who was convicted of spying for the Soviet Union; alleged that the Vela Incident was a joint Israeli-South African nuclear test after being released in 1994 and emigrating to Switzerland
· Ben-Zion Goldberg (Benjamin Waife), journalist, contributor to Toronto Star, St. Louis Dispatch, New York Post, Today, and The New Republic 
· Theodore Hall, physicist who supplied information from Los Alamos during World War II, a NYC walk-in, never prosecuted
· Robert P. Hanssen, Federal Bureau of Investigation agent convicted of spying for the Soviet Union, betrayed tunnel under new Mt Alto Soviet Embassy in Washington DC; may have done most damage since Philby
· Reino Häyhänen, Finn who worked in the US as a Soviet spy directed by Rudolf Abel, used the VIC cypher, defected to the US 
· Edward Lee Howard, ex-Central Intelligence Agency officer who sold info and escaped to Soviet Union in 1985
· V. J. Jerome, sentenced to three years for advocating overthrow of U.S. government
· Martin Kamen, Radiation Laboratory at the University of California, Berkeley, Manhattan Project
· Walter Krivitsky
· Giovanni Rossi Lomanitz, Berkeley Radiation Laboratory
· Clayton J. Lonetree, U.S. Marine Embassy guard Sergeant suborned by female KGB agent (‘Violetta Sanni’) in Moscow, turned himself in to authorities in December 1986, convicted 1987
· Jay Lovestone
· Carl Marzani, Deputy Chief Photographic Presentation Branch Office of Strategic Services; United States Department of State
· Alan Nunn May, physicist who supplied information about the British and American atomic bomb research to the Soviet Union
· Kate Mitchell
· Boris Morros, Hollywood producer
· Jack Soble, sentenced to 7 years, brother of Robert Soblen
· Myra Soble, sentenced to 5½ years
· Robert Soblen, sentenced to life for spying at Sandia Lab, etc., but escaped to Israel, then committed suicide
· Jane Zlatovski
· Mark Zborowski
· Victor Perlo, was the Chief of the Aviation Section of the War Production Board during World War II; head of branch in Research Section, Office of Price Administration Department of Commerce; Division of Monetary Research Department of the Treasury; and later the Brookings Institution
· Harold Glasser, Director, Division of Monetary Research, United States Department of the Treasury; United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration; War Production Board; Adviser on North African Affairs Committee; United States Treasury Representative to the Allied High Commission in Italy
· Alger Hiss, Director of the Office of Special Political Affairs United States Department of State
· Charles Kramer, Senate Subcommittee on War Mobilization; Office of Price Administration; National Labor Relations Board; Senate Subcommittee on Wartime Health and Education; Agricultural Adjustment Administration; Senate Subcommittee on Civil Liberties; Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee; Democratic National Committee
· Harry Magdoff, Statistical Division of War Production Board and Office of Emergency Management; Bureau of Research and Statistics, WTB; Tools Division, War Production Board; Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, United States Department of Commerce
· George Perazich, Foreign Economic Administration; United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration
· Allen Rosenberg, Board of Economic Warfare; Chief of the Economic Institution Staff, Foreign Economic Administration; Senate Subcommittee on Civil Liberties; Senate Committee on Education and Labor; Railroad Retirement Board; Counsel to the Secretary of the National Labor Relations Board
· Donald Wheeler, Office of Strategic Services Research and Analysis division
· Hedwiga Gompertz, Wacek’s wife, sent to the U.S. in 1938 to carry out fieldwork assignments, defected in 1948
· Paul Massing, scientist at Columbia University’s Institute of Social Research. Defected.
· Laurence Duggan (aka 19th), former employee of the State Department. Suicide.
· Franz Leopold Neumann, former consultant in the Department of Research and Analysis of the OSS
· Rudolf Roessler chief of the very successful, and very odd, Lucy spy ring of World War II
· Joel Barr, met Julius Rosenberg at City College of New York, later spied with him and Al Sarant at Army Signal Corps lab in New Jersey; escaped prosecution by fleeing to Soviet bloc in 1950. Died 2007.
· Abraham Brothman, indicted, convicted, and served two years in prison on a charge of conspiring to obstruct justice, along with co-defendant Miriam Moskowitz. Abraham Brothman gave secret industrial information to Elizabeth Bentley, who turned it over to the Soviet Union.
· Max Elitcher, longtime friend of Rosenberg and Sobell from their days at CCNY before testifying against them
· Klaus Fuchs, physicist who supplied information about the British and American atomic bomb research to the Soviet Union; sentenced to 14 years in the UK.
