Category Archives: TOP-SECRET

FULL NAME LIST – THE PANAMA PAPERS – AMERICAN SAMOA – Companies and Officers

NRI SHIPPING CO. LLP.

  • Connected to 1 address
  • Connected to 1 intermediary

The Panama Papers – John Doe’s Manifesto – The Whistleblower tells it all

John Doe’s Manifesto

More than a year ago the Süddeutsche Zeitung was contacted by a source who was intent on staying anonymous. The source called himself “John Doe” and offered internal data belonging to the Panamanian law firm Mossack Fonseca. The Süddeutsche Zeitung decided to analyze the data in cooperation with the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ). In the course of the research the cooperation was extended to include more than 100 media organizations from over 80 countries. The publication of the Panama Papers caused an enormous stir all over the globe: Politicians and functionaries had to resign, there was a large amount of public protest, and the stories led to raids and investigations in dozens of countries.

Now “John Doe”, the anonymous source, has sent the SZ a manifesto, which can be read as an explanation of his actions – and as a call to action. The manifesto and its inherent political stance had no editorial influence on the reporting by the SZ or of any of the other cooperating media organizations – nor will it influence them in the future. The SZ did not have to agree to any conditions concerning the reporting in order to receive the data of the Panama Papers.

Income inequality is one of the defining issues of our time. It affects all of us, the world over. The debate over its sudden acceleration has raged for years, with politicians, academics and activists alike helpless to stop its steady growth despite countless speeches, statistical analyses, a few meagre protests, and the occasional documentary. Still, questions remain: why? And why now?

The Panama Papers provide a compelling answer to these questions: massive, pervasive corruption. And it’s not a coincidence that the answer comes from a law firm. More than just a cog in the machine of “wealth management,” Mossack Fonseca used its influence to write and bend laws worldwide to favour the interests of criminals over a period of decades. In the case of the island of Niue, the firm essentially ran a tax haven from start to finish. Ramón Fonseca and Jürgen Mossack would have us believe that their firm’s shell companies, sometimes called “special purpose vehicles,” are just like cars. But used car salesmen don’t write laws. And the only “special purpose” of the vehicles they produced was too often fraud, on a grand scale.

Shell companies are often associated with the crime of tax evasion, but the Panama Papers show beyond a shadow of a doubt that although shell companies are not illegal by definition, they are used to carry out a wide array of serious crimes that go beyond evading taxes. I decided to expose Mossack Fonseca because I thought its founders, employees and clients should have to answer for their roles in these crimes, only some of which have come to light thus far. It will take years, possibly decades, for the full extent of the firm’s sordid acts to become known.

In the meantime, a new global debate has started, which is encouraging. Unlike the polite rhetoric of yesteryear that carefully omitted any suggestion of wrongdoing by the elite, this debate focuses directly on what matters.

In that regard, I have a few thoughts.

For the record, I do not work for any government or intelligence agency, directly or as a contractor, and I never have. My viewpoint is entirely my own, as was my decision to share the documents with Süddeutsche Zeitung and the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ), not for any specific political purpose, but simply because I understood enough about their contents to realize the scale of the injustices they described.

The prevailing media narrative thus far has focused on the scandal of what is legal and allowed in this system. What is allowed is indeed scandalous and must be changed. But we must not lose sight of another important fact: the law firm, its founders, and employees actually did knowingly violate myriad laws worldwide, repeatedly. Publicly they plead ignorance, but the documents show detailed knowledge and deliberate wrongdoing. At the very least we already know that Mossack personally perjured himself before a federal court in Nevada, and we also know that his information technology staff attempted to cover up the underlying lies. They should all be prosecuted accordingly with no special treatment.

In the end, thousands of prosecutions could stem from the Panama Papers, if only law enforcement could access and evaluate the actual documents. ICIJ and its partner publications have rightly stated that they will not provide them to law enforcement agencies. I, however, would be willing to cooperate with law enforcement to the extent that I am able.

That being said, I have watched as one after another, whistleblowers and activists in the United States and Europe have had their lives destroyed by the circumstances they find themselves in after shining a light on obvious wrongdoing. Edward Snowden is stranded in Moscow, exiled due to the Obama administration’s decision to prosecute him under the Espionage Act. For his revelations about the NSA, he deserves a hero’s welcome and a substantial prize, not banishment. Bradley Birkenfeld was awarded millions for his information concerning Swiss bank UBS—and was still given a prison sentence by the Justice Department. Antoine Deltour is presently on trial for providing journalists with information about how Luxembourg granted secret “sweetheart” tax deals to multi-national corporations, effectively stealing billions in tax revenues from its neighbour countries. And there are plenty more examples.

Legitimate whistleblowers who expose unquestionable wrongdoing, whether insiders or outsiders, deserve immunity from government retribution, full stop. Until governments codify legal protections for whistleblowers into law, enforcement agencies will simply have to depend on their own resources or on-going global media coverage for documents.

In the meantime, I call on the European Commission, the British Parliament, the United States Congress, and all nations to take swift action not only to protect whistleblowers, but to put an end to the global abuse of corporate registers. In the European Union, every member state’s corporate register should be freely accessible, with detailed data plainly available on ultimate beneficial owners. The United Kingdom can be proud of its domestic initiatives thus far, but it still has a vital role to play by ending financial secrecy on its various island territories, which are unquestionably the cornerstone of institutional corruption worldwide. And the United States can clearly no longer trust its fifty states to make sound decisions about their own corporate data. It is long past time for Congress to step in and force transparency by setting standards for disclosure and public access.

And while it’s one thing to extol the virtues of government transparency at summits and in sound bites, it’s quite another to actually implement it. It is an open secret that in the United States, elected representatives spend the majority of their time fundraising. Tax evasion cannot possibly be fixed while elected officials are pleading for money from the very elites who have the strongest incentives to avoid taxes relative to any other segment of the population. These unsavoury political practices have come full circle and they are irreconcilable. Reform of America’s broken campaign finance system cannot wait.

Of course, those are hardly the only issues that need fixing. Prime Minister John Key of New Zealand has been curiously quiet about his country’s role in enabling the financial fraud Mecca that is the Cook Islands. In Britain, the Tories have been shameless about concealing their own practices involving offshore companies, while Jennifer Shasky Calvery, the director of the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network at the United States Treasury, just announced her resignation to work instead for HSBC, one of the most notorious banks on the planet (not coincidentally headquartered in London). And so the familiar swish of America’s revolving door echoes amidst deafening global silence from thousands of yet-to-be-discovered ultimate beneficial owners who are likely praying that her replacement is equally spineless. In the face of political cowardice, it’s tempting to yield to defeatism, to argue that the status quo remains fundamentally unchanged, while the Panama Papers are, if nothing else, a glaring symptom of our society’s progressively diseased and decaying moral fabric.

But the issue is finally on the table, and that change takes time is no surprise. For fifty years, executive, legislative, and judicial branches around the globe have utterly failed to address the metastasizing tax havens spotting Earth’s surface. Even today, Panama says it wants to be known for more than papers, but its government has conveniently examined only one of the horses on its offshore merry-go-round.

Banks, financial regulators and tax authorities have failed. Decisions have been made that have spared the wealthy while focusing instead on reining in middle- and low-income citizens.

Hopelessly backward and inefficient courts have failed. Judges have too often acquiesced to the arguments of the rich, whose lawyers—and not just Mossack Fonseca—are well trained in honouring the letter of the law, while simultaneously doing everything in their power to desecrate its spirit.

The media has failed. Many news networks are cartoonish parodies of their former selves, individual billionaires appear to have taken up newspaper ownership as a hobby, limiting coverage of serious matters concerning the wealthy, and serious investigative journalists lack funding. The impact is real: in addition to Süddeutsche Zeitung and ICIJ, and despite explicit claims to the contrary, several major media outlets did have editors review documents from the Panama Papers. They chose not to cover them. The sad truth is that among the most prominent and capable media organizations in the world there was not a single one interested in reporting on the story. Even Wikileaks didn’t answer its tip line repeatedly.