· Vivian Glassman, fiancée of Joel Barr 
· Harry Gold, courier sentenced to 30 years
· David Greenglass, draftsman at Los Alamos in World War II, gave atomic bomb drawings to his sister Ethel Rosenberg, and eventually the Soviets; sentenced to 15 years
· Ruth Greenglass, escaped prosecution in exchange for her husband’s testimony against his sister and brother-in-law, the Rosenbergs
· Miriam Moskowitz, convicted of obstruction of justice for helping Harry Gold concoct a phony story for a 1947 grand jury investigation and served two years in prison for assisting her business partner, Abraham Brothman. Moskowitz did not testify in her own defense, stating later that she was “intimate” with Brothman and did not want to be “branded a harlot”. She was never convicted of being a spy for the Soviet Union, but was convicted on the testimony of Harry Gold and Elizabeth Bentley.
· William Perl, active in Young Communist League at CCNY, then met Al Sarant at Columbia University; served 5 years for perjury
· Morton Sobell, involved with Barr, Perl and Julius Rosenberg at CCNY; sentenced to 30 years at Alcatraz
· Ethel Rosenberg, executed at Sing Sing prison near her native New York City for conspiracy to commit espionage
· Julius Rosenberg, executed at Sing Sing prison near his native New York City for conspiracy to commit espionage
· Al Sarant, stole radar secrets at Army Signal Corps lab in New Jersey, then he and his mistress abandoned their families for the protection of his Soviet masters in 1950
· Andrew Roth, Office of Naval Intelligence liaison officer with United States Department of State
· Saville Sax college friend of Theodore Hall assisted with Hall’s disclosure to the Soviets of Los Alamos research and development  
· Nathan Gregory Silvermaster, Chief Planning Technician, Procurement Division, United States Department of the Treasury; Chief Economist, War Assets Administration; Director of the Labor Division, Farm Security Administration; Board of Economic Warfare; Reconstruction Finance Corporation Department of Commerce
· Helen Silvermaster (wife)
· Schlomer Adler, United States Department of the Treasury
· Norman Chandler Bursler, United States Department of Justice Anti-Trust Division 
· Frank Coe, Assistant Director, Division of Monetary Research, Treasury Department; Special Assistant to the United States Ambassador in London; Assistant to the Executive Director, Board of Economic Warfare; Assistant Administrator, Foreign Economic Administration
· Lauchlin Currie, Administrative Assistant to President Roosevelt; Deputy Administrator of Foreign Economic Administration; Special Representative to China
· Bela Gold, Assistant Head of Program Surveys, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, Agriculture Department; Senate Subcommittee on War Mobilization; Office of Economic Programs in Foreign Economic Administration
· Sonia Steinman Gold, Division of Monetary Research U.S. Treasury Department; U.S. House of Representatives Select Committee on Interstate Migration; U.S. Bureau of Employment Security
· Irving Kaplan, Foreign Funds Control and Division of Monetary Research, United States Department of the Treasury Foreign Economic Administration; chief advisor to the Military Government of Germany
· George Silverman, civilian Chief Production Specialist, Material Division, United States Army Air Forces Air Staff, War Department, Pentagon
o William Henry Taylor, Assistant Director of the Middle East Division of Monetary Research, United States Department of Treasury
· William Ullman, delegate to United Nations Charter meeting and Bretton Woods conference; Division of Monetary Research, Department of Treasury; Material and Services Division, Air Corps Headquarters, Pentagon
· Anatole Volkov
· Harry Dexter White, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury; Head of the International Monetary Fund
Sound and Myrna groups
o Solomon Adler, United States Department of the Treasury
o Cedric Belfrage, journalist; British Security Coordination
o Elizabeth Bentley courier messenger for Communist spy rings on the American East Coast in the 1930s, testified about her activities in hearings in the 1940s and 1950s
o Frank Coe, Assistant Director, Division of Monetary Research, Treasury Department; Special Assistant to the United States Ambassador in London; Assistant to the Executive Director, Board of Economic Warfare; Assistant Administrator, Foreign Economic Administration
o Lauchlin Currie, Administrative Assistant to President Roosevelt; Deputy Administrator of Foreign Economic Administration; Special Representative to China
o Rae Elson, an active Communist, and courier of the CPUSA underground, was chosen by Joseph Katz to replace Bentley at the Soviet front organization, U.S. Shipping and Service Corporation.