But most of all, the legal profession has failed. Democratic governance depends upon responsible individuals throughout the entire system who understand and uphold the law, not who understand and exploit it. On average, lawyers have become so deeply corrupt that it is imperative for major changes in the profession to take place, far beyond the meek proposals already on the table. To start, the term “legal ethics,” upon which codes of conduct and licensure are nominally based, has become an oxymoron. Mossack Fonseca did not work in a vacuum—despite repeated fines and documented regulatory violations, it found allies and clients at major law firms in virtually every nation. If the industry’s shattered economics were not already evidence enough, there is now no denying that lawyers can no longer be permitted to regulate one another. It simply doesn’t work. Those able to pay the most can always find a lawyer to serve their ends, whether that lawyer is at Mossack Fonseca or another firm of which we remain unaware. What about the rest of society?

The collective impact of these failures has been a complete erosion of ethical standards, ultimately leading to a novel system we still call Capitalism, but which is tantamount to economic slavery. In this system—our system—the slaves are unaware both of their status and of their masters, who exist in a world apart where the intangible shackles are carefully hidden amongst reams of unreachable legalese. The horrific magnitude of detriment to the world should shock us all awake. But when it takes a whistleblower to sound the alarm, it is cause for even greater concern. It signals that democracy’s checks and balances have all failed, that the breakdown is systemic, and that severe instability could be just around the corner. So now is the time for real action, and that starts with asking questions.

Historians can easily recount how issues involving taxation and imbalances of power have led to revolutions in ages past. Then, military might was necessary to subjugate peoples, whereas now, curtailing information access is just as effective or more so, since the act is often invisible. Yet we live in a time of inexpensive, limitless digital storage and fast internet connections that transcend national boundaries. It doesn’t take much to connect the dots: from start to finish, inception to global media distribution, the next revolution will be digitized.

Or perhaps it has already begun.

TOP-SECRET – U.S. Army TRADOC Report: Syria Threat Tactics

Threat Tactics Report: Syria

Page Count: 31 pages
Date: February 2016
Restriction: None
Originating Organization: U.S. Army, TRADOC G-2 ACE Threats Integration
File Type: pdf
File Size: 1,976,467 bytes
File Hash (SHA-256): FFB6FDB1C0299D5C9EDE446AE2C5B254600B83F030384CC3A02FE86581086D08

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The Syrian military is a heavy mechanized force, primarily designed to defend against a similarly composed external foe. The heavily armored force is not optimized for the type of combat experienced in Syria’s civil war.

The Syrian military is greatly diminished due to desertions and combat losses and had to broaden its defense capabilities to include a number of hybrid threat actors while significantly adapting its tactics and techniques in order to maintain its ability to protect the regime of President Bashar al Assad.

The Syrian military relies on outside actors to help defend its government, namely Hezbollah and the governments of Iran and Russia for arms, strategy, and personnel.

The reported use of chemical weapons by the Syrian military against its citizens represents the Assad government’s willingness to ignore law of warfare principles in order to achieve its objectives, regardless of global opinion.

Syria and its ongoing civil war represent an operational environment (OE) that includes many of the characteristics illustrative of the complexities of modern warfare. Now in its fourth year, the civil war in Syria has lured a variety of threat actors from the Middle East and beyond. What began as a protest for improved opportunities and human rights has devolved into a full-scale civil war. As the Syrian military and security forces fought to subdue the civil unrest across the country, these protest groups responded with increasing violence aided by internal and external forces with a long history of terrorist activity. Ill-suited for the scale of combat that was unfolding across the country, Syrian forces turned to their allies for help, including Hezbollah and Iran. The inclusion of these forces has in many ways transformed the military of President Bashar al Assad from a conventional defensive force to a counterinsurgency force.

TRADOC G-2 ACE Threats Integration (ACE-TI) is the source of the Threat Tactics Report (TTR) series of products. TTRs serve to explain to the Army training community how an actor fights. Elements that contribute to this understanding may include an actor’s doctrine, force structure, weapons and equipment, education, and warfighting functions. There will be a discussion of the actor’s tactics and techniques, and recent examples of tactical actions will be described if they exist. An actor may be regular or irregular, and a TTR will have a discussion of what a particular actor’s capabilities mean to the US and its allies.

A TTR will also identify where the conditions specific to the actor are present in Decisive Action Training Environment (DATE) and other training materials so that these conditions can easily be implemented across all training venues.