o Frederick V. Field, Executive Secretary American Peace Mobilization
o Edward Fitzgerald, War Production Board
o Charles Flato, Board of Economic Warfare; Civil Liberties Subcommittee, Senate Committee on Education and Labor
o Eva Getzov, Jewish Welfare Board 
o Bela Gold, Bureau of Intelligence, Assistant Head of Program Surveys, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, Agriculture Department; Senate Subcommittee on War Mobilization; Office of Economic Programs in Foreign Economic Administration
o Sonia Steinman Gold, Division of Monetary Research U.S. Treasury Department; U.S. House of Representatives Select Committee on Interstate Migration; U.S. Bureau of Employment Security
o Irving Goldman, Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs
o Jacob Golos, the “main pillar” of the NKVD intelligence network in the U.S., died in the arms of comrade Elizabeth Bentley
o Gerald Graze, United States Civil Service Commission; Department of Defense, U.S. Navy official
o Stanley Graze, United States Department of State intelligence
o Michael Greenberg, Board of Economic Warfare; Administrative Division, Enemy Branch, Foreign Economic Administration; United States Department of State
o Joseph Gregg, Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs; United States Department of State
o Maurice Halperin, Chief of Latin American Division, Research and Analysis section, Office of Strategic Services; United States Department of State
o Julius Joseph, Far Eastern section (Japanese Intelligence) Office of Strategic Services
o Irving Kaplan, United States Department of the Treasury Foreign Economic Administration; United Nations Division of Economic Stability and Development; Chief Advisor to the Military Government of Germany
o Joseph Katz
o Charles Kramer, Senate Subcommittee on War Mobilization; Office of Price Administration; National Labor Relations Board; Senate Subcommittee on Wartime Health and Education; Agricultural Adjustment Administration; Civil Liberties Subcommittee, Senate Committee on Education and Labor; Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee; Democratic National Committee
o Duncan Lee, counsel to General William Donovan, head of Office of Strategic Services
o Bernice Levin, Office of Emergency Management; Office of Production Management
o Helen Lowry, (Elza Akhmerova), Akhmerov wife, American-born and raised, Soviet citizen
o Harry Magdoff, Chief of the Control Records Section of War Production Board and Office of Emergency Management; Bureau of Research and Statistics, WTB; Tools Division, War Production Board; Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, United States Department of Commerce; Statistics Division Works Progress Administration
o Jenny Levy Miller, Chinese Government Purchasing Commission
o Robert Miller, Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs; Near Eastern Division United States Department of State
o Willard Park, Assistant Chief of the Economic Analysis Section, Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs; United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration
o Victor Perlo, chief of the Aviation Section of the War Production Board; head of branch in Research Section, Office of Price Administration Department of Commerce; Division of Monetary Research Department of Treasury; Brookings Institution, head of Perlo group
o Mary Price, stenographer for Walter Lippmann of the New York Herald
o Bernard Redmont, head of the Foreign News Bureau Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs
o William Remington, War Production Board; Office of Emergency Management, convicted for perjury, killed in prison
o Ruth Rivkin, United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration
o Allan Rosenberg, Board of Economic Warfare; Chief of the Economic Institution Staff, Foreign Economic Administration; Civil Liberties Subcommittee, Senate Committee on Education and Labor; Railroad Retirement Board; Counsel to the Secretary of the National Labor Relations Board
o Bernard Schuster
o Greg Silvermaster, Chief Planning Technician, Procurement Division, United States Department of the Treasury; Chief Economist, War Assets Administration; Director of the Labor Division, Farm Security Administration; Board of Economic Warfare; Reconstruction Finance Corporation Department of Commerce
o John Spivak, journalist
o William Taylor, Assistant Director of Monetary Research, United States Department of Treasury
o Helen Tenney, Office of Strategic Services
o Lee Tenney, Balkan Division Office of Strategic Services
o Lud Ullman, delegate to United Nations Charter meeting and Bretton Woods conference; Division of Monetary Research, Department of Treasury; Material and Services Division, Air Corps Headquarters, Pentagon
o David Weintraub, United States Department of State; head of the Office of Foreign Relief and Rehabilitation Operations; United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA); United Nations Division of Economic Stability and Development
o Donald Wheeler, Office of Strategic Services Research and Analysis division
o Anatoly Gorsky, (Anatoly Veniaminovich Gorsky, A. V. Gorsky), “Vadim”, former rezident of the MGB USSR in Washington
o Olga Pravdina, former employee of the Ministry of Trade, wife of “Sergei,” the rezident in New York; author of Gorsky Memo (see Vladimir Pravdin)
o Vladimir Pravdin, “Sergei”, Tass, former rezident of the MGB USSR in New York
o Mikhail A. Shaliapin [Shalyapin], “Stock” [“Shtok”]
o Gaik Badelovich Ovakimian, former rezident of the MGB USSR in New York
o Iskhak Abdulovich Akhmerov, “Albert” – former Illegal Rezident of the MGB USSR in New York
· Arthur Gerald Steinberg, United States Office of Scientific Research and Development
· Michael Straight, speechwriter for President Franklin Roosevelt
· Lev Vasilevsky, KGB Illegal Rezident Mexico City
· John Anthony Walker US Navy senior enlisted man who spied for the Soviet Union for decades, enlisting family and friends to do so as well
o Whittaker Chambers, Department of State, testified against Alger Hiss
o Henry Collins, National Recovery Administration; Department of Agriculture
o John Herrmann, CPUSA operative and courier, eventually drank himself to death in Mexico
o Alger Hiss, Department of State, sentenced to 5 years for perjury
o Donald Hiss, Department of State, younger brother of Alger Hiss
o Victor Perlo, became spymaster of Perlo group during World War II
o George Silverman, Harvard-educated statistician who gave secret Pentagon documents to Nathan Silvermaster group during World War II
o Harry Dexter White, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury; head of the International Monetary Fund which he helped establish along with the World Bank
· Ruby Weil, American communist who assisted in plot to murder Leon Trotsky
· Bill Weisband, United States Army Signals Security Agency
· Enos Wicher, professor at Columbia University who also worked at Columbia’s Division of War Research; stepfather of Barnard College recruiter and State Department spy Flora Wovschin
· Rudolf Abel, aka William Fischer, Illegal Rezident in the 1950s
· A. I. Akhmerov, “Albert” – former Illegal Rezident of the MGB USSR in New York
· Arvid Jacobson
· David Carpenter (David Zimmerman)
· Noel Field, United States Department of State
· Harold Glasser, Director, Division of Monetary Research, United States Department of the Treasury; United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration; War Production Board; Adviser on North African Affairs Committee; United States Treasury Representative to the Allied High Commission in Italy
· Alger Hiss, United States Department of State, sentenced to 5 years for perjury
· Donald Hiss, United States Department of State; United States Department of Labor; United States Department of the Interior
· Victor Perlo, chief of the Aviation Section of the War Production Board; head of branch in Research Section, Office of Price Administration Department of Commerce; Division of Monetary Research Department of Treasury; Brookings Institution, head of Perlo group
· J. Peters
· William Ward Pigman, National Bureau of Standards; Labor and Public Welfare Committee
· Vincent Reno, mathematician at United States Army Aberdeen Proving Ground
· George Silverman, Director of the Bureau of Research and Information Services, US Railroad Retirement Board; Economic Adviser and Chief of Analysis and Plans, Assistant Chief of Air Staff, Material and Services, War Department
· Julian Wadleigh, United States Department of State
· Harry Dexter White, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury; Head of the International Monetary Fund
· Viktor Vasilevish Sveshchnikov, United States War Department
· Konon Molody (aka Gordon Lonsdale)
· Juliet Poyntz
· Fred Rose (politician), Canadian Member of Parliament, first elected from the Labour-Progressive Party (Canada) 1943
· Milton Schwartz
· Chen Han-seng
· Hotsumi Ozaki
· Agnes Smedley
· William Spiegel
· Lydia Stahl
· Joseph Benjamin Stenbuck
· Irving Charles Velson, Brooklyn Navy Yard; American Labor Party candidate for New York State Senate
· Flora Wovschin, NKVD operative in U.S. State Department, comrade of Marion Davis Berdecio and Judith Coplon from their days at Columbia University
· Vasily Zarubin, husband of Elizabeth Zubilin
· Elizabeth Zubilin, recruiter in U.S. of whom Pavel Sudoplatov, head of NKVD Fourth Directorate said, “In developing J. Robert Oppenheimer as a source, Elizabeth Zubilin was essential.”
· Yuri Modin 1930s ‘recruiter’ in UK
· Julia Older, Office of Strategic Services; Office of War Information
· Alexander Orlov, KGB adviser to the Republican government during the Spanish Civil War who defected to the United States in 1938.
· Moishe Stern
· Joshua Tamer
· Alfred Tilton
· Alexander Ulanovsky
· Ignacy Witczak
· Jack Fahy (Naval GRU), Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs; Board of Economic Warfare; United States Department of the Interior
· Edna Patterson Naval GRU, served in US August 1943 to 1956
· Morris Cohen (Soviet spy) sentenced to 25 years; subject of Hugh Whitemore’s drama for stage and TV Pack of Lies
· Lona Cohen, Soviet spy sentenced to 20 years; subject of Hugh Whitemore’s drama for stage and TV Pack of Lies
· George Koval
· Samuel Krafsur, TASS reporter who was mentioned prominently in the Venona Files.
· Earl Edwin Pitts, CIA