This particular TTR will describe and assess the structure and capabilities of the Syrian military and its allies in the fight against Sunni opposition forces. Topics will include force structure, combat techniques, military capabilities, irregular forces, and unique capabilities. It is the intent to provide the reader with knowledge of the Syrian military strategy, tactics, and techniques in order to make informed decisions about how best to replicate these conditions in US Army training events using the tools and exercise design methods contained in ACE-TI’s materials and products. The scope of this Threat Tactics report (TTR) covers the Syrian military, included but not limited to regular forces (army, navy, air force, special purpose forces) and paramilitary organizations (Hezbollah, the national defense forces, other foreign militias, and criminal elements) as they relate to the capabilities of the Syrian military.

The Syrian military is dealing with the effects of a four-year long civil war. Once considered among the most capable in the Middle East, the Syrian military has lost much of its personnel to combat and desertion to antigovernment rebel groups and extremist organizations. Conscription is mandatory for all qualified males at age 18. Women are not required to join the Armed forces but some volunteer. The officer corps is ethnically diverse, however senior officers usually come from the more politically loyal Alawi and Druze populations. Membership in the dominant Ba’ath party is not a requirement but is necessary for advancement to higher positions.

The Syrian military has suffered from a wide variety of problems including command and control (C2) issues and sustainment and logistics issues due to mismanagement of soldier professional development and a challenging modernization effort. The vast majority of Syrian military equipment is Soviet-era /Russian design and its doctrine has historically reflected the Soviet model. Syria has traditionally been a heavy mechanized force consisting of approximately 19 mechanized infantry brigades and 22 tank brigades. In addition to the large heavy forces, there are approximately 11 regiments of special purpose forces. At the beginning of the current civil war the Syrian military was estimated to be between 220,000 and 250,000 soldiers. The other branches of the Syrian military, the navy and the air force, have an estimated 4,000 and 30,000 members respectively. All branches of the military place a premium on loyalty to the government of President Bashar al Assad; the most loyal units in the Syrian military usually receive the most modern weapons and are the best trained.

The Syrian navy is one of the smallest in the region. Due to this fact, there are no large naval units such as fleets or squadrons, instead each ship is considered a separate unit. The coastal defense has a naval infantry consisting of 350-500 troops and it is charged with protecting Syria’s 193 km coast. See the weapons and equipment section of this report for a list of relevant naval vessels.

The Syrian air force is one of the largest in the Middle East and is the Syrian government’s main advantage against the opposition. In 2007 it was estimated to have 584 fixed wing and 210 rotary wing aircraft. However, a lack of spare parts and maintenance for the mostly Russian fleet created a significant effect on the readiness of these aircraft, especially the attack helicopters and offensive fixed-wing aircraft. For this reason many pilots are using training aircraft to conduct combat missions. These aircraft perform a range of missions including attack/combat, reconnaissance, transport, and training. Most aircraft are from Russian and former Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries. Syrian air force operations include deep strikes into enemy-held territory as well as support to Syrian army ground forces. The Syrian air force uses a variety of munitions including improvised bombs known as barrel bombs against rebel and civilian targets. An expeditionary force that attempts to intervene in the current crisis in Syria would need to control the Syrian air force prior to ground operations through either lethal attacks or a diplomatic agreement such as a no-fly zone. See the weapons and equipment section of this report for a list of relevant aircraft.

Revealed by Cryptome – Elin Schilling, CIA Chief of Station, Kiev, Ukraine

A and A1 send:

[Image]

Elin Schilling, CIA Chief of Station, Kiev, Ukraine, since early 2015.

She came from the Oslo station then spent sometime at the Farm, probably as an instructor, then moved on to Kiev.

Andrew J. Schilling, her husband, is also a CIA officer (retired).



Exposed – Intel Paper: Common Cyber Threats to Universities

MS-ISAC Intel Paper: Common Cyber Threats to Universities

The following document was obtained from the website of the Missouri Department of Higher Education.

Common Cyber Threats to Universities

Page Count: 10 pages
Date: February 23, 2016
Restriction: For Official Use Only
Originating Organization: Multi-State Information Sharing and Analysis Center
File Type: pdf
File Size: 773,757 bytes
File Hash (SHA-256): 638A6DB7C124E3424BCD2627D2212274029FFAFBE9D93D82FC8BCA4B5676CC89

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(U//FOUO) TLP: AMBER The Risk: The Multi-­State Information Sharing and Analysis Center (MS-­ISAC) assesses with high confidence that cyber threat actors routinely target universities, for the purposes of financial gain, notoriety, or entertainment, and often to gain access to personally identifiable information (PII) and/or sensitive research. MS-­ISAC believes universities are inherently more vulnerable to cyber targeting than other state, local, tribal, and territorial (SLTT) government entities, due to the non-­restrictive research environment with less compartmentalization and less access restriction, which results in more opportunity for infection, and when infection occurs, easier transmission through a network.

• Incident frequency remained relatively consistent in 2015 compared to 2014, but incidents spiked in July and August 2015 as seen in Figure 1. The August spike may be partially caused by the return of students to campus and increased traffic on university networks.
• Nation-­‐state actors pose the gravest threat to universities systems and the greater national security interest. This is due to nation-­‐state actor’s more advanced skill sets and tendency to strategically target universities with developed research programs, or those that are Cleared Defense Contractors (CDC) or Centers for Academic Excellence (CAE), which may contain engineering, health, science or defense research, crucial to the U.S. National Security interest.
• Based on MS-­‐ISAC data, universities are most likely to be targeted via a phishing email, and malware infection is the most likely tactic, technique or procedure (TTP) a university will  experience.

university-cyber-threats university-cyber-threats-2 university-cyber-threats-3

TOP – SECRET – The Secret List of KGB Agents – GT-GU

676x380 (676×380)

 

IPN BU 00257/172 GTUSZFELD  ANDRZEJ ZYGMUNT

 

IPN BU 0855/2414 GUBA BOGUMIŁ
IPN BU 01000/1215 GUBA JAN
IPN BU 01133/1205 GUBA JÓZEF
IPN BU 0988/122 GUBA STEFAN
IPN BU 0193/2094 GUBA ZDZISŁAW
IPN BU 00612/3067 GUBAŁA ANDRZEJ
IPN BU 001198/6183 GUBAŁA ANDRZEJ
IPN BU 0902/247 GUBAŁA EDWARD
IPN BU 00277/1077 GUBAŁA EWA
IPN BU 001121/3254 GUBAŁA EWA
IPN BU 685/57 GUBAŁA JERZY
IPN BU 698/1034 GUBAŁA STANISŁAW
IPN BU 00612/3315 GUBAŁA TERESA
IPN BU 001198/1505 GUBAŁA WACŁAW
IPN BU 001198/61 GUBAŁA WŁADYSŁAW
IPN BU 00750/260 GUBAŃSKI JAN
IPN BU 644/1362 GUBAŃSKI MARIAN
IPN BU 02187/14 GUBAŃSKI STANISŁAW
IPN BU 0806/2959 GUBAS DARIUSZ
IPN BU 0772/581 GUBAS WŁADYSŁAW
IPN BU 0806/2544 GUBERA FELIKSA
IPN BU 0193/2095 GUBERNAT HANNA
IPN BU 001198/1796 GUBERNAT WINCENTY
IPN BU 644/1368 GUBICKI ZENON
IPN BU 0193/6262 GUBRYNOWICZ LUDWIK
IPN BU 001052/1890 GUC TADEUSZ
IPN BU 0772/3581 GUCA HELENA
IPN BU 0154/86 GUCEWICZ DYMITR
IPN BU 0194/1321 GUCEWICZ DYMITR
IPN BU 0866/1238 GUCEWICZ MARIAN
IPN BU 0194/3168 GUCMAN LESZEK
IPN BU 002082/432 GUCWA JACEK JANUSZ
IPN BU 002086/1212 GUCWA JACEK JANUSZ
IPN BU 002086/931 GUDA WOŁKOWIŃSKI WIESŁAW
IPN BU 0193/7473 GUDAJ JERZY
IPN BU 0806/2492 GUDALEWICZ BOGUMIŁA
IPN BU 644/1363 GUDALEWICZ STEFAN
IPN BU 709/801 GUDAN JÓZEF
IPN BU 0968/34 GUDANIS TADEUSZ
IPN BU 0218/2681 GUDAROWSKI ANDRZEJ
IPN BU 00275/413 GUDEJKO JERZY
IPN BU 001134/317 GUDEJKO JERZY
IPN BU 001043/80 GUDELLO HALINA RENATA
IPN BU 644/1364 GUDERCZYK WITOLD
IPN BU 0892/429 GUDIN RYSZARD
IPN BU 698/1035 GUDOWSKA KRYSTYNA
IPN BU 0218/768 GUDOWSKI HENRYK
IPN BU 644/195 GUDOWSKI JAN
IPN BU 644/1365 GUDOWSKI MARIAN
IPN BU 0193/8420 GUDYS MICHAŁ
IPN BU 644/1366 GUDZ JÓZEF
IPN BU 0193/507 GUDZAK STANISŁAW
IPN BU 01133/1206 GUDZAK WŁADYSŁAW
IPN BU 0993/182 GUDZEŃ (GOŁĘBIOWSKA) EWA
IPN BU 0958/1289 GUDZIAK ZYGMUNT
IPN BU PF 1087/46 GUDZIŃSKA JANINA
IPN BU 00200/493 GUDZIŃSKI EUGENIUSZ
IPN BU 001052/1712 GUDZIŃSKI EUGENIUSZ
IPN BU 644/1367 GUDZYŃSKI JÓZEF
IPN BU 00334/347 GUELLARD JANINA
IPN BU 980/184 GUGAŁA ANDRZEJ
IPN BU 980/190 GUGAŁA ANDRZEJ
IPN BU PF 900/42 GUGAŁA ANDRZEJ
IPN BU 00966/236 GUGAŁA BOGDAN
IPN BU 001198/1899 GUGAŁA EUGENIUSZ
IPN BU 0193/4880 GUGAŁA FRANCISZEK
IPN BU PF 900/40 GUGAŁA HENRYK
IPN BU 00283/137 GUGAŁA JÓZEF
IPN BU 00611/133 GUGAŁA JÓZEF
IPN BU 001121/1504 GUGAŁA JÓZEF
IPN BU 001198/440 GUGAŁA JÓZEF
IPN BU 002152/1 GUGAŁA JÓZEF
IPN BU 00275/201 GUGAŁA MARIAN
IPN BU 0193/2096 GUGAŁA STANISŁAW
IPN BU 00234 p.255 GUGAŁA STANISŁAW
IPN BU 0866/283 GUGAŁA WIKTORIA
IPN BU 0901/412 GUGAŁA ZDZISŁAW
IPN BU 00966/817 GUGAŁKA STEFAN
IPN BU 0872/228 GUGAŁO JAN
IPN BU 001121/4447 GUGUŁA MARIAN
IPN BU 00945/1979 GUGUTUDIS JANIS – ERIKOS – ERICOS
IPN BU 00170/102 GUGUTUDIS JANIS ERIKOS
IPN BU 002082/60 GUINAMARD-MARKOWSKA GRABOWSKA JOANNA TERESA
IPN BU 0833/775 GUIRARD JERZY
IPN BU 0901/86 GUJSKA MARZENNA
IPN BU 0287/338 GUJSKI ANTONI
IPN BU 01013/1512 GUJSKI ZDZISŁAW
IPN BU 00612/2651 GUL RENISŁAW
IPN BU 001198/5928 GUL RENISŁAW
IPN BU 001043/2959 GUL STANISŁAW
IPN BU 001198/3836 GULA EDWARD
IPN BU 0772/3582 GULA HALINA
IPN BU 001198/5518 GULA JAROSŁAW
IPN BU 00611/27 GULAK NATALIA
IPN BU 001198/48 GULAK NATALIA
IPN BU 0218/1023 GULANOWSKA JANINA
IPN BU 0604/1670 GULANOWSKI MARIAN
IPN BU 0218/2010 GULAŃCZYK (ŻELAZOWSKA) DANUTA
IPN BU 0193/8912 GULAŃCZYK JAN KAZIMIERZ
IPN BU 698/1036 GULARSKI KAZIMIERZ
IPN BU 0968/4 GULAS EDWARD
IPN BU 748/308 GULATOWSKI HENRYK
IPN BU 698/1037 GULBICKA EWA
IPN BU PF 498/45 GULBICKI JANUSZ
IPN BU 01013/1215 GULBICKI WIKTOR
IPN BU 0855/1908 GULBINOWICZ ANTONI
IPN BU 00200/312 GULBINOWICZ HENRYK ROMAN
IPN BU 001052/1076 GULBINOWICZ HENRYK ROMAN
IPN BU 001134/3526 GULBINSKI MICHAŁ
IPN BU 0193/6 GULBIŃSKI JAN
IPN BU 0193/7246 GULCZ GRZEGORZ
IPN BU 0772/1128 GULCZYŃSKA URSZULA
IPN BU 00220/56 GULCZYŃSKI DOMINIK
IPN BU 01013/1506 GULCZYŃSKI HENRYK
IPN BU 0864/316 GULCZYŃSKI JERZY
IPN BU 0912/1938 GULCZYŃSKI MARIAN
IPN BU 00283/347 GULCZYŃSKI ROMAN
IPN BU 01013/1510 GULCZYŃSKI ZENON
IPN BU 001052/327 GULECKI JAN
IPN BU 636/1802 GULEWICZ FRANCISZEK
IPN BU 636/1802 GULEWICZ FRANCISZEK
IPN BU 001052/1018 GULEWICZ ROMAN
IPN BU 0854/1320 GULIBINOWICZ HENRYKA
IPN BU 0855/3068 GULINA ( ZABICHA) FELICJA
IPN BU 0242/1187 GULINA ANTONI
IPN BU 0854/1 GULINA MIECZYSŁAW
IPN BU 0901/1347 GULINA STEFANIA MIĘTUS
IPN BU 0891/502 GULIŃSKI JAN
IPN BU 001198/2131 GULIŃSKI MIECZYSŁAW
IPN BU 00612/2136 GULIŃSKI STANISŁAW
IPN BU 00168/248 GULIŃSKI STANISŁAW
IPN BU 001198/5145 GULIŃSKI STANISŁAW
IPN BU 00768/734 GULIŃSKI STANISŁAW
IPN BU 00945/1696 GULIŃSKI STANISŁAW
IPN BU 00744/120 GULIŃSKI ZBIGNIEW
IPN BU 001121/3754 GULIŃSKI ZBIGNIEW
IPN BU 001134/4623 GULSKI MAREK
IPN BU 00945/2446 GULUK ALEKSANDER
IPN BU 00945/2446 GULUK HELENA – MAŁGORZATA
IPN BU 095/27 GUŁA ADOLF
IPN BU 0806/3178 GUŁA ELŻBIETA
IPN BU 01133/361 GUŁA JAN
IPN BU 0902/246 GUŁA JÓZEF
IPN BU 01133/1207 GUŁA PIOTR
IPN BU 002082/464 GUŁA ROMAN WŁADYSŁAW
IPN BU 002086/1310 GUŁA ROMAN WŁADYSŁAW
IPN BU 0911/174 GUŁAJSKI WINCENTY
IPN BU 0912/569 GUŁAS ALFRED
IPN BU 0772/100 GUŁAS MARIAN SZCZEPAN
IPN BU 00966/291 GUMANIUK HENRYK
IPN BU 0193/7286 GUMBAREWICZ EUGENIUSZ
IPN BU 00277/1464 GUMIELA STANISŁAW
IPN BU 001121/3612 GUMIELA STANISŁAW PAWEŁ
IPN BU 00751/208 GUMIENIAK JAN
IPN BU 001102/1818 GUMIENIAK JAN
IPN BU 0242/466 GUMIENNA CELINA
IPN BU 093/100 GUMIENNA CELINA
IPN BU 698/1098 GUMIENNA KAROLINA
IPN BU 52/213 GUMIENNY BOGDAN
IPN BU 00328/504 GUMIENNY JAROSŁAW
IPN BU 001134/1287 GUMIENNY JAROSŁAW
IPN BU 0604/918 GUMIENNY MARIAN STANISŁAW
IPN BU 01307/2 GUMIENNY ROBERT
IPN BU 001043/3101 GUMIENNY ZENON
IPN BU 01013/1511 GUMIŃSKA DANUTA
IPN BU 0902/240 GUMIŃSKA JANINA
IPN BU 001198/2073 GUMIŃSKI ANDRZEJ
IPN BU 0194/2975 GUMIŃSKI FRANCISZEK
IPN BU 698/1038 GUMIŃSKI KONRAD
IPN BU 0893/93 GUMIŃSKI PIOTR
